Intelligence Analysis of the Long Range Missile Threat to the United States
This document presents the hearing before the Select Committee on Intelligence of the United States Senate, held on December 4, 1996, during the One Hundred Fourth Congress, Second Session. The central focus of the hearing is "Intelligence Analysis of the Long Range Missile Threat to the United States." This record provides insights into the concerns and assessments of the U.S. Senate regarding potential missile threats during this period. It is a valuable resource for researchers, historians, and policymakers interested in understanding the evolution of national security strategies and the intelligence analysis processes employed by the U.S. government during the late 20th century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Order and Agency in the Indo-Pacific
This book offers several European perspectives on Indo-Pacific dynamics by a set of internationally recognized experts who have collaborated in the Franco-German Observatory of the Indo-Pacific. The observatory was established in 2021 by the Centre for International Studies (CERI) at Sciences Po, Paris and the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg and has since come to include many scholars and institutions from both countries. The book speaks to and updates existing scholarly discussions on Indo-Pacific dynamics, investigating the nexus of order(ing) and agency in that strategic space. The authors take US-China strategic competition as a contextual given and explore the Indo-Pacific as an interregnum, in terms of institutional dynamics and in terms of geo-narratives. The book also offers several case studies of middle and small power agency in the Indo-Pacific, examining the cases of Australia and Japan, India, the Philippines and Vietnam, and of Pacific Island Countries. A final chapter explores the perspectives of Chinese scholars on the Indo-Pacific as a strategic space.
Treaty Between U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (the START II Treaty) Treaty doc. 103-1
This document contains the hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate regarding the "Treaty Between the U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms," commonly known as the START II Treaty. Held during the One Hundred Third Congress, these hearings delve into the details and implications of the treaty, providing valuable insights into the political and strategic considerations of the time. The treaty aimed to further reduce and limit strategic offensive arms between the United States and the Russian Federation, continuing the efforts initiated by the original START treaty. This historical record offers a comprehensive look at the Senate's examination of the treaty, featuring testimonies, discussions, and analyses pertinent to national security and international relations during the post-Cold War era. It is an essential resource for researchers, historians, and anyone interested in understanding the complexities of arms control and U.S.-Russian relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
States Against Nations
In States Against Nations, Nicholas Kuipers questions the virtues of meritocratic recruitment as the ideal method of bureaucratic selection. Kuipers argues that while civil service reform is often seen as an admirable act of state-building, it can actually undermine nation-building. Throughout the book, he shows that in countries with high levels of group-based inequality, privileged groups tend to outperform marginalized groups on entrance exams, leading to disproportionate representation in government positions. This dynamic exacerbates intergroup tensions and undermines efforts towards nation-building. Drawing on large-scale surveys, experiments, and archival documents, States Against Nations provides a thought-provoking perspective on the challenges of bureaucratic recruitment and unearths an overlooked tension between state- and nation-building.
A Five Year Peace Plan
"A Five Year Peace Plan," written by Edward J. Byng, presents a vision for establishing lasting peace in a world embroiled in conflict. Published during a critical period, this book offers a strategic framework for international relations and conflict resolution. Byng's work explores the potential pathways to de-escalation and cooperation, providing insights relevant to both historical and contemporary discussions on global peace and security. This book remains a valuable resource for understanding the complexities of international diplomacy and the enduring quest for a more peaceful world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Indian Diaspora in the Persian Gulf States
Indian Diaspora in the Persian Gulf States focuses on the historical as well as the contemporary aspects of the Indian diaspora of the region where small Indian merchant communities called Banians already existed for centuries. Persian Gulf countries emerged as rentier states since the 1970s, mainly due to the development of the oil industry, which transformed the region from subsistence to globalized capitalist economies. In these economies, the role of sponsored Indian expatriate immigrants numbering at least 20 million during the past half century was vitally important. Taking the rentier state as the theoretical perspective, the author argues that the sponsorship (kafala) system tended to have a different impact on the Indian expatriates: incorporation and promotion of the entrepreneurs and professionals as business elites and the perpetual exploitation of the working classes. The book is not only the first-ever definitive and comprehensive work on the Indian diaspora in the nine countries of the Gulf region, it also stands as the author's final statement on his three-odd decades of research and writing on the subject. Besides highlighting the role of Indian diaspora, the book also profiles all the Gulf-based recipients of the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards. Bilateral trade, investment and political relations between India and individual Persian Gulf states constitute another focus area of the volume. The volume will be an interesting read for teachers, researchers and policy-makers connected with migration and diaspora studies, labour studies, political economy, international relations and geopolitics.
The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy
This volume contains the hearings before the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives during the First Session of the One Hundred Third Congress regarding "The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy." This document provides a detailed record of discussions and testimonies concerning the direction of American foreign policy in a rapidly changing world, offering insights into the legislative and executive considerations shaping the nation's approach to international relations at the close of the 20th century.Essential reading for scholars, policymakers, and anyone interested in the evolution of American foreign policy, this historical record captures the critical debates and perspectives that defined a pivotal era in global affairs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India's National Security
India, as the world's largest functional democracy and one of the fastest-growing economies, occupies a significant geopolitical position in global politics. With an unsettled border and cross border terrorism, India faces a broad spectrum of national security challenges. These challenges arise from both traditional and non-traditional threats and demand a comprehensive, multidimensional response to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity.One of the most persistent traditional threats to India stems from its external environment. The country shares borders with several nations, including China and Pakistan, both nuclear weapon powers with which India has had long-standing territorial disputes. The annexation of Tibet by the People's Republic of China in 1950 had endangered India's national security by eliminating a buffer zone, as India had no border with China except through Tibet. Chinese policy of expansionism and the practice of terrorism as an instrument of state policy by Pakistan and the nexus between the two had largely impacted on India's national security.Internally, India grapples with insurgencies in certain regions. The Left Wing Extremism in central India, although weakened in recent years, still poses a challenge to internal security. In the northeastern states, the identity-based movements occasionally flare into violence, despite years of peace-building and economic development efforts. Non-traditional threats have also emerged as serious concerns. Cyber security has gained prominence due to India's increasing reliance on digital infrastructure, making it vulnerable to cyber-attacks from hostile state and non-state actors. Climate change, pandemics, and environmental degradation are factors that impact food, water, and health security. These issues, though less visible than military threats, have long-term implications for national stability.India has adopted a multipronged approach to address these threats. Militarily, India continues to modernize its defence forces, enhance border infrastructure, and strengthen strategic alliances with like-minded nations. On the internal front, the government has intensified intelligence operations, reformed counter-insurgency strategies, and invested in development initiatives to address the root causes of unrest.
Asia's Aging Security
Major demographic transitions are underway in Asia and the Pacific. The populations of China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Russia are aging and shrinking, while India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia, among others, continue to grow. How will these striking changes affect regional security dynamics and the United States-led alliance structure in the Indo-Pacific? Andrew L. Oros offers an expert analysis of how rapid aging and population shifts are transforming the military strategies and capabilities of regional powers in Asia. Examining sixteen states, he provides a comparative view of the developing landscape and explores ways to address the consequences. Oros demonstrates that, contrary to what many have claimed, states with shrinking populations will continue to be formidable military powers. He develops a novel theoretical and empirical argument for why rapid aging does not necessarily dampen security competition. Nonetheless, demographic shifts in the coming decades will fundamentally alter the security challenges facing the United States and its allies. Oros considers how technological change and health care advances are mitigating the drawbacks of aging populations as well as how factors such as autonomous defense systems and artificial intelligence present new challenges. Rigorous and timely, Asia's Aging Security makes a forceful case that adjustment to demographic change is a necessity for twenty-first-century foreign policy.
Cybersecurity in Latvia
Drawing on expertise from professionals, government officials, and academics, this book uncovers the proactive measures taken by Latvia to build resilient cybersecurity capabilities.The work offers a comprehensive exploration of Latvia's cyber domain, structured around three overarching themes: the ecosystem, its processes, and future perspectives. In doing so, it takes readers through the intricacies of Latvia's cybersecurity landscape and provides a nuanced understanding of its strengths, challenges, strategic considerations, and broader implications. One of the key contributions of the work lies in its exploration of Latvia's cybersecurity strategies and resilience. By delving into the nation's policies, collaborations, and technological advancements, this book uncovers how Latvia has proactively addressed cyber threats, emphasising the importance of tailored approaches for smaller countries in building robust cybersecurity defences. Highlighting the importance of studying cybersecurity in smaller nations, this book stresses Latvia's contributions to global cybersecurity efforts as an EU and NATO member. The volume advocates for innovation and collaboration, emphasising their crucial role in securing a digital future for nations worldwide.This book will be of much interest to student of cybersecurity, Baltic politics, EU politics, global governance, and International Relations.The Open Access version of this book, available at http: //www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-Share Alike (CC-BY-NC-SA) 4.0 license.
National Security Implications of Inexpensive Space Access
The government of the United States is now embarked on an ambitious enterprise. It is planning to make a significant leap forward in repeatable and economical access to space. Some believe that this routine access to orbit will give the United States a clear advantage in the ability to use near Earth space to serve national political, economic, and military interests. Those responsible for making national space policy and writing military space doctrine are, however, still doing so based upon infrequent and expensive access to space. This assumption may soon be made obsolete by new political, economic, and technological realities. Planning for a world in which access to space is relatively frequent and inexpensive may provide both short and long term opportunities for the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Thinking About the Unthinkable
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Comparison of the Security Strategies of the United States and the European Union
The comparison of both strategic documents shows that the analysis of the new threats of terrorism and proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction is similar, as well as the stated strategic goals/ ends. The great difference can be found in the ways/ concepts, how the United States on the one hand and the European Union on the other hand intend to counter these threats and to achieve the respective strategic goals/ends. The analyzed key differences are: Unilateralism versus multilateralism, preemption versus prevention and legitimacy of the use of force to achieve strategic objectives. The NSS tends to stress "hard power" and military solutions with the option of preemption and a unilateralist "go it alone approach," but is downplaying the role of the United Nations, the role of Islam, and possible options of civilian conflict prevention. While the ESS sees more the merit in effective multilateralism and "soft power" that combines economic, diplomatic as well as military assets. This approach will allow the European Union acting as "robust civilian power." But the EU credibility as a foreign policy actor will depend on translating its strategy into plans and operations. Despite all disagreements in the transatlantic relationship there is an urgent need, but also a common basis for cooperation in combating global terrorism. Complementarity, not conflict should be the new transatlantic watchword.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Strait of Hormuz Gambit
"The Strait of Hormuz Gambit" analyses global energy security in light of escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, with a specific focus on the fragile balance concerning the Strait of Hormuz. It outlines three potential future scenarios: a limited conflict between 2025 and 2026; a prolonged partial disruption from 2026 to 2028 leading to an energy crisis; and a complete strategic transformation of the global energy landscape from 2028 to 2035. The economic stability of regional powers and global energy markets is heavily dependent on the uninterrupted flow of oil and gas through the strait. Any disruption threatens to cause significant price volatility and supply insecurity, necessitating urgent energy diversification and mitigation strategies. Enhancing the resilience of offshore infrastructure and ensuring maritime security through international cooperation are critical to managing these risks.Beyond the immediate geopolitical risks, the book explores the broader shift towards a new energy paradigm. The rise of renewable energy, technological innovations, and the development of new energy corridors in Africa and the Americas are reshaping the global map. Hydrogen is identified as a crucial future energy carrier, with China and India expected to become major players. Concurrently, Europe is transitioning towards sustainable energy leadership, with energy diplomacy playing a key role in this process.The report concludes by reflecting on the end of the oil age and the emergence of a new geopolitical order. It stresses that international cooperation and a shared, forward-looking vision are essential for navigating this transition to a secure and sustainable future.The Strait of Hormuz Gambit* is an essential read for anyone interested in the interconnection between regional strife, global economics, and the evolving landscape of international energy security.
The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War on Terror
The aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US created a fundamental change in the global security environment as terrorism moved into the forefront of the challenge faced by the international community. At the same time, it became the primary driver for a reinvigorated RP-US defense relationship as the Philippines joined the fight against terrorism.President George W. Bush designated the Philippines as a US Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) in 2003 raising hopes that the AFP capability development and modernization be accelerated especially in the light of its active participation in counter-terror operations.The MNNA designation represents the best chance for the Philippines to accelerate its capability development and contribute in its current defense reform programs under the Philippine Defense Reform (PDR).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Iran Foreign Sanctions Act--S. 1228
This is a transcript of the hearing before the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the United States Senate, held on October 11, 1995, during the One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session. The hearing focuses on S. 1228, the "Iran Foreign Sanctions Act." This document provides a detailed record of the discussions and testimonies related to the proposed legislation aimed at imposing sanctions on foreign companies investing in Iran's oil and gas industry. The hearing explores the potential impact of such sanctions on international relations, trade, and economic policy. It offers valuable insights into the legislative process and the considerations of the U.S. Senate regarding foreign policy during this period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three Disputes and Three Objectives
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Diffusion of Military Technologies to Foreign Nations
The purpose of this work is to recommend the United States government maintain the defense technological and industrial base (DTIB) by aggressively supporting the US defense industry in the arms transfer process. Ironically, this recommendation is contrary to the position held at the onset of this research and analysis effort. It is written for the micro-level reader (the young pilot, tank operator, etc.), the macro-level reader (US government staffers and above in the State and Defense Departments), and senior government officials (Generals, Congressmen, and Senators) to inform and enhance their ability to understand the DTIB and how arms transfers can help in its preservation. To accomplish this purpose, this paper has three aims. First, this paper recognizes that the DTIB requires preservation. With the end of the Cold War and the continuing drawdown of US military forces and equipment, the DTIB is deteriorating. In this authors view, this decline can only be arrested with the help of the US government. Second, it describes arms transfers as an instrument of foreign policy based on US national security interests and the foreign policy challenges of the day. The history of arms transfers is broken down into four periods, between 1945 and the present, to demonstrate this assertion. It predicts arms transfers will continue to be an instrument of foreign policy and can be used to enhance our DTIB.Third, it focuses on the current arms transfer decisionmaking process and represents it as a "Labyrinth of Control." This section of the paper demonstrates the maze of controls used to adequately ensure that US military technologies are not diffused to foreign nations. A common, but misguided, view is that the US is selling its technological superiority through arms sales.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Special Operations Forces Requirements for Africa Command
Africa holds growing geo-strategic importance and is a high priority of this Administration. It is a place of promise and opportunity, linked to the United States by history, culture, commerce, and strategic significance." In order assist the U.S. in meeting these growing promises and opportunities, President Bush directed the establishment of the United States Africa Command (USAFRICOM) on February 6, 2007 with the intent that it would be fully operational by the end of fiscal year 2008. Under this new command, a sub-unified command, Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAFRICA), will emerge with geographic responsibility for Special Operations Forces (SOF) and SOF missions in the USAFRICOM Area of Responsibility (AOR). Furthermore, under the umbrella of its global responsibility for planning, synchronizing, and executing global operations against terrorist networks, United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) will also conduct operations in this AOR. At issue is the best way for SOF, from both SOCAFRICA and USSOCOM, to be employed across Africa. Based upon a research method of literature search of current sources, particularly of open source news articles, press releases, reports, policy, directives, and doctrine, this paper is presented to provide key requirements and recommendations for SOF in Africa.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in Africa
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Right Sizing the People's Liberation Army
This volume addresses how the leadership of China and the PLA view what size of PLA best meets China's requirements. Among other things, this analytical process makes important new contributions on the question of PLA transparency, long an issue among PLA watchers. A great deal of emphasis has been put on understanding not only how, but also why a military modernizes itself. Some of the determining factors are national policies and strategy, doctrine, organizational structure, missions, and service cultures. While this list is not exhaustive, it does begin to paint a picture of just how broad and deep military interests run. It is important when we look at the structure and strategy for growth within the Chinese military that we see the world as China sees it. We need to see a world in which the "Taiwan issue" as well as that of North Korea and others are not viewed as short-term concerns, but fit into how China sees itself in a long-term leadership role in the region and in the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Treaty Between U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (the START II Treaty) Treaty doc. 103-1
This document contains the hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate regarding the "Treaty Between the U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms," commonly known as the START II Treaty. Held during the One Hundred Third Congress, these hearings delve into the details and implications of the treaty, providing valuable insights into the political and strategic considerations of the time. The treaty aimed to further reduce and limit strategic offensive arms between the United States and the Russian Federation, continuing the efforts initiated by the original START treaty. This historical record offers a comprehensive look at the Senate's examination of the treaty, featuring testimonies, discussions, and analyses pertinent to national security and international relations during the post-Cold War era. It is an essential resource for researchers, historians, and anyone interested in understanding the complexities of arms control and U.S.-Russian relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Full Steam Ahead
This research paper analyzes the international political factors associated with deploying a ballistic missile defense system (BMDS) in Eastern Europe. The analysis focuses on potential benefits to US national security, domestic considerations in the countries involved, Russia's viewpoint and objections to the plan, and a scrutiny of the threat. Due to the currency of this topic, most of the research relied on current event documents, including both pro- and anti-BMDS perspectives. Additional resources included official US, Polish, Czech, Russian, and Iranian publications. Ultimately the research supports the paper's thesis, which is that deploying BMDS to Eastern Europe will enhance US security interests. The United States proposed a deployment of ten interceptor missiles to Poland and a tracking radar system to the Czech Republic to counter the proliferation of ballistic missile technology throughout the world. Iran is working to enhance its missile capabilities and may be able to target Europe and the United States with long-range missiles by 2015. Other potentially hostile nations are likely to follow in Iran's footsteps as such technology becomes available. Poland and the Czech Republic are ideally positioned so that BMDS can effectively counter long-range missiles launched from the Middle East and destined for Europe or the United States. Both countries endorsed the proposal at the NATO Summit in April 2008, but neither country has actually granted final approval. Although the governments of Poland and the Czech Republic are generally in favor of BMDS, their citizens are less supportive.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Chinese Diaspora
This study argues that if the PRC cannot hope for a massive mobilization of its Southeast Asian diaspora, it has nevertheless the potential to turn a fringe of its diaspora into an effective instrument of power. On a broad scale, it shows that the potential for a massive mobilization of the Chinese diaspora by the PRC is nonexistent because more often than not only the host nations and the PRC see significant economic and stability advantages in the harnessing of its diaspora by the PRC. The majority within Chinese communities, however, have little incentive in cooperating with the PRC. Informed by history, the bulk of ethnic Chinese are wary of China's traditional -blood allegiance rhetoric and they probably do not want to take the risk of losing the benefits of their accomplishments by infuriating their host communities. If Beijing cannot expect to -levee-en-masse shadowy armies of ethnic Chinese to further its strategic interests, there is still the disturbing potential for the PRC to leverage the active cooperation of growing numbers of influential ethnic Chinese individuals, organizations, and communities. There are two main reasons that lead to this claim. First, the PRC's growing economic and military power allows it to better convince that it is genuinely concerned about protecting its blood overseas, therefore dampening the negative effect that pressure by hostile host communities has on the willingness of ethnic Chinese to openly cooperate with the PRC. Second, Beijing actively endeavors to build a worldwide network of influential individuals and organizations which already allows it to expand practices with which it is already familiar, such as: leveraging of powerful personages to influence the policy of foreign countries, enticing Overseas Chinese organizations to defend or actively further Beijing's political agenda, and appealing to them to voice their support of China's domestic and foreign policies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Norway's Security Challenges in the New World
Norway has over the past century developed its security policy based on how it, as a small state in a big world, has perceived its position and its best interests. What started with idealistic neutrality proceeded to membership in what arguably has become the most successful and long-lasting politico-military alliance in the modern world. Throughout the cold war Norway's geographic position ensured focus and attention from its larger allies, which also affected its security policy and its relations to Russia. The challenge Norway faced during that time was to balance the allied activity and its own security policy to avoid provocations and further militarization in the region. After the Cold War the picture has changed considerably. The issue of security has become increasingly complex, with aspects of economy, energy, resource management and human rights. Since NATO has gone global, and other issues have emerged as larger threats than the ideological battle between the East and the West, the regional and strategic importance of Norway and its surrounding areas have diminished.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africom
On 1 October, 2008, United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) is set to become the next fully operational geographic, unified command to promote, and if necessary enforce, U.S. government policy. Despite the necessity to increase international focus on developing the security and stability of the African region, the U.S. has witnessed a global backlash by showcasing the nation's propensity to militarize its presence in the world community. This paper presents a detailed case study of a broad spectrum of open-source documents to ascertain the general suspicious response to the United States' political and strategic move regarding Africa. It should be applauded that the U.S. has finally recognized the importance of this oft neglected continent, but the wrong message is getting out. Rather than focusing on the humanitarian and reconstruction efforts that the command is advertising, the global community cannot overcome the militaristic face the organization wears in light of pursuing strategic economic interests and countering an ever-present China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Programme of Peace. By a Democrat of the old School
The Programme of Peace, penned by a 'Democrat of the old School' and attributed to Elizur Wright, emerges as a significant voice from the tumultuous year of 1861. As the United States teetered on the brink of Civil War, this treatise offers a compelling vision for peace, advocating for democratic principles as the foundation for lasting reconciliation. Wright, a prominent abolitionist and reformer, brings his intellectual rigor to bear on the pressing issues of the day. The book provides valuable insights into the political and social landscape of a nation divided, offering a unique perspective from a 'Democrat of the old School' on the path toward unity and enduring peace. This work remains relevant for understanding the complexities of American political thought during a pivotal moment in history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian-American Security Cooperation After St. Petersburg
Until Russia and the United States experience a change on government in 2008, the prospects for additional strategic arms control agreements, limits on destabilizing military operations, and joint ballistic missile defense programs appear unlikely. Yet, near-term opportunities for collaboration in the areas of cooperative threat reduction, third-party proliferation, and bilateral military engagement do exist.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Force and Restraint in Strategic Deterrence
A great power's use of its military forces may be rendered ineffective or even counterproductive when there are no clear internationally recognizable limits on this use of force. Professor Myerson derives this conclusion from the basic observation that our ability to influence potential rivals depends on a balanced mix of threats and promises. Potential adversaries should believe that aggression will be punished, but such threats will be useless unless they also believe our promises that good behavior will be better rewarded. A reputation for resolve makes threats credible, but a great power also needs a reputation for restraint, to make the promises credible as well. Thus, international restraints on a nation's use of military force may actually increase the effective influence of its military strength.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948-2025
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948 - 2025: Origins, Developments, and Consequences focuses on Israeli democracy, its deep historical origins, development over seven decades, long-term consequences, and possible resolutions. While most commentaries on Israel's crisis focus on the proposals for judicial reform by the Netanyahu government, this study focuses on what it identifies as the fundamental problems of the Israeli regime-its ethnonational (rather than liberal-democratic) form, its lack of a written constitution undermines the country's deeply divided society, the greatly dysfunctional relations between the secular majority and the sizeable Orthodox minority, and above all the seemingly permanent occupation of the Palestinian-inhabited West Bank. Peleg and Amir offer a broad perspective on these causes, covering the historical failures of the country's founders, an analysis of Israel's constitutional order and regime type, commentary on sociopolitical cleavages and the dominant social psychology of Israelis, and analysis of the charismatic populism of longtime Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The volume concludes with analyzing future scenarios and possible solutions for Israel's democratic crisis. The Crisis of Israel's Democracy offers the most comprehensive analysis of Israel's democratic backsliding to date, comparing it to similar worldwide processes.
What Drives Pakistan's Interest in Afghanistan?
Due to its haphazard partition from British Colonial India and a series of internal and external destabilizing events throughout the last six decades, Pakistan has been plagued with varying degrees of instability that leave it today on the edge of becoming either a failed state or a regional power. This instability has led to a laundry list of detrimental effects, which include increased regional tensions with its neighbors, an Al Qaeda sanctuary, and homegrown terrorism that are contributing to the derailment of the Pakistani central government's rule. Many of the challenges that Pakistan faces are deeply rooted in her relationship with Afghanistan. To understand Pakistan's complex challenges in this volatile region, an observer must not only analyze Pakistan but also their historical relationship with Afghanistan to intrinsically understand the root causes associated with Pakistani motivations and concerns. Additionally, the causal impacts that other regional nations and sub-national actors have in either providing a positive or negative effect on the natural state of stability between these two nation-states must be incorporated into the analysis. Rarely will any major strategic action from an outside actor directed towards Pakistan not have participative impact on Afghanistan or vice versa. This monograph provides a deep historical study to determine the contextual facts that have evolved the current environmental dynamics that faces Pakistan. With Pakistan's security, political behavior, and portions of its economy extricably linked with its western neighbor, this research examines what is driving Pakistan's interest in Afghanistan. The research finds that Pakistan's external and internal security interests, internal political function, and economy are all inter-woven and influence her relationship with Afghanistan. However, based on the research, it uncovers historical events that have generated the current regional dynamics to determine that security is fundThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO
Previously one of the least connected states in the world, China is taking on a considerable role as a leading global power. It has participated and benefited from international organizations (IOs) while also influencing their institutional behavior, but it has also demonstrated limited compliance at times. China's behavior has shifted from following the rules to a desire to make and set the rules. China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO: Understanding Trends in Global Governance Behavior explores 40 years of China's participation within these organizations, drawing on in-depth interviews and analysis of annual reports, meeting minutes, consultations, and transcripts obtained from archived records to argue how China views its behavior can achieve its desired interests. James Frick paints a detailed picture to illustrate that in the context of relative shifts in power, variation in China's IO behaviors is predicated by the extent to which IOs conform to China's national interests. This rational behavior approach (RBA) outlines four strategies: rule-taking, rule-breaking, rule-changing, and rulemaking. As China's relative power increases over time, so does its bargaining power, leading to a more assertive rule-changing behavior as it attempts to adapt the organization to allow its ascendancy as a rule-maker.
Asia's Aging Security
Major demographic transitions are underway in Asia and the Pacific. The populations of China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Russia are aging and shrinking, while India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia, among others, continue to grow. How will these striking changes affect regional security dynamics and the United States-led alliance structure in the Indo-Pacific? Andrew L. Oros offers an expert analysis of how rapid aging and population shifts are transforming the military strategies and capabilities of regional powers in Asia. Examining sixteen states, he provides a comparative view of the developing landscape and explores ways to address the consequences. Oros demonstrates that, contrary to what many have claimed, states with shrinking populations will continue to be formidable military powers. He develops a novel theoretical and empirical argument for why rapid aging does not necessarily dampen security competition. Nonetheless, demographic shifts in the coming decades will fundamentally alter the security challenges facing the United States and its allies. Oros considers how technological change and health care advances are mitigating the drawbacks of aging populations as well as how factors such as autonomous defense systems and artificial intelligence present new challenges. Rigorous and timely, Asia's Aging Security makes a forceful case that adjustment to demographic change is a necessity for twenty-first-century foreign policy.
The Third Temple's Holy of Holies
This paper is a history of the Israeli nuclear weapons program drawn from a review of unclassified sources. Israel began its search for nuclear weapons at the inception of the state in 1948. As payment for Israeli participation in the Suez Crisis of 1956, France provided nuclear expertise and constructed a reactor complex for Israel at Dimona capable of large-scale plutonium production and reprocessing. The United States discovered the facility by 1958 and it was a subject of continual discussions between American presidents and Israeli prime ministers. Israel used delay and deception to at first keep the United States at bay, and later used the nuclear option as a bargaining chip for a consistent American conventional arms supply. After French disengagement in the early 1960s, Israel progressed on its own, including through several covert operations, to project completion. Before the 1967 Six-Day War, they felt their nuclear facility threatened and reportedly assembled several nuclear devices. By the 1973 Yom Kippur War Israel had a number of sophisticated nuclear bombs, deployed them, and considered using them. The Arabs may have limited their war aims because of their knowledge of the Israeli nuclear weapons. Israel has most probably conducted several nuclear bomb tests. They have continued to modernize and vertically proliferate and are now one of the world's larger nuclear powers. Using "bomb in the basement" nuclear opacity, Israel has been able to use its arsenal as a deterrent to the Arab world while not technically violating American nonproliferation requirements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Transnational Insurgencies and the Escalation of Regional Conflict
Many insurgents groups benefit from sanctuaries in neighboring countries where they are relatively safe from state security forces. These transnational insurgencies complicate traditional counterinsurgency operations in significant ways. Most importantly, transnational insurgencies have the potential to spark conflicts between neighboring countries. This monograph examines several transnational insurgencies that have been active since the end of the Cold War. While many neighboring countries have experienced the escalation of conflict between them as the result of cross-border violence, other states have successfully cooperated in providing border security. In depth case studies of relations between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as India and its eastern neighbors are explored. The lessons learned from this research are applied to contemporary issues facing Iraq and Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS China Strategic Perspectives 1
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crisis in the Taiwan Strait
This is the official record of a hearing before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International Relations, held by the House of Representatives on March 14, 1996. The hearing, titled "Crisis in the Taiwan Strait: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy," addressed the escalating tensions between China and Taiwan and the potential impact on the United States.The document provides insights into the perspectives of members of Congress and expert witnesses on the complex geopolitical situation in the region. It covers topics such as China's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, the U.S. commitment to Taiwan's security, and the broader implications for U.S.-China relations. This historical record offers valuable context for understanding the ongoing dynamics in the Taiwan Strait and the challenges facing U.S. foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preparing for the Inevitable
Many lessons from the Multinational Force and Observer (MFO) mission to the Sinai and the Multinational Force II (MNFII) mission to Lebanon are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the Occupied Territories (OT). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a US-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the MFO and challenged the MNFII must be considered before US involvement in Israel and the OT. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the US are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the OT more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the MFO and MNFII still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the OT. Critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Grand Strategy for a Globalized World
Globalization has resulted in a deeply interdependent international system. Strategists and policy makers must understand globalization and its effects on multiple aspects of social interaction in order to provide well informed national security policy recommendations. Of particular importance is globalized economics. A nation#65533;s economic strength is the foundation of its national power and lends credibility to the diplomatic, military and economic actions and policies a nation undertakes in the international environment. A nation#65533;s weakening economy will inevitably lead to a loss of national power and to a declining influence in the international system. Given the stagnant United States economy and the dynamic growth in emerging economies around the world, most notably China, how should the United States respond in order to maintain its position of leadership in the international system? This research paper examines the nature of economic globalization, the shift from a unipolar to multipolar international environment, and the potential impact on United States#65533; national security. It draws its conclusions from an extensive review of current literature covering globalization, political economics, and grand strategy. It examines William Scheuerman#65533;s four characteristics of the globalization phenomenon, globalization#65533;s effect on economics, and the interrelatedness of economic vitality and national strength, and concludes that a liberal internationalist approach is the best path forward for United States grand strategy. Because of interdependency brought about by globalization, cooperative global governance must replace the coercive democratization approach the United States has followed over the last decade. If pursued with the same vigor the United States demonstrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States can rebuild its economic foundation and ensure a peaceful transition to a multilateral world order.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Transatlantic Community and China in the Age of Disruption
This volume analyzes what China's rise means for the transatlantic community in a new age of disruption-an age marked by great power rivalry, technological upheavals, and the diffusion of power.
From Islands to Networks
From Islands to Networks A Blueprint for a Comprehensive US Security Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region Historic precedent and power transition theory predict the likelihood of armed conflict between a rising China as it overtakes the world's leading superpower, the United States. Taiwan highlights the dilemma by exposing conflicting US and Chinese interests and the changing nature of China's power. This long-term dilemma complicates the emerging alignment of Asia-Pacific interests. A comprehensive US Asia-Pacific strategy of Assured Partnership would safely manage this dilemma by incorporating a multi-tiered, inclusive, institutional approach. The strategy will decrease the likelihood of a US-China military confrontation for several reasons. First, existing bilateral alliances give the strategy its underpinnings, providing an anchor of assurance to allies and a deterrent to the rise of Chinese hegemony. Second, the strategy transforms the ASEAN Regional Forum into a cooperative security institution, the Organization of Asia-Pacific Cooperation. It will provide continuous dialogue, a region-wide security forum, and an enhanced ability to implement preventive diplomacy, consequence management, and peace support operations. Complimenting it, the Asia-Pacific Council consists of current or developing regional powers including the U.S., China, Japan, Australia, India, and Russia. The council preserves regional power strategic agility while providing for continuous regional direction, leadership, and power balance. Third, the strategy builds military transparency, trust and predictability through an institutionalized military cooperative regime, the Partnership for Security and Peace, similar to Europe's Partnership for Peace program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese National Security Strategy
Examination of Chinese national security issues is incomplete without a frame of reference that includes Chinese dynastic history, culture, and thought. Additionally, such examination requires viewing through lenses created by modern China's economics and politics. When viewed in this holistic fashion, Chinese defense strategies and concerns, especially with respect to two extremely important and timely issues, modernization of the PLA and Taiwan, can be discerned in a clearer light, resulting in an better, if more complex, understanding of the potential for military action on behalf of China tempered by the realities and difficulties China faces in improving a military force under their worldview and, also, their political and economic restraints. Accordingly, as a part of a coordinated effort, the US Air Force can provide both significant deterrence for military action in the Pacific in the form of appropriate force deployment and employment, as well as dissuasion from a potentially perceived Chinese requirement for military action through taking a "longer view" in understanding the value of activities such as military-to-military engagement.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
North Korea's Military Threat
North Korea's conventional capabilities have eroded but remain significant, including its sizeable contingent of special operations forces. Meanwhile, Pyongyang continues the vigorous development of its nuclear and missile programs, and has ongoing chemical and biological weapons programs. Perhaps the biggest unanswered questions concern North Korea's military intentions. Does the Korean People's Army have an offensive or defensive doctrine? Does Pyongyang intend to use its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles to replace the threat posed by its eroding conventional forces? Or is its intention to use conventional and unconventional forces in what it might view as a winning combination? In theory, U.S. forces could carry out preemptive precision attacks to destroy known North Korean nuclear facilities and missile emplacements, but such attacks might provoke North Korean retaliation and trigger a general conflict. Washington and Seoul cannot overthrow the North Korean regime by force or destroy its strategic military assets without risking devastating losses in the process. Meanwhile, North Korea cannot invade the South without inviting a fatal counterattack from the United States and South Korea. Thus, the balance of forces that emerged from the Korean War, and which helped maintain the armistice for more than 50 years, remains in place.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hard Power and Soft Power
Power is one of the more contestable concepts in political theory. In recent decades, scholars and commentators have chosen to distinguish between two kinds of power, "hard" and "soft." The former is achieved through military threat or use, and by means of economic menace or reward. The latter is the ability to have influence by co-opting others to share some of one's values and, as a consequence, to share some key elements on one's agenda for international order and security. Whereas hard power obliges its addressees to consider their interests in terms mainly of calculable costs and benefits, soft power works through the persuasive potency of ideas that foreigners find attractive. It is highly desirable if much of the world external to America wants, or can be brought to want, a great deal of what America happens to favor also. Coalitions of the genuinely willing have to be vastly superior to the alternatives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defending the Homeland
Fall of 2009 five Al Qa'ida operatives were arrested by federal authorities while in the final stages of separate operational plans to conduct attacks within the United States. Clearly, law enforcement was aware of their activities. Others within the United States intelligence community were aware of who some of the individuals were and of their relationships with Al Qa'ida, but they had no knowledge of the specific plots that were underway. Alarmingly, The Adjutants General (TAGs) of the states where the plots were unfolding were unaware of these activities until the individuals were arrested and the stories hit the press. This is significant because the National Guard plays a key role in the American Homeland Security (HLS) enterprise, principally in response to a chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear or explosive (CBRNE) event. Yet, they typically lack sufficient access to potentially vital information that is available via other channels until after it hits the press or has become operationally irrelevant.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Supporting Civil Society in Somalia
The international community intervened repeatedly in Somalia since the central government fell in 1991. These interventions failed to produce a stable, elected government. Instead, over the last 20 years Somalis faced famine, terrorism, sexual violence and lack of basic public services. Somalia's problems stem from lack political unity and rule of corrupt elites who misappropriate foreign aid and national resources. However, even with the pressures of the last two decades, parts of Somali society prospered and show the development of civil society that would serve as counterweights to a predatory government. The international community and the US should provide support around the edges of Somali politics and society. Actively engaging the center through a brokered peace deal or lengthy military occupation invites corruption and mistrust. Aggressive intervention such as establishing an international administration over Somalia would unnecessarily cause friction. It also would delay Somalia's development as a unified, strong country. Numerous Somalis possess the technical ability to run a government. What is missing is accountability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will Japan Rearm?
This thesis examines the possibility of Japanese rearmament using a comparative case study approach examining the periods 1870 to 1945 and 1945 to 1976. Major actors in each period are examined in order to understand the role they play and their views toward rearmament. For the period 1870 to 1945, the actors are the Emperor, the politicians, the military, the population, and the economic sector. During the later period, these same actors together with the American Occupation force are examined. The shift of political power and influence during each period is charted in order to determine any significant similarities between the two. An examination of the literature of both periods allows for additional similarities to be drawn. It is concluded that Japan probably will continue along a course of conventional but gradual rearmament.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
