![Substance Of The Speech Of The Right Honourable Edmund Burke, In Thr [sic] Debate On The Army Estimates, In The House Of Commons, On Tuesday, The 9th Day Of February, 1790. Comprehending A Discussion](https://cdn.kingstone.com.tw/english/images/product/4862/9781024854862m.webp?Q=c12f8 "Substance Of The Speech Of The Right Honourable Edmund Burke, In Thr [sic] Debate On The Army Estimates, In The House Of Commons, On Tuesday, The 9th Day Of February, 1790. Comprehending A Discussion")
Liberty and Justice for All
The Bush administration has declared that the spread of democracy with its habits of freedom is the best way to protect America from international terrorism. This conclusion is based on a presumption that political freedom is a strong determinant of terrorism. This paper contends that not all democratic forms are equally able to eliminate the conditions that are exploited by terrorist organizations. Furthermore, the U.S. must understand the manner in which political freedom, economic conditions and religion is related to affiliation with terrorist organizations. Assessing the convergence of these factors revealed several key findings. First, states that exhibit both political and religious repression are extremely prone to terrorist exploitation. Second, states with growing economic conditions and high relative deprivation are more prone to terrorist exploitation than states without these conditions. Finally, the convergence of political repression and growing economies in Islamic states is extremely prone to terrorist exploitation. In the end, understanding these conditions can help GWOT planners identify high risk states that are not currently affiliated with terrorist organizations. If the internal conditions of these states can be improved, terrorists dislocated from current states by GWOT efforts will not have new sanctuaries in which to fall back. In summary, by assessing these relationships and factors, this thesis can help decision-makers frame the next stages and ultimate objectives of the Global War on Terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Governance in Afghanistan
Since 2001, the capabilities of the Afghan state have been a priority on the world stage. The reign of Amir Abdur Rahman, who established the current state of Afghanistan, is critical in understanding the development of the current state, and the possibilities that are open to the current government. When Amir Abdur Rahman ascended to the throne of Kabul, he ruled little more than the city itself. Over the course of his 21 year reign, he established institutions that enabled the first peaceful transition of power in the history of Afghanistan, and formalized the state that currently exists. Understanding the methods used by Abdur Rahman, the context in which he used them, and the results of the application of those methods shed light on the understanding of the Afghan state and the possibilities for the current Afghan state. Abdur Rahman's "internal imperialism" and cooption of the Islamic religious authorities successfully extended state authority, but allowed the foundations of alternative power structures to remain. Abdur Rahman's military modernization, governmental bureaucratization and economic development again facilitated short term stability, but again allowed the return of instability over time. Finally, the imposition of boundaries on Afghanistan by the external state system changed the nature of boundaries and shaped the extension of state power. This context, the methods employed, and the results of those actions provide insight into the propensities of the Afghan system in relation to the state. This insight then shapes the understanding of the possibilities that are open for extending the power of the current state in relation to similar actors in a similar system.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sovereign Funds
"A fascinating insight into the evolution of China's financial policy and its strategic investments using leveraged foreign exchange reserves." --Diane Coyle, Enlightened Economist "[Liu] shows that Chinese sovereign funds are so different from better-known sovereign wealth funds, such as those of the governments of Abu Dhabi and Norway, that she prefers to call them 'sovereign leveraged funds'...These various exotic workarounds, which Liu skillfully traces, produce 'shadow reserves.'" --Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs "Follow the money, find the politics...Liu shows how China pioneered a whole new class of sovereign wealth funds." --Times of India One of the keys to China's global rise has been its strategy of deploying sovereign wealth on behalf of state power. Since President Xi Jinping took office in 2013, China has doubled down on financial statecraft, making shrewd investments with the money it has made by leveraging its foreign exchange reserves. Sovereign Funds tells the story of how the Communist Party of China (CPC) became a global financier of surpassing ambition. Zongyuan Zoe Liu offers a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of the evolution of China's sovereign funds, including the China Investment Corporation, the State Administration of Foreign Exchange, and Central Huijin Investment, showing how these institutions have become mechanisms not only for transforming low-reward foreign exchange reserves into investment capital but also for power projection. Sovereign funds are essential drivers of the national interest, shaping global markets, advancing the historic Belt and Road Initiative, and funneling state assets into strategic industries such as semiconductors, fintech, and artificial intelligence. Liu uncovers how the CPC is a leader in both foreign exchange reserves investment and economic statecraft, using state capital to encourage domestic economic activity and create spheres of influence worldwide.
Enduring Rivalry in the Philippines and the Application of Amnesty
Conflict in the Philippines has endured for five centuries. The contemporary conflict between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Islamic separatists in the Mindanao islands is the latest evolution of resistance in the Philippines. The GRP's enduring struggle with Islamic separatists has been exacerbated by the fits and starts at which the government attempts to arrive at negotiated settlements. Yet in this process, the GRP has experienced valuable lessons regarding the delicate combination of force, diplomacy and economic programs that are necessary in initiating and sustaining peace. While the elements of amnesty, reintegration and reconciliation (AR2) have been exercised in the Philippines, they have not been implemented as part of a cohesive conceptual construct. In the year 2010, the Philippines will hold its next presidential elections. In two years, the GRP will have the opportunity to inject new energy and resources into their current dilemma, a new initiative for peace within the construct of AR2 can succeed if it is pursued with sincerity and energy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Feeding the Peasant
Counterinsurgency operations and studies on insurgency aims and methods dominate current military discussions and writings. As the military continues to embrace "full spectrum operations", discussions continue on the ability to link all elements of US National Power (Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic) to facilitate a successful conclusion to operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan. This paper examines the impact of economics on insurgencies and conflicts, primarily the impact it has on the affected populations involved in conflict. Through an examination of recent conflicts, the natures of insurgent aims are examined resulting in the proposal of a multiple insurgency model for conflict. With an emphasis on the insurgent's means for garnering support, the impacts of economics will be examined to display the significant level of influence economics has on an insurgency and corresponding counterinsurgency operations, and the impact of failing to properly understand the impact of economy during and insurgency. Historical studies show that 20th century insurgencies require the counterinsurgent to combat multiple sets of actors, all with potentially different objectives which drives them to conflict. Based on this methodology, which is addressed in the most recent U.S. Army counterinsurgency doctrine, the counterinsurgent must leverage multiple strategies to separate the population from the insurgent(s). The counterinsurgent must have the capability to develop and synchronize all elements (Diplomatic, Informational, Economic, and Military) of National Power to defeat an insurgent, particularly when supported by the existence of a strong illicit economy which allows the insurgent to provide support and prosperity to the population that is not under the control of the counterinsurgent or affected government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Fall of the Integrated Planning System
Planning is an important part of a comprehensive approach to national preparedness. After the September 11 attack on America, President George W. Bush directed the creation of a standardized federal approach to preparedness planning. Congress additionally mandated the creation of a national planning system through the Post Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act. Congress also assigned the Department of Homeland Security to lead the effort in creating the Integrated Planning System. Just over one year after its approval, the White House National Security Staff discontinued the use of the Integrated Planning System (IPS). The quick removal of the IPS raises the question, why was IPS withdrawn so soon after its implementation. This monograph explores the reasons behind the short lifespan of the Integrated Planning System. To answer the question of why IPS was cancelled so quickly, it was important understand the requirements for the system, identify existing government planning systems, identify the origins of IPS, and finally compare IPS to the requirements. The mandates that guided the creation of IPS proved to be vague in the beginning, then ultimately over prescriptive. There was no mandate to analyze existing planning activities. A contemporary examination of planning activities at the time of IPS creation shows three distinct types of federal civilian planning; deliberate, crisis action and program. Since no existing civilian planning system addressed the requirements for IPS, developers chose a military planning process to serve as the model. A detailed comparison of IPS and the Joint Operations Planning Process (JOPP) proves JOPP to be the model for IPS'; creation. A final comparison of IPS with the requirements shows that the IPS did not meet the requirements for a comprehensive approach to national planning. Understanding the mandates, analyzing government planning and comparing the Integrated Planning System to its origin and requirements led to several coThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ethnic Discontent in Western China
At the beginning of the 21st Century, the rise of China as a peer competitor to the United States has become the dominant national security issue for US Pacific Command (USPACOM). US security interests with China are dominated by high profile issues including $284B in annual trade, tension over Taiwan, China's military build-up as well as its growing regional influence. Each issue has garnered significant attention, since they affect vital US national security interests. To effectively engage with China, USPACOM must understand China; how it acts and why it acts. Internal China security issues provide an insightful window into the People's Republic of China (PRC) policy and motivations. Analyzing the PRC's internal policies and their effects makes the inscrutable China Tiger more understandable. This paper examines one internal security issue; the PRC's provincial policy and its ability to contain instability in China's western autonomous regions, Xinjiang and Tibet.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Labor Relations
Senior level management, from squadrons up through Air Force headquarters level, are not adequately trained on operating within today's labor relations environment, resulting in a significant waste of resources and millions of dollars, annually. To correct the disconnect between training and supervision of bargain units and unions, in the short term, the Department of Defense needs to provide training to all supervisors involved in labor relations to prevent commonly made mistakes on behalf of leadership. In the longer term, the Department of Defense should evaluate the effectiveness of unions within the military and initiate actions to exempt federal employees of the military from bargaining units.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Institutions and Organizations
If the Department of Defense (DOD) better understands what legitimacy is, how strategic communication affects it, and how a prolonged counter-insurgency affects the legitimacy of specific Afghan and US institutions, we will be better prepared to make foreign policy recommendations that involve overt counter-insurgency operations. This understanding can drive DOD perceptions of future conflict, which in turn drives conceptualization and development of future US force structure and capabilities. Ultimately for the US Army, a better understanding of legitimacy and its interdependency with communication could shape our assumptions that drive the development of our US Army Capstone Concept. This study hypothesizes that in Afghanistan, legitimation and strategic communication are inextricably connected. However, strategic communication is overly focused on the external, attempting to influence constituents, and not focused enough on bringing cultural understanding and compromise back to the strategy, goals, and institutions within Afghanistan. Therefore the legitimation of fledgling institutions is slower and more problematic than is necessary. This study concludes that in Afghanistan, the legitimacy and strategic communication theories are deeply interwoven. Yet, the strategic communication process is not focused enough on internalization of socio-cultural norms and mores. This means communicating to understand the culture in order to conduct US and Afghan institutional remodeling, and behavior modification to fit within or work in concert with the current cultural institutions; integrating stake-holder perceptions into policy, plans, and operations to support national objectives. Fledgling institutions that do not challenge embedded institutions are more likely to succeed in the long term.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Interagency Cometh
Despite the complexity of the Contemporary Operating Environment, the United States is still wedded to a national security system created in 1947. The United States places itself in jeopardy by using a system created at the end of World War II for a world where state actors were the primary threat, with the Soviet Union, the Cold War, and nuclear deterrence taking center stage. The National Security Council (NSC) is no longer capable of efficiency. The advisory body created by congress and President Truman has been overcome in recent years by the complex environment evolving from the end of the Cold War. The NSC's efficiency began to falter in Vietnam, and its failed policies have resulted in numerous interagency failures throughout the last 40 years. Compounding the issues at the national policy planning level is the current regional policy execution system. The United States has militarized its foreign policy. It has done so out of circumstance vice design. The evolution of the Department of Defense since 1949 has led it to create Geographic Combatant Commands, which are staffed and capable of regional policy execution. Recent inclusion of other agency personnel into the commands to enable them to plan in an "interagency" fashion has given them even more capability to act as the regional foreign policy arm of the United States. Adding to this militarization of policy execution is the lack of regional capability within the Department of State. The evolution of the State Department has led it to create an ambassador-centric organization, which engages single countries in diplomacy instead of approaching diplomacy regionally. Without a systemic change at national and regional levels, the United States runs the risk of improperly identifying future problems, and creating policy that when implemented may exacerbate global tensions. This monograph recommends changes to the national and regional policy planning and implementation systems. While changes at the national lThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foul WX Underground
The current inter-agency doctrinal tools to integrate the decision-sharing elements of battle command at the operational level for defense support to civil authority operations are inadequate under conditions of extremely degraded communications. The rapidly integrated, often ad hoc, civil-military command structures suffer an over-reliance on the availability of digital connectivity to overcome basic frictions of organizational culture. We are not prepared for a digital blackout. Under the conditions of a catastrophic incident within the United States, the prospect is high for a period of -- command and confusion‖ immediately following a natural disaster or a major event of suspicious origin, such as an industrial accident or cascading failure of a major power grid. This work examines domestic incident response and defense support to civil authority through the tensions between joint military doctrine, namely Joint Publication 3-28 Civil Support, and interagency guidance, articulated in the National Incident Management System. Doctrine acts as the institutional system of record for organizational decision-making on how to view and how to approach the problem of contested disaster response. An adversary postured to exploit gaps and seams between civil-military responders suffering from degraded connectivity can derail public audience receptivity to official communications. This research proposes a framework in defense support to civil authorities for the mutual consideration of battle command, knowledge management, information operations, strategic communication, and psychological operations. During domestic incident response, high levels of uncertainty may meet with low levels of technological reliability. Should technology falter or fail, commanders may not have the right tools to conduct battle command during defense support to civil authority operations. The findings and recommendations presented demonstrate the need to divert the current focus on the syntax ofThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Domestic Politics of War
This study examines the context of the 2002 Iraq war debate through three theoretical perspectives: diversionary theory of war, coercive diplomacy, and the invitation to struggle. Proponents of diversionary theory would interpret the debate as a means by which the Bush administration diverted attention from the countrys economic problems in order to gain momentum leading up to the November 2002 midterm elections. Proponents of coercive diplomacy theory would commend the Bush administration for pressing Congress to vote on the Iraq war resolution prior to the midterm elections. Doing so limited opposition and guaranteed overwhelming bipartisan support for the resolution. Support from the political opposition signaled Saddam Hussein and the United Nations that the President had the domestic political capital to follow through on his threat of regime change in Iraq. Advocates of invitation to struggle would argue that the debate that ensued and the vocal opposition to the Presidents Iraq policy emboldened Saddam Hussein to attempt to shape the debate in the United States and the United Nations to make it difficult for the President to gain consensus over his policy. The thesis uses the theories to help provide strategists a means by which to understand the domestic political context of military policy debates, thus enabling them to influence and shape the debate to achieve favorable political objectives in the domestic and international arenas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Other Words, Leadership
"A remarkable story of work, worry, art, faith, community, life, and hope. An instant classic."-- Heather Cox Richardson, historian and author of Democracy AwakeningMarch 2020. Recently-widowed Governor Janet Mills sits alone in Maine's executive mansion, facing an impossible choice: impose unprecedented COVID restrictions on her state, knowing it will destroy livelihoods and trigger fierce opposition. An hour away in the remote Maine woods, young mother and homesteader Ashirah Knapp watches her family's world unravel--then does something unexpected. She picks up a pen and writes the governor a letter of support, promising to send one every week "until we are through this time." What follows is an extraordinary correspondence between two women from opposite ends of Maine's social spectrum, navigating not just the pandemic but the defining moments of our era: vaccine development and skepticism, George Floyd's murder and nationwide protests, the January 6th Capitol attack. Through handwritten letters never intended for publication and the governor's private journal, these women discover their shared values and what it truly means to lead. Shannon A. Mullen weaves this intimate, behind-the-scenes account into a powerful celebration of civility, compassion, and resilience--proof that even in our most divided times, grace and understanding can prevail. This edition includes a new foreword from Dr. Nirav Shah and discussion questions for reading groups.
Eminent Failure
Sudan has been in almost constant civil war since the country's independence in 1956 but the causes of the conflict go back over 1,000 years. Arabic tribes in Sudan have been exploiting their African countrymen through slavery, cattle raiding and resource grabbing since at least the 650s AD. The two civil wars between the African dominated South and the Arabic dominated North were just the latest chapter of a very troubled history. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 (CPA) calls for an independence referendum to take place in the South in 2011: This paper will argue that the referendum will never take place or be considered valid by the GOS if it does. Currently 75 percent of the active oil fields in Sudan are in the South and at current oil prices equate to over 40 percent of the GOS national budget in 2007.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Influence of DoD Civilians, Non-DoD Civilians and Uniformed Military on Presidential Decision Making
Presidents are faced with incredibly difficult decisions, especially those in the national security realm. There is an established process for how these decisions are framed and made in the National Security Council but how closely is this model followed. Who really has the access to the president to influence his decisions and how is the established framework utilized? In looking at three cases and three different presidencies this paper analyzes how presidents build their decision making teams and how those teams work within in the national security framework it also makes a historical comparison to a pre-Goldwater-Nichols Act decision to determine its influence. This research indicates that in the media scrutinized environment presidents' face today; they struggle to make decisions while public opinion is being shaped around them. Those on the National Security Council have tremendous influence on the decision but can biases can be formed if their viewpoint is perceived to be tainted in the eyes of the president. In the three cases analyzed here it became apparent influence was not entirely based on position and quality of prior advice shaped the amount of influence on the president. The cases also demonstrate the lasting impact of Goldwater-Nichols and its impact of streamlining military advice.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Indigenous Police Forces in Counterinsurgency
Given the importance of security force assistance in an era of persistent conflict and the need for counterinsurgency operations, what makes indigenous police forces effective in counterinsurgency? This monograph proposes that, if the Army faces an era of persistent conflict and chooses to assist indigenous forces, then paramilitary organization and U.S. military leadership make for effective indigenous police in counterinsurgency operations. To test the hypothesis, this study explores two related areas. The paper begins with an analysis of several cases to analyze what type of organization makes for effective indigenous police in counterinsurgency operations. It continues with an analysis of who should lead the effort to effective indigenous police during counterinsurgency operations. Case research indicates that indigenous police are most effective in counterinsurgency efforts when structured along paramilitary lines. Analysis of these cases suggests that paramilitary police forces are survivable and effective against insurgent elements. Exploration into cases in Iraq and Afghanistan illustrate how civilian government agencies are challenged to lead efforts contributing to effective local police forces during counterinsurgency. The research indicates the military is better able to lead efforts to make effective indigenous police for counterinsurgency operations. Based on the research, the monograph provides recommendations. First, establish paramilitary police organizations in Iraq and Afghanistan resembling the successful Philippine Constabulary. Second, expand Army doctrine to greater cover host-nation paramilitary force employment. Third, amend the Foreign Assistance Act to allow the military to lead indigenous police support efforts during counterinsurgency conflicts. Fourth, establish a centralized agency with definite lines of authority over indigenous police assistance in peacetime versus the current course of confused interagency effort. Fifth, and last, This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Interagency Operations
This monograph examines the possibilities of improving interagency coordination through an established educational system. The national security interests of the United States rely on the efficient and effective application all instruments of power. The Department of State and Department of Defense are typically responsible for the direction, implementation, and enforcement of foreign policy. However, threats to national security in the twenty-first century may require a more multifunctional interagency approach with diverse capabilities. A single organization does not have these required capabilities. Through a collaborative effort of various government agencies and departments, these capabilities are available. The interagency process is the national level system to coordinate the actions of government agencies in national security affairs. Interagency operations require the cooperation of participating organizations. This monograph researched the development of joint military operations to illustrate necessary actions required to achieve this synergistic effort. From the Unified Command Plan of 1947 to a "unified action" concept of 2001, the military has gained insight into the difficulties of service coordination and cooperation. Significant to this study was the lesson learned concerning education and the development of a joint force. An outcome of the Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986 was the requirement for the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to oversee the educational development of joint specialty officers (JSO) in order to fill joint duty assignments. The joint professional military education (JPME) curriculum balanced service specific and joint educational requirements. JPME provides a common reference for joint duty officers to collectively plan military operations. This monograph concludes that a professional education system can improve interagency coordination through a shared learning experience. Recognizing the bureaucratic difficulties associateThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Exporting Democracy to Haiti
The United States'; democratization strategy since World War II demonstrates an estimated success rate of less than 3%. America currently uses a counterinsurgency / line of effort approach in democratization. This approach seeks to shape an environment that protects democratic behavior but fails to address a country's democratic propensities, more specifically the potential of its attitudes and values with respect to democracy. A superior method is the path-dependent approach that seeks to exploit the potential of a country's prevailing attitudes and values by harnessing its democratic propensities. This paper analyzes the American military interventions of Haiti in 1915, 1994, and 2004 from a path-dependent perspective to determine whether it could have enabled better results. The United States used a counterinsurgency / line of effort approach to democratization during its first and second interventions in Haiti; both resulted in a failure to affect Haiti's democratic propensities. The United States used a hybrid path-dependent and counterinsurgency / line of effort approach to democratization during its third intervention of Haiti resulting in a tangible enrichment of Haiti's democratic propensities. The results suggest a path-dependent approach to stability operations has a better probability of success than the current approach used by the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iraqi Police Service and COMPSTAT
The purpose of this monograph is to determine the applicability of the New York Police Department's (NYPD) COMPSTAT crime control model to restoring order in Iraq. The Iraqi Police Service (IPS) performs similar police functions to those executed by the NYPD. Although different in scope and scale, the conditions in Iraq today are comparable to those that existed in pre-1994 New York City. The country is inundated with firearms and explosives which are used in a continuous cycle of violence in order to achieve political, religious or criminal objectives. The cycle of violence is perpetrated by Sunni rejectionists bent on restoring their pre-invasion power base. They attempt to achieve this goal through attacks on coalition forces as well as Iraqi Security Forces and the majority Shia population. Foreign fighters seeking a caliphate in Iraq exacerbate the Sunni-Shia tensions. Shia militia groups avenge attacks on their members by conducting sectarian attacks against Sunni neighborhoods. In many parts of the country this cycle of violence has overwhelmed the IPS. These rival groups, armed with a seemingly endless supply of firearms and explosives, transit through public spaces to carry out their attacks. The IPS offers little protection in these public spaces, thus allowing the cycle to continue. The bulging, disenfranchised youth population in Iraq provides a ripe recruiting pool for all groups and many have taken an active role in the cycle of violence. Beset by fear and disorder, the Iraqi population cannot turn to the IPS due to a perception of corruption, militia infiltration or general incompetence. This cycle of violence is the prevailing condition in Iraq and the central challenge to IPS efforts to restore order. Pre-1994 New York was a city plagued by skyrocketing firearms related homicides and extensive fear and disorder. Disorder emanated from a loss of control of public spaces to criminal elements. These criminal elements often utilized truant youths to caThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strengthening Democracy
Essay from the year 2025 in the subject Politics - Political Systems, language: English, abstract: In an era marked by growing distrust in institutions and increasing demands for citizen involvement, the concepts of citizen consultation and participation, and direct democracy have gained significant attention. These approaches aim to enhance democratic governance by giving citizens a more active role in decision-making processes, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability. Citizen consultation and participation involve various mechanisms, such as public hearings, surveys, and focus groups, designed to gather citizen input and feedback on policy issues. Direct democracy, on the other hand, empowers citizens to make decisions directly through referendums, ballot initiatives, and other mechanisms. This book explores the intricacies of these democratic practices, examining their strengths and weaknesses through case studies and comparative analyses. We will delve into the mechanisms, challenges, and potential of citizen engagement, seeking to contribute to a deeper understanding of how democracy can be made more inclusive, responsive, and effective in addressing the needs and aspirations of all citizens. The book is divided into nine chapters: - Chapters 1-4 focus on citizen consultation and participation, exploring its forms, strengths, and weaknesses. - Chapters 5-8 examines direct democracy, discussing its forms, strengths, and weaknesses. - Chapter 9 discusses the challenges and future directions for citizen engagement, including the impact of technology and the need for inclusive and responsive democratic practices. Through this short analysis, we aim to provide some thoughts that may stimulate discussions on ways to strengthen democratic governance and enhance citizen engagement. In the ANNEX, we provide additional information and basic tools: - (A1) a list of key-political terms with definitions, - (A2) some authors that may matter for t
From Failure to Failure
What should we do when a critical institution says all the right things yet repeatedly fails to live up to its word? In their latest sexual misconduct crisis, the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) has clearly "failed as an institution to properly address" sexual misconduct. Unless these crises are properly dealt with, they threaten to make the military "irrelevant" in Canadian society. These are the words of General Wayne Eyre, Canada's Chief of the Defence Staff from 2021 to 2024. What does this grim assessment from within the military itself mean for the health and relevance of the Canadian Armed Forces and its culture? Most importantly, what can we do about it? What will it take to turn words into effective, transformative action?To fix any problem, we first need to understand it. In his latest book, From Failure to Failure, Allan English seeks to shed light on the roots of this complex and often obscured problem. Within these pages, English provides a thorough analysis of the CAF's various attempts from 2000 to 2022 to "manage" the issues surrounding these crises. He especially focuses on Operation Honour, the CAF's most visible response to the 2015 Deschamps Report, and discusses its place among the CAF's other responses between 2000 and 2022.Through careful analysis of the CAF's fundamental culture and assumptions, English goes beyond a simple recounting of the facts to provide practical lessons. Whether you're an academic, an invested member of the public, or a member of the military, this book is for you. This analysis can not only help you stay informed but also empower you with the critical insights you need to enact practical change.
National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) and Electoral Process in Southwest Nigeria (2015-2020)
Master's Thesis from the year 2023 in the subject Politics - Political Systems, grade: 70, Obafemi Awolowo University, course: Political Science, language: English, abstract: The study identified ways in which the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) informally gets involved in the electoral process in Southwest Nigeria. It also ascertained the implications of the activities of the NURTW on the electoral process and investigated whether there was a uniformity of perspective and approach among the different state branches of the NURTW vis-?-vis their involvement in the electoral process. It also examined how the electoral process in Nigeria may be enhanced to improve voters' confidence thereby deepening the country's quest for credible election in Southwest, Nigeria. These were with a view to establishing possible nexus between the NURTW and the electoral process. Data for the study were gathered through primary and secondary sources. Primary data were sourced via in-depth interview of 50 Key Informant Respondents (KIRs), which comprise personnel from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and National Union of Road Transport Workers (NUTRW), some academics in relevant disciplines from Nigerian universities, card carrying members of the All-Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) as well as commuters and electorates. Secondary data sources included books, journal articles, online publications, newspaper editorials, published and unpublished dissertations and via the internet. The data gathered were analysed through thematic analysis. The study revealed that NURTW informally gets involved in the electoral process in Southwest, Nigeria, through the provision of logistics services such as transportation of election materials. Also, the study established that the involvement of the NURTW in the electoral process enhanced hitch-free conduct of elections. The study found that the nature of the transport union in the
Citizenship and Human Rights
Can universal human rights and different national citizenship regimes ever be compatible? This book argues that they can't, setting out a legal-philosophical critique of the tension between both. It explores whether the emergence of postnational models of citizenship that aim at decoupling human rights and citizenship succeed in overcoming tensions between the universal (multiculturalism; universal human rights; postnational values) and the particular (citizenship; borders; national values and diverse local narratives). As a result of this exploration, the author argues that it is illegitimate to speak of universal human rights, universal human dignity, or universal social justice. It is only by recognising this reality that a much needed transformation of human rights and citizenship can be undertaken in a meaningful way. This provocative and compelling work will appeal to both human rights and citizenship lawyers, as well as others involved in human rights law at NGOs, governments, international organisations - and indeed anyone with an interest in the subject of how human rights evolved and new concepts for the future.
Building Bridges in European and Human Rights Law
This unique book, formed as a series of essays in honour of the memory of Paul Heim CMG, the founder of Lincoln's Inn European Group, focusses on the building of bridges between individuals and institutions in European, international, and human rights law. The book features contributions from some of the foremost current or former European and international judges; leading practitioners and officials, each with links to Lincoln's Inn, and former recipients of Lincoln's Inn's dedicated scholarship programmes. The approachable style of the book makes it readily accessible for a wide range of readers including legal scholars, practitioners, students, and those with a general interest in the application of the law and justice in today's interconnected world. Each contribution provides personal reflections and expertise on selected aspects of European and human rights law, and the personal, professional, and technical bridges involved in their development and maintenance, together with insights into their future. The book provides multi-level perspectives on the Court of Justice of the European Union, the EFTA Court, the European Court of Human Rights, and the International Criminal Court, and the interaction of their jurisprudence with domestic law and between themselves, alongside our ever-evolving societies.
Women and Politics
Women and Politics: Paths to Power and Political Influence examines the role of women in politics from the early women's movement to the female politicians in power today. Focusing on women whose stories have not yet been told, this book includes new analysis and scholarship on the experiences and viewpoints of conservative women, women of color, LGBT women, and millennial women. Students will gain historical insight into how women have achieved political power and how they have influenced the American political system at the state, local, and national levels, in each branch of government. Engaging profiles of the key players who have shaped our political system are interwoven with an analysis of the most recent election data to provide a comprehensive and unbiased introduction to the study of women and politics.
American Government 3e
Includes all Errata as of January 2025. American Government 3e aligns with the topics and objectives of many government courses. Faculty involved in the project have endeavored to make government workings, issues, debates, and impacts meaningful and memorable to students while maintaining the conceptual coverage and rigor inherent in the subject. With this objective in mind, the content of this textbook has been developed and arranged to provide a logical progression from the fundamental principles of institutional design at the founding, to avenues of political participation, to thorough coverage of the political structures that constitute American government. The book builds upon what students have already learned and emphasizes connections between topics as well as between theory and applications. The goal of each section is to enable students not just to recognize concepts, but to work with them in ways that will be useful in later courses, future careers, and as engaged citizens. In order to help students understand the ways that government, society, and individuals interconnect, the revision includes more examples and details regarding the lived experiences of diverse groups and communities within the United States. The authors and reviewers sought to strike a balance between confronting the negative and harmful elements of American government, history, and current events, while demonstrating progress in overcoming them. In doing so, the approach seeks to provide instructors with ample opportunities to open discussions, extend and update concepts, and drive deeper engagement.
No Adult Left Behind
For decades, Americans have debated why our students consistently score lower than their peers in other developed countries. While most debates have focused on school spending, curriculum, teacher quality, and teachers' unions, No Adult Left Behind argues that local democratic control is the root of the problem. Elected school boards govern local school districts, but only adults vote in local elections - most of whom don't have children or care about academics. This leads to educational debates that are centered around issues that adults care most about, such as partisanship, identity politics, property values, and employment concerns, while the needs of students get left behind. In identifying the misalignment between the interests of school children and the political and policy agendas of the adults who control education, No Adult Left Behind stands to become a landmark study on modern education politics.
Introduction to Political Science (2025)
Includes all Errata as of January 2025. Designed to meet the scope and sequence of your course, Introduction to Political Science (2025) provides a strong foundation in global political systems, exploring how and why political realities unfold. Rich with examples of individual and national social action, this text emphasizes students' role in the political sphere and equips them to be active and informed participants in civil society.
Capitalism in the Web of Life
Integrating both social and historical factors, this radical analysis of the development of capitalism reveals the ever-deepening relationship between capital and ecology Finance. Climate. Food. Work. How are the crises of the twenty-first century connected? In Capitalism in the Web of Life, Jason W. Moore argues that the sources of today's global turbulence have a common cause: capitalism as a way of organizing nature, including human nature. Drawing on environmentalist, feminist, and Marxist thought, Moore offers a groundbreaking new synthesis: capitalism as a "world-ecology" of wealth, power, and nature. Capitalism's greatest strength--and the source of its problems--is its capacity to create Cheap Natures: labor, food, energy, and raw materials. That capacity is now in question. Rethinking capitalism through the pulsing and renewing dialectic of humanity-in-nature, Moore takes readers on a journey from the rise of capitalism to the modern mosaic of crisis. Capitalism in the Web of Life shows how the critique of capitalism-in-nature--rather than capitalism and nature--is key to understanding our predicament, and to pursuing the politics of liberation in the century ahead.
No Adult Left Behind
For decades, Americans have debated why our students consistently score lower than their peers in other developed countries. While most debates have focused on school spending, curriculum, teacher quality, and teachers' unions, No Adult Left Behind argues that local democratic control is the root of the problem. Elected school boards govern local school districts, but only adults vote in local elections - most of whom don't have children or care about academics. This leads to educational debates that are centered around issues that adults care most about, such as partisanship, identity politics, property values, and employment concerns, while the needs of students get left behind. In identifying the misalignment between the interests of school children and the political and policy agendas of the adults who control education, No Adult Left Behind stands to become a landmark study on modern education politics.
The Last Line of Defense
A NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER"My good friend, Eric Schmitt, former Attorney General, and now Senator, from the GREAT State of Missouri, has a wonderful new book just out, entitled, The Last Line of Defense, How to Beat the Left in Court. Eric is a FIGHTER, who beat back Biden's disastrous Policies as A.G. and, in the U.S. Senate, has been working hard to defend our America First Agenda from the Radical Left. Get your copy today!" -- President Donald TrumpOne of the Senate's leading conservatives reveals the key approaches needed for the Right to triumph over liberal lawyers and out-of-control judges.When Joe Biden took office, Eric Schmitt had been attorney general for just over two years and had been focused on tackling violent crime. As soon as he began to see the outrageous excesses of the Biden Administration, he and his team snapped into action, waging war on the Biden regimes' stunning attempts at government overreach, winning some of the most important fights in modern American history, helping set the stage for a return to commonsense in government.Now, in The Last Line of Defense, Senator Schmitt takes readers behind the scenes of those battles for the first time, talks about the lessons learned, and how conservatives can keep winning in court and beyond. He takes you inside some of his biggest wins against: - Mask mandates and vaccine mandates- Student debt forgiveness- Restrictions on Second Amendment rights- Soros-backed prosecutors- Woke ideology in our schools- Open borders- Attacks on free speech- The weaponization of government agencies With President Trump back in office and the Left fighting him at every turn, it's more important than ever to remember just how close we came to losing it all -- and why we need to keep playing to win.
Treason 2125 Or When Does Politics Become Treason
What happens when patriotic dissent becomes a desperate plea to uphold the Constitution?In Treason 2125, decorated Vietnam veteran and former Department of Defense systems programmer Michael J. Carlson presents a compelling and provocative case that America is under internal siege not from foreign enemies, but from political leaders entrusted with its protection. With firsthand military and government experience, Carlson lays out his petition to the U.S. Department of Justice, demanding a grand jury investigation into the alleged constitutional violations committed by President Biden and senior Democratic leaders.This powerful work weaves together historical references, legal analysis, executive orders, and correspondence from state and federal officials to support Carlson's explosive claim: that political actions taken between 2021 and 2025 may constitute criminal treason under U.S. law.Equal parts personal testimony and legal argument, Treason 2125 is more than a book-it's a call to action for citizens who believe the Republic is worth defending.Will we stand by as our Constitution is undermined, or rise to reclaim our nation?
Defending My Enemy
With a foreword by Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton and an afterword by Nadine Strossen A new edition of the most important free speech book of the past half-century, with a new chapter by the author on some of the top First Amendment controversies of today "If Aryeh Neier had done nothing else in his absolutely towering human rights, civil liberties career other than write Defending My Enemy, that still would have made him a hero and a giant."-Nadine Strossen, former president, American Civil Liberties Union When Nazis wanted to express their right to free speech in 1977 by marching through Skokie, Illinois--a town with a large population of Holocaust survivors--Aryeh Neier, then the national executive director of the ACLU and himself a Holocaust survivor, came to the Nazis' defense. Explaining what many saw as a despicable bridge too far for the First Amendment, Neier spelled out his thoughts about free speech in his 1979 book Defending My Enemy.Nearly fifty years later, Neier revisits the topic of free speech in a volume that includes his original essay along with a new chapter addressing present-day First Amendment battles, including the Charlottesville march, book bans, the heckler's veto, attacks on free speech on college campuses, and the threat to overturn the U.S. Supreme Court decision in The New York Times v. Sullivan.	Including a foreword by Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton and an afterword by longtime free speech champion Nadine Strossen, Defending My Enemy offers razor-sharp analysis from the man Jameel Jaffer of the Knight First Amendment Institute describes as "an icon of justice and fearlessness."
Treason 2125 Or When Does Politics Become Treason
What happens when patriotic dissent becomes a desperate plea to uphold the Constitution?In Treason 2125, decorated Vietnam veteran and former Department of Defense systems programmer Michael J. Carlson presents a compelling and provocative case that America is under internal siege not from foreign enemies, but from political leaders entrusted with its protection. With firsthand military and government experience, Carlson lays out his petition to the U.S. Department of Justice, demanding a grand jury investigation into the alleged constitutional violations committed by President Biden and senior Democratic leaders.This powerful work weaves together historical references, legal analysis, executive orders, and correspondence from state and federal officials to support Carlson's explosive claim: that political actions taken between 2021 and 2025 may constitute criminal treason under U.S. law.Equal parts personal testimony and legal argument, Treason 2125 is more than a book-it's a call to action for citizens who believe the Republic is worth defending.Will we stand by as our Constitution is undermined, or rise to reclaim our nation?
Last Branch Standing
A myth-busting glimpse into the inner workings of the Supreme Court, revealing what we get wrong about the Roberts Court, what the justices' clerks gossip about, and how to fix a court in crisis--from the popular ABC news pundit and top legal podcaster "Isgur has all your answers in these smart, snappy, clear-eyed pages." --Stacy Schiff, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Revolutionary: Samuel Adams Most people get the Supreme Court all wrong. A smattering of high-profile decisions have popularized a simplistic idea of the Court and its justices. Yes, six of them were appointed by Republicans, and only three by Democrats. So, how does that 6-3 conservative majority explain why in the 2024-25 term, conservative Brett Kavanaugh was more likely to agree with liberal Elena Kagan than conservative Neil Gorsuch? Or why the court threw shade at Florida's attempt to ban drag shows? To truly understand the Court, argues Sarah Isgur, you have to look beyond partisan politics--the "X-Axis." The wisest court watchers apply another measuring stick, the "Y-Axis," where the nine justices span from order-loving institutionalists to true chaos agents. Once you appreciate these overlapping and even competing impulses, the Court begins to look a lot more like a 3-3-3 split than 6-3. The ultimate insider, Isgur takes readers on a deep dive inside the Supreme Court: how cases land at the Court's doorstep, which justices attend clerk happy hours (and which ones even bother showing up to the office), why conservatives already have buyer's remorse about Amy Coney Barrett, and how the whole judicial system is kind of a constitutional anomaly. She'll even help you decide whether you should throw your hat in the ring and go to law school! Blending irreverent humor and incisive commentary, Isgur goes underneath the robes--and shows us what we need to do to preserve the rule of law amid dicey times in this little self-governing experiment we've been running for the last 250 years.
The Hollow Parties
A major history from the Founding to our embittered present that "explains the void" (Politico) at the center of America's political partiesFeatured on The Ezra Klein Show and The Weekly Show with Jon Stewart America's political parties are hollow shells of what they could be, locked in a polarized struggle for power and unrooted as civic organizations. The Hollow Parties takes readers from the rise of mass party politics in the Jacksonian era through the years of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Today's parties, at once overbearing and ineffectual, have emerged from the interplay of multiple party traditions that reach back to the Founding. Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld paint unforgettable portraits of figures such as Martin Van Buren, whose pioneering Democrats invented the machinery of the mass political party, and Abraham Lincoln and other heroic Republicans of that party's first generation who stood up to the Slave Power. And they show how today's fractious party politics arose from the ashes of the New Deal order in the 1970s. Activists in the wake of the 1968 Democratic National Convention transformed presidential nominations but failed to lay the foundations for robust, movement-driven parties. Instead, modern American conservatism hollowed out the party system, deeming it a mere instrument for power. Party hollowness lies at the heart of our democratic discontents. With historical sweep and political acuity, The Hollow Parties offers powerful answers to pressing questions about how the nation's parties became so dysfunctional--and how they might yet realize their promise.
Domination and Mobilization
Examining the miraculous rise of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the surprising downfall of the Kuomintang (KMT) in the early twentieth century, Xiaobo L羹 reveals that domination and mobilization are key for authoritarian parties to seize state power, challenging the prevailing wisdom on power-sharing and emphasizing the importance of dominant party leaders for organizational strength and resource mobilization. L羹 convincingly argues that the CCP's mass mobilization infrastructure, initially seen as a disadvantage before the Sino-Japanese War, became a powerful asset during the war and led to its victory. The KMT's elite mobilization infrastructure, conversely, was decimated by the war, and its lack of a strong leader prevented a successful shift in party-building strategy. Party building subsequently played a pivotal role in shaping the successes and failures of resource mobilization for both parties. The book sheds new light on the origins of the CCP and the inner workings of revolutionary parties, making in a landmark study in Chinese politics.
Musical Dispatches from the Front - Yuendumu 2009-2025
This book is a compendium of 'Musical Dispatches from the Front'. These dispatches cover a wide range of subjects and riff on the irreconcilable contradictions between the Warlpiri world view and the government agencies that attempt to manage its manifestations. Just as in the 2023 referendum, a majority of Australian voters were persuaded that to give Aborigines the opportunity to have a say in matters that affected them was a bad idea, so too in 2007 Australian society was convinced "something had to be done" about alleged dysfunction and depravity in Northern Territory Aboriginal communities. In both instances these beliefs and preconceptions were exacerbated by politically motivated campaigns of lies and propaganda.In 2007 the Australian Federal Government set in motion the Northern Territory Emergency Response, the so-called Intervention. Starting with a military incursion into Mutitjulu, the Aboriginal community at the base of Uluru (Ayers Rock), the Intervention was quickly rolled out to 73 'Prescribed' communities. No Alcohol No Pornography signs festooned the countryside, army tents sprung up to carry out compulsory medical checks on Aboriginal children and NT Aborigines were subjected to 500 pages of stigmatizing legislation. The Intervention was the latest manifestation of the colonial imperative to conquer Aboriginal Australia. Yuendumu is at the front-line of this invasion. My refusal to remain silent in view of this police backed cultural ethnocidal onslaught prompted me to launch the Musical Dispatches from the Front into cyberspace.The dispatches chronicle the often farcical and mean-spirited bureaucratic barrage of the Intervention and its aftermath.Assimilation is ongoing, and so are the Musical Dispatches.Frank Baarda, Yuendumu, 2025.
Backlash Presidents
How most presidents avoid upsetting the racial status quo--and why those who do pave the way for lawless, norm-violating successors When Barack Obama won the White House in 2008, becoming the nation's first Black president, the stage was set for Donald Trump's eventual rise to power. Backlash Presidents shows how, throughout American history, administrations that challenge the country's racial status quo are followed by presidents who deal in racially charged politics and presidential lawlessness, culminating in impeachment crises. In this incisive book, Julia Azari traces the connections between racially transformative presidents and their successors, examining the presidencies of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, and Obama and Trump. When he signed long-awaited civil rights legislation in 1964, Lyndon Johnson unleashed a perfect political storm that swept Nixon into the White House. Azari demonstrates how Nixon's rhetoric, relationship to Congress, and attitudes about executive power exhibit striking parallels with Andrew Johnson and Trump. She discusses how their actions are linked to race and racialized institutions--the Department of War during Reconstruction, the FBI during the Nixon years, and elections today--and looks at what happens after impeachment, describing how the rush to establish a new order perpetuates many of the same problems as the old. Challenging the conventional wisdom of about the role of norms in American democracy, Backlash Presidents reveals how normal presidential politics upholds unsustainable racial hierarchy that in turn gives rise to intense periods of instability.
Rape Fantasies
In this intersectional reconceptualization of US rape culture, Alisa Kessel reveals how sexual violence is a political act that preserves and emboldens the dominant sociopolitical order. The imperative to dominate through rape is unique among crimes against other people. While other violent crimes, such as assault or murder, can be committed out of a material need or desire for security, and may even have political motivations, theft and murder are not exclusively motivated by a desire to dominate others. What convinces perpetrators of rape to dominate through sexual violence? How do perpetrators identify who they are entitled to dominate? In Rape Fantasies, Alisa Kessel makes the case that to prevent sexual violence in the US and elsewhere, we must confront rape as a crime that is not born of natural sexual appetites, simple miscommunication, or ethical breach. Instead, Kessel argues that rape is a political act, and that the myths and practices of a rape culture identify both who is dominable and who is entitled to dominate. In US rape culture, sexual violence is an essential political tactic to preserve--and, oftentimes, to embolden--hierarchies of race, gender, sexuality, and class. Kessel provides an intersectional reconceptualization of rape culture that reveals how it evolves and expands to discipline any group that threatens the sociopolitical order. While most contemporary accounts of rape culture focus on women and girls as the targets of sexual violence, domination through sex can happen along many dimensions. And, consequently, these accounts of rape culture--contrary to their best intentions--actually conceal the victimization of those who do not fit within normalized accounts of rape, particularly those who are subordinated by white supremacy, settler and capitalist exploitation, cisnormativity, and heteronormativity. Original, ambitious, and compelling, Rape Fantasies reveals how an entire culture can reproduce the myths and practices of rape culture and ensure that sexual violence persists as a reliable technique of political domination.
Domination and Mobilization
Examining the miraculous rise of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the surprising downfall of the Kuomintang (KMT) in the early twentieth century, Xiaobo L羹 reveals that domination and mobilization are key for authoritarian parties to seize state power, challenging the prevailing wisdom on power-sharing and emphasizing the importance of dominant party leaders for organizational strength and resource mobilization. L羹 convincingly argues that the CCP's mass mobilization infrastructure, initially seen as a disadvantage before the Sino-Japanese War, became a powerful asset during the war and led to its victory. The KMT's elite mobilization infrastructure, conversely, was decimated by the war, and its lack of a strong leader prevented a successful shift in party-building strategy. Party building subsequently played a pivotal role in shaping the successes and failures of resource mobilization for both parties. The book sheds new light on the origins of the CCP and the inner workings of revolutionary parties, making in a landmark study in Chinese politics.
Freedom and Perfection
Leibniz, this study argues, is the genuine initiator of German Idealism. His analysis of freedom as spontaneity and the relations he establishes among freedom, justice, and progress underlie Kant's ideas of rightful interaction and his critiques of Enlightened absolutism. Freedom and Perfection offers a historical examination of perfectionism, its political implications and transformations in German thought between 1650 and 1850. Douglas Moggach demonstrates how Kant's followers elaborated a new ethical-political approach, 'post-Kantian perfectionism', which, in the context of the French Revolution, promoted the conditions for free activity rather than state-directed happiness. Hegel, the Hegelian School, and Marx developed this approach further with reference to the historical process as the history of freedom. Highlighting the decisive importance of Leibniz for subsequent theorists of the state, society, and economy, Freedom and Perfection offers a new interpretation of important schools of modern thought and a vantage point for contemporary political debates.
Political Correspondence of the Gladstone Era
This is a print on demand edition of an important, hard-to-find publication.
Major Political Issues of the Jacksonian Period and the Development of Party Loyalty in Congress, 1830-1840
This is a print on demand edition of an important, hard-to-findd publication.
Cosmic Harmony and Political Thinking in Early Stuart England
This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication.
Transformation of the British Liberal Party
This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication.
Joseph Eotvos and the Modernization of Hungary, 1840-1870
This is a print on demand edition of an important, hard-to-find publication.
