NATO Air Policing
"There are numerous options to consider in meeting NATO requirements regarding air policing. This paper will address options with respect to political and economical considerations. Additionally, this paper will analyze key factors which could affect the development of air policing capabilities, such as budget restraints, operational requirements, the required air command and control system, and infrastructure."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War on Terror
The aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US created a fundamental change in the global security environment as terrorism moved into the forefront of the challenge faced by the international community. At the same time, it became the primary driver for a reinvigorated RP-US defense relationship as the Philippines joined the fight against terrorism.President George W. Bush designated the Philippines as a US Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) in 2003 raising hopes that the AFP capability development and modernization be accelerated especially in the light of its active participation in counter-terror operations.The MNNA designation represents the best chance for the Philippines to accelerate its capability development and contribute in its current defense reform programs under the Philippine Defense Reform (PDR).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eastern Dimension of America's New European Allies
Without a realistic prospect for NATO and EU accession, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia will become sources of domestic and regional instability and objects of Russia's neo-imperialist ambitions that will undermine American and European strategic interests. The new members of NATO and the EU have sought to develop credible policies for consolidating democratic reforms among their eastern neighbors, enhancing their prospects for inclusion in NATO and the EU, and containing a resurgent and assertive Russia. The new European democracies have also endeavored to more closely involve Washington in the process of Euro-Atlantic enlargement as a more effective Eastern Dimension jointly pursued by the U.S., NATO, and the EU would significantly consolidate trans-Atlantic security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When Will We Listen?
The purpose of this paper is to determine if there were indicators of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq on 2 August 1990, that were not accurately assessed by allied decision makers in time to make a difference. Moreover, based on historical precedence, these indicators were hypothesized to be available from open (not classified) sources. Using only a small sampling of the public speeches of Saddam Hussein and the pronouncements in the Iraqi press as reported by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), this research indicates the 2 August invasion should have been assessed as a near-certainty as early as 17 July. Furthermore, research of the memoirs of some the key participants as well as books chronicling the actions of decision makers during the weeks prior to the invasion, indicate that although the information identified during the research was available, it was dismissed as rhetoric rather than being recognized as indications of intent. Moreover, the research points to a continuing tendency by both analysts and decision makers to discount open-source pronouncements, even when they are congruent with empirical evidence from classified sources, because the decision makers and analysts believe the impending action would be "unthinkable."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century
This Document was developed to explore the various aspects of security for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which includes Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. A short review of the history of the area provides some guidance toward understanding the culture, beliefs and governing basics that apply today. The recent events in the Gulf, Iraq invading Kuwait and the US invading Iraq, requires the development and implementation of a strategic security plan that meets the needs of all countries of the area. This document addresses this situation and provides some starting recommendations which will move the countries forward toward a safe and secure future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russia in the Arctic
The Arctic has returned with a vengeance as an area of international contention. Beginning in 2007, Russia has continued to make aggressive moves and claims regarding territory in the Arctic Ocean. These moves undoubtedly have been prompted by global climate change and the importance of energy, with which Russia believes the Arctic is lavishly supplied. These moves apparently were intended to compel other Arctic states, like Norway, to come to terms with Russia. Nonetheless, the tendency to invoke military and security issues and instruments in this region of the world continues apace. These essays, taken from SSI's 2010 conference on Russia, fully explore the Russian and international competition for influence and rights over the exploration and commercial exploitation of the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defeating a Genocide
"Using the Rwandan genocide as a backdrop, this paper will show how genocide intervention requires a new way of planning, training, organizing and executing. It will attempt to provide a lens that will help government, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors more effectively view options so the horrors of 1994 Rwanda are truly experienced never again."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing the Capabilities and Limitations of Counter-Proliferation Operations Utilizing Remote Radiation Detection Devices
A subject of national importance that poses a major security challenge for the United States and its allies is the detection, tracking, and interception of illicitly obtained radioactive material across international borders. Illicit radioactive material can include both special nuclear material (SNM) and radioactive isotopes utilized for industrial, medical, and academic purposes. This paper will analyze the United State's capability to execute counter-proliferation operations in a spectrum from friendly to hostile environments wherein both overt and clandestine activity is essential. The paper is written for planners and decision makers at all levels of the United States government, military and civilian; to better prepare these individuals for the operational considerations of a counter-proliferation mission. The focus of the paper will be linking operational planning to both the strategic and tactical capabilities of the United States concerning counter-proliferation operations in a non-permissive or semi-permissive environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Coercive Complementarity
This study explores the complementary nature of the economic and military instruments of power in coercive diplomacy. The study seeks to determine if the combined application of military and economic power can amplify coercive effects, and if so, how they might be integrated. Targeted primarily at practitioners of national security, the study combines a primer on the capabilities of the economic instrument of power, a comparison of the economic and military literature on coercion, and a study of strategies used against Iraq and Serbia in the 1990s.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Operational Implications of Private Military Companies in the Global War on Terror
This monograph discusses the implications of private military companies (PMCs) in the global war on terror (GWOT). The recent upsurge in the use of PMCs to support the prosecution of the global war on terror has impinged increasingly on what is traditionally seen as the state monopoly on violence. PMCs as entities on the stage of conflict are widely misunderstood and as a result, often operate in an area of scant regulation, limited oversight, and ineffective control. As PMCs become increasingly involved in operations, the implications for the military are wide ranging and planners and commanders need to be aware of the capabilities and limitations of PMCs. Currently, little doctrine and guidance exists on PMCs. Specifically, this monograph examines the myriad factors concerned with PMCs, their benefits and disadvantages. The purpose of this paper is to assess the operational implications of the employment of PMCs. It will analyze the identity and current state of the PMC industry. The hypothesis is that the current level of PMC use is not a deliberate policy decision, but a result of assumptions of the nature of the GWOT and that the current state of legislation and contractual oversight is woefully inadequate. Why are armed civilians operating with legal impunity in Iraq? How much is the military aware of this and why is there no doctrine available for commanders or planners to consult regarding PMCs? Through the application of a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats analysis, the above questions will be answered. The analysis is then presented, primarily, through the lens of the elements of operational design. The monograph concludes that the considerable utility of PMCs should not be overlooked and that they can be valuable contributors and partners in the war against terror. Currently though, numerous issues regarding PMCs need attention. The study suggests that the rapid growth of the use of PMCs is largely unregulated and not under proper control.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Toward a More Perfect Union
The international security environment is transforming in the aftermath of the Cold War. Leveraging the trends of globalization, technology proliferation, borderless finance, and communications, "super-empowered angry young men" are able to threaten nation-states as only large armies previously could, while simultaneously emasculating the nation-state's traditional tools of security. Combating these forces requires incorporating the very elements of "globalization" and the "informal society" that empower the threats. It also means embracing and addressing the sources of discontent that breed populations seeking to undermine America's preeminence. America's National Security Strategy recognizes this shifting ground, proposes a broad array of cooperative efforts aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict and terrorism, and thereby links American values of liberty, democracy, human rights, and open markets with national security. Unfortunately, the institutions, which underpin America's national security strategy, vestiges of the Cold War, remain ill equipped for implementing this strategy. Therefore, American must reconstruct its security architecture to reflect the realities of the 21st century international environment. Such an effort begins with a positive, well considered, and consistent message communicated via a magnified, coordinated and comprehensive international public affairs effort. Secondly, supporting international and domestic institutions should be developed or modified to integrate all elements of national power toward a common strategy. Thirdly, the United States must re-allocate financial resources consistent with advancing its stated strategy. Finally, Washington must develop the human resources so critical to engaging convincingly on complicated regional agendas. Constructing a national security architecture consistent with America's security strategy offers the best hope for a stable, secure environment at home and abroad. Failure to do soThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Potential for Normal Political Relations Between the United States and Iran Following Presidential Elections in Each Country
With Presidential elections in both the United States and Iran occurring within eight months of each other, one can suspect major changes in the political environment. This environment is not just the relationship between the U.S. and Iran, but the entire world, and more specifically the Middle East. With one new President and another possible new President in Iran, the impacts could be dramatic. The author believes that the political landscape will change, however, the unilateral relationship between the United States and Iran will not change substantially. The basic factors examined are limited, but the assumptions would be the same if the base were expanded. The major efforts are put into the history of the relationship between the United States and Iran. This history points out that despite the various stages there was once a congenial relationship. The historical review depicts that both countries have had both positive and negative events that influenced the relationships. This fact in itself would lead to believe that if it was so once, it could be possible again. The use of terrorism throughout the world has created a new paradigm for political processes and expectations by state and non-state actors. Terrorism is not a political recognized bargaining tool, but many countries are now expending millions if not billions of dollars attempting to defeat it. These efforts are wide-ranging and influence relationships across the globe. More specifically, terrorism has negative impacts in almost all countries. The use of terrorism by a state actors, or countries that expect respect is a limiting factor in this world of instant information. Terrorism is a limiting factor when trying to establish relationships, however, non-state actors can negatively influence these attempted relationship-building efforts. Nuclear weapons play a critical role in the political process. The ability to produce and delivery reliable nuclear weapons is a major bargaining chip. The full hThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
No Fly Zones
This study attempts to determine if no-fly zones are effective tools of US foreign policy. In doing so, the author first defines what a no-fly zone is, what its key characteristics are, and what usable analogies are available to help decision-makers understand them. From there, he evaluates how the strategy development process applies to no-fly zones, and arrives at a framework that will provide beneficial for evaluating no-zones. This framework, broken into three levels of grand strategic, operational military, and domestic political, allows the reader to compare similar costs and benefits in a comprehensive manner arriving at useful conclusions. Next, the author applies this framework to the three no-fly zones the US has conducted since 1991-northern Iraq, southern Iraq, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using these case studies, the author shows that although expensive in some aspects no-fly zones are effective strategic tools that decision-makers should always consider when faced with national security challenges. The final section briefly points out conditions that can be manipulated by the US to reduce no-fly zone costs and/or increase their benefits as tools of US foreign policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Patterns of War Termination
This research uses an advanced statistical technique to expand upon the current understanding of war termination. Specifically, this thesis addressed questions concerning the most relevant factors toward predicting both the outcomes of interstate wars and the winners of intrastate and extra-systemic wars, within the limitations of the available data. Open-source war data from the Correlates of War Project was analyzed using both binary and multinomial logistic regression techniques. While the Correlates of War Project did not necessarily focus its data collection efforts on those variables historically associated with war termination, it did provide a sufficient number of variables with which to demonstrate the applicability of logistic regression techniques to war termination analyses. As a consequence, every significant logistic regression model contains a single relevant variable. For both intrastate and extra-systemic wars, the duration of the conflict was found to be most relevant to predicting the winner. In contrast, the proportion of total casualties borne by a nation in an interstate war was most relevant to predicting the manner in which an interstate war ends. Conclusions drawn from this research and suggestions for future statistical applications to war termination studies were also discussed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkey and Iran
Appraises the factors affecting the power potential of Turkey and Iran in international affairs, with particular reference to the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Russian Military Equipment
Russia is flooding world markets with military equipment. This flood of equipment is acting like a fuel source for terrorist organizations and countries around the world to use force against their enemies. This paper analyses the effects of this flood of equipment in four regions of the world. Russian proliferation is marginalizing the effectiveness of US airpower because the US doesn't have quick and regular access to the thousands of hot spots military proliferation creates. Our current model for airpower application is old and inflexible. It suffers from a need for access and logistic lines of supply.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Russian Foreign Policy for the New Millenium
Russian foreign policy during 2001-2002 revealed an entirely new approach as President Vladimir Putin and his Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov, expanded the scope of Russian external relations both in terms of numbers of nations and the depth of the relationships. The preceding administration of Boris Yeltsin had alienated many people both internally and externally and there was much to do to repair the damage. The events of 11 September vaulted the Russians into a position of prominence that Putin and Ivanov could not imagine possible. A fast and firm show of support for the United States by Putin and his promise to assist in the war against terrorism in any way put Moscow at the center of the war against terrorism, both as a regional hegemon and as a U.S. partner.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Virtual State
As is the case with many academic arguments, it is all but impossible to unequivocally prove the existence of the virtual state. That said, the evidence certainly indicates that a new breed of transnational actor is having a profound impact on the policies and behaviors of traditional states as they cope with a rapidly changing world. In reality, as the world changes, states are changing too. Consider the observations of Rosecrance. "The nation-state is becoming a tighter, more vigorous unit capable of sustaining the pressures of worldwide competition and they are downsizing--in function, if not in geographic form."21 "The world has embarked on a progressive emancipation from the land as a determinant of production and power."22 If it is true that states are streamlining by placing less emphasis on the importance of territory, they are in effect obviating one of the key structural components of the traditional state. With this in mind, the rise of a significant, completely borderless political actor, the virtual state, seems quite plausible if not inevitable. In this author's view, they are already among us and are likely to proliferate and grow in strength as the forces of globalization and rapidly advancing technology continue to shape the geopolitical landscape.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defeating a Genocide
"Using the Rwandan genocide as a backdrop, this paper will show how genocide intervention requires a new way of planning, training, organizing and executing. It will attempt to provide a lens that will help government, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors more effectively view options so the horrors of 1994 Rwanda are truly experienced never again."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
La Familia Drug Cartel
La Familia Michoacana burst onto the national stage on September 6, 2006, when ruffians crashed into the seedy Sol y Sombra nightclub in Uruapan, Michoac獺n, and fired shots into the air. They screamed at the revelers to lie down, ripped open a plastic bag, and lobbed five human heads onto the beer-stained black and white dance floor. The day before these macabre pyrotechnics, the killers seized their prey from a mechanic's shop and hacked off their heads with bowie knives while the men writhed in pain. "You don't do something like that unless you want to send a big message," said a U.S. law-enforcement official, speaking on condition of anonymity about an act of human depravity that would "cast a pall over the darkest nooks of hell." The desperados left behind a note hailing their act as "divine justice," adding that: "The Family doesn't kill for money; it doesn't kill women; it doesn't kill innocent people; only those who deserve to die, die. Everyone should know . . . this is divine justice." While claiming to do the "Lord's work," the ruthless leaders of this syndicate have emerged as the dominant exporter of methamphetamines to the United States, even as they control scores of municipalities in Michoac獺n and neighboring states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mapro
The Mass Atrocity Prevention and Response Options (MAPRO) Policy Planning Handbook is a collaborative effort intended to assist the policy community in addressing mass atrocity situations. The MAPRO Handbook supplements the Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) Military Planning Handbook, which was developed by the Harvard Kennedy School's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy and PKSOI. The MAPRO Handbook provides guidelines and frameworks for the formulation of options, policies, and plans, and discusses the application of all elements of national influence in order to prevent or respond to mass atrocities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mapro
The Mass Atrocity Prevention and Response Options (MAPRO) Policy Planning Handbook is a collaborative effort intended to assist the policy community in addressing mass atrocity situations. The MAPRO Handbook supplements the Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) Military Planning Handbook, which was developed by the Harvard Kennedy School's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy and PKSOI. The MAPRO Handbook provides guidelines and frameworks for the formulation of options, policies, and plans, and discusses the application of all elements of national influence in order to prevent or respond to mass atrocities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
UN Security Council Enlargement
The United Nations Security Council has had in its history a single flash of true international relevance. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) signed up for Security Council relevance with the publication by Mikhail Gorbachev of Reality and Safeguards for a Secure World. That document heralded the USSR's preference that the United Nations fill the power vacuum left by its contracting empire rather than the United States, which was the other obvious choice then as now. Owing to this entirely unique, and relatively peaceful implosion of the USSR's global empire, the USSR consciously, if temporarily, reinvigorated the United Nations and sought to re-join the ranks of Roosevelt's "four policemen." A few years later for the United States, President George H.W. Bush, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, took the USSR up on its offer and announced that, "Out of these troubled times and a new world order can emerge and built upon a United Nations that performs as envisaged by its founders."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Norway's Security Challenges in the New World
Norway has over the past century developed its security policy based on how it, as a small state in a big world, has perceived its position and its best interests. What started with idealistic neutrality proceeded to membership in what arguably has become the most successful and long-lasting politico-military alliance in the modern world. Throughout the cold war Norway's geographic position ensured focus and attention from its larger allies, which also affected its security policy and its relations to Russia. The challenge Norway faced during that time was to balance the allied activity and its own security policy to avoid provocations and further militarization in the region. After the Cold War the picture has changed considerably. The issue of security has become increasingly complex, with aspects of economy, energy, resource management and human rights. Since NATO has gone global, and other issues have emerged as larger threats than the ideological battle between the East and the West, the regional and strategic importance of Norway and its surrounding areas have diminished.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preparing for the Inevitable
Many lessons from the Multinational Force and Observer (MFO) mission to the Sinai and the Multinational Force II (MNFII) mission to Lebanon are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the Occupied Territories (OT). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a US-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the MFO and challenged the MNFII must be considered before US involvement in Israel and the OT. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the US are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the OT more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the MFO and MNFII still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the OT. Critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Guantanamo Bay
This paper compares the costs of detention operations at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba against the benefits derived from holding suspected terrorists there. When Operation Enduring Freedom began, the Bush Administration needed a place to detain enemy fighters captured on the battlefield that the US deemed to be a high threat while also possessing a high intelligence value. The Administration issued policy guidance concerning detainees and the detention center at Guantanamo Bay opened soon thereafter. In the following six years, there has been a great deal of legal analysis and ongoing litigation concerning the legality of the detentions at Guantanamo Bay, including the application of the Geneva Convention to detainees and the permissibility of the pending military commissions. These continue to be contentious issues as the US forges ahead in its efforts in the Global War on Terror (GWOT). Putting the legal questions aside, it is possible to analyze the issues at Guantanamo Bay from a purely cost-benefit standpoint. This paper seeks to conduct this analysis by comparing costs, including monetary, personnel, negative public relations, investigative and Congressional costs against the benefits of operations, including intelligence, positive public relations and deterrence benefits realized by the continued detention of enemy fighters.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conservatism, Christian Democracy and the Dynamics of Transformation
Conservatism, Christian Democracy, and the Dynamics of Transformation compares the centre-right political traditions of Britain, the Nordic countries, France, West Germany, and Austria and looks for evidence of political cooperation and influence across borders during the period 1945-90. The book explores howa variety of intellectuals, politicians, and political parties transformed their politics in response to major economic, social, and political challenges and seeks to explain why conservatives and Christian democrats came to feel that they belonged to a wider centre-right political family by the end of this period. It also examines why these political traditions found it difficult to cooperate with each other after the Second World War and why they decided to invest more political capital in inter-party relations and wider transnational projects from the 1960s. As the book shows, these developments resulted in two new centre-right internationals: the European Democrat Union and the International Democrat Union.
Hard Power and Soft Power
Power is one of the more contestable concepts in political theory. In recent decades, scholars and commentators have chosen to distinguish between two kinds of power, "hard" and "soft." The former is achieved through military threat or use, and by means of economic menace or reward. The latter is the ability to have influence by co-opting others to share some of one's values and, as a consequence, to share some key elements on one's agenda for international order and security. Whereas hard power obliges its addressees to consider their interests in terms mainly of calculable costs and benefits, soft power works through the persuasive potency of ideas that foreigners find attractive. It is highly desirable if much of the world external to America wants, or can be brought to want, a great deal of what America happens to favor also. Coalitions of the genuinely willing have to be vastly superior to the alternatives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vetting the Forces We Train
The trainers and advisors of foreign forces routinely face the infiltration of insurgents and terrorists into security forces and must assist in removing those that are already operating from within these organizations. Using techniques employed by the British military and by civilian companies coupled with emerging techniques in biometrics and micro-expressions, military trainers in Iraq can adapt simple methods that will reduce the number of insurgents and terrorists operating in the Iraqi Security Forces and similar forces trained by the U.S. in the future. The method used to conduct this research included case studies of the Malayan Emergency, the civilian hiring and firing process, and the domestic police force use of micro expressions. The British experience during the Malaya Emergency demonstrated the use of wholesale firings of large numbers of security forces, transition programs, ethnic group incorporation, and high pay and benefits. The civilian sector also fires criminal employees. To do this, they normally conduct a detailed internal investigation. Civilian companies maintain good performance by providing feedback on the effects of the employee's performance, by retraining on little used tasks, and by changing the outcome for an employee if he or she attains the employers outcome. Biometrics provide a technological edge for improving vetting, but caution should be used to prevent future technologically empowered sectarian violence. Finally, micro expressions, the study of tiny facial movements, empower civilian police agencies and the FBI during interrogations by providing clues to potential lies and the emotions of suspects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran's Strategic Culture and Weapons of Mass Destruction
The Maxwell Papers, the Air War College's occasional papers series, focus oncurrent and future issues of interest to the Air Force and US Department of Defense.The first Maxwell Papers was published in May of 1996 with the Air UniversityCommander's signature on the foreword. Maxwell Papers are open to all interestedauthors, particularly Air War College faculty and students, but also to other officersand analysts. Maxwell Papers have been distributed to over 400 addresses includingall senior Air Force and US Department of Defense decision makers, ProfessionalMilitary Education (PME) schools, contractors, and other US agencies, and morethan 40 foreign air forces and institutions. This document is a Air War CollegeMaxwell Paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century
This Document was developed to explore the various aspects of security for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which includes Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. A short review of the history of the area provides some guidance toward understanding the culture, beliefs and governing basics that apply today. The recent events in the Gulf, Iraq invading Kuwait and the US invading Iraq, requires the development and implementation of a strategic security plan that meets the needs of all countries of the area. This document addresses this situation and provides some starting recommendations which will move the countries forward toward a safe and secure future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will Japan Rearm?
This thesis examines the possibility of Japanese rearmament using a comparative case study approach examining the periods 1870 to 1945 and 1945 to 1976. Major actors in each period are examined in order to understand the role they play and their views toward rearmament. For the period 1870 to 1945, the actors are the Emperor, the politicians, the military, the population, and the economic sector. During the later period, these same actors together with the American Occupation force are examined. The shift of political power and influence during each period is charted in order to determine any significant similarities between the two. An examination of the literature of both periods allows for additional similarities to be drawn. It is concluded that Japan probably will continue along a course of conventional but gradual rearmament.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the United Nation's Current Policy in Iraq Effective? Evaluation of Economic Sanctions and the Oil-for-Food Program
The United Nations policy toward Iraq, consisting of economic sanctions and what has come to be known as the Oil for Food program, is flawed- it does not meet either the national security objectives or the humanitarian objectives it was set out to accomplish. Saddam Hussein is still a threat and the Oil for Food program, the largest humanitarian program ever administered by the United Nations (UN), has done little to stop the widespread suffering of the Iraqi people. On one hand, the policy is evaluated on its success or failure in terms of national security by the United States Administration and a number of prominent U.S. think-tanks. On the other hand, it is evaluated based on its success or failure as humanitarian intervention by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the World Health Organization, the World Food Program, and a number of non-governmental organizations. Conclusions are based on the respective 'frame of reference' thereby polarizing the issue. A comprehensive policy for Iraq must address both national security and humanitarian concerns if it is to be successful. Politics and humanitarian intervention cannot be separated.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conflict Termination and Regime Change
Many US military operations since the end of the Cold War have ended improperly; the failure has not been due to a flaw in doctrine. Instead, senior civilian and military leaders have chosen to ignore or have neglected the complexities of termination. The US seemingly began Operating Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom with no apparent exit strategy. Senior US civilian and military leaders in the Bush Administration erroneously presumed that some other entity would assume responsibility for termination. Their decision was in direct conflict with doctrine, which clearly outlined the responsibility to plan for termination. Consequently, the United States was forced to assume responsibility for nation building. The research sought to explain why senior military or civilian leaders have neglected the specification of termination criteria. To provide the answer, it was necessary to explore four possible explanations. The first possible explanation is simply that military doctrine never addressed termination or that military theory neglected war termination. A second possible explanation was that both civilian and military leaders did not see termination as a responsibility of the US military. The next possibility was that the US did not intend to create a long-term commitment to the stability of a particular government. Lastly, the failure to define termination may have been simply a consequence of unforeseen unique circumstances. The research assessed US doctrine and operations in the pre-September 11, 2001 environment with post September 11, 2001 operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The object of the study was to review the lessons learned from earlier operations and determine if they were applied to planning for Operation Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994 were chosen because both operations focused on regime change. Termination for operations in Panama, although executed poorly, ended successfully. TThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Focus Targeting in a COIN Environment
Senior military leaders in Afghanistan recognize that there is a systemic problem in how our intelligence community is trained to look at the enemy and provide proper support to the military's counterinsurgency strategy. Where in the past, the intelligence community focused on enemy forces of a nation state, finding the enemy in a counterinsurgency COIN environment requires a holistic understanding of the environment. At the operational and tactical level, reaching this level of understanding requires intelligence assets to focus on the social networks and how they interrelate. Additionally, effective targeting in today's COIN environment requires a much different approach as well. Dynamic targeting models like the Find, Fix, Finish, Exploit, Analyze, and Disseminate (F3EAD) model, are extremely useful tools for rapidly processing information into useful intelligence for targeting.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foreign Policy and a State's Hierarchy of Needs
The last 60 years saw a great change in United States involvement in the world. From an isolationist position before World War II, the United States moved to world leadership as underwriter of European security and balancer of Soviet expansionism. The reason this country bore the brunt of that huge undertaking was clear. It was in our "Vital National Interests." First, fascist aggression sought world domination, and war resulted. Then, the security of the United States was clearly tied to blocking the spread of communism through a national policy of containment. In November 1989, the Berlin Wall came tumbling down and with it Churchill's famous Iron Curtain. Just two years later, in December of 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics died. The rapid fall of the Soviet Communist regime did two drastic things to international politics. First, it ended the communist threat to the US and free world. Second, the fall ended the Cold War and with it, bipolarity. Now turbulence worldwide generates as ethnic and nationalistic sentiments surface and cause civil and regional conflicts. Previously, these sentiments were buried under the mantel of communism. These conflicts present new challenges for the world and those concerned with maintenance of its order. The United States has not determined how to define these problems and the interests of this country, nor what the proper response to these events should be. The old bipolar paradigm is inadequate and a new one must be developed. This paper proposes a new model for United States involvement around the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Forward Deployment Policy
Today, Americans stationed overseas support a defense structure in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Japan, and South Korea built upon past threats. This study hopefully begins a re-evaluation of this forward deployment policy by looking at the history and origins of American participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It then compares the original need for forward deployment with today's associated threats, problems and costs. This study finds that while the United States remains a global power with global interests, forward deployed troops may no longer provide a cost effective means for guarding these worldwide interests. The world threat today may not require a large permanent American presence given the advent of strategic satellite warning, stealth technology, American power projection capabilities, and allied capabilities to defend themselves.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Armour
Updated throughout for the new edition, Armour: Materials, Theory, and Design covers extant and emergent protection technologies driving advances in armour systems. Covering materials, theory and design, the book has applications in vehicle, ship, personnel and building use.
Guantanamo Bay
This paper compares the costs of detention operations at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba against the benefits derived from holding suspected terrorists there. When Operation Enduring Freedom began, the Bush Administration needed a place to detain enemy fighters captured on the battlefield that the US deemed to be a high threat while also possessing a high intelligence value. The Administration issued policy guidance concerning detainees and the detention center at Guantanamo Bay opened soon thereafter. In the following six years, there has been a great deal of legal analysis and ongoing litigation concerning the legality of the detentions at Guantanamo Bay, including the application of the Geneva Convention to detainees and the permissibility of the pending military commissions. These continue to be contentious issues as the US forges ahead in its efforts in the Global War on Terror (GWOT). Putting the legal questions aside, it is possible to analyze the issues at Guantanamo Bay from a purely cost-benefit standpoint. This paper seeks to conduct this analysis by comparing costs, including monetary, personnel, negative public relations, investigative and Congressional costs against the benefits of operations, including intelligence, positive public relations and deterrence benefits realized by the continued detention of enemy fighters.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Wings of the Dragon
This analysis assesses the state of capability within the PLA Air Force, both at present and also based on a projection for 2020, in order to determine the range of options for China's leadership to rapidly project conventional force in terms of coercive, assertive or constructive actions. It is clear from the analysis that the PLAAF retains only a limited capability at present, and somewhat predictably, will possess a better capability in 2020. However, neither case presents a challenge for US and allied supremacy in the air. As far as conventional force projection capabilities in terms of airpower are concerned, any "near-peer" threat which China might represent lies well into the future, after a certain set of decisions which would need to be made by Chinese leaders with respect to developing additional capabilities beyond those currently planned. In response, the United States should focus less on countering and more on engaging China to support its growth into a responsible regional military power--while carefully watching for any sign that China is pursuing conventional airpower capabilities to act with force beyond China's near periphery.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
From Islands to Networks
From Islands to Networks A Blueprint for a Comprehensive US Security Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region Historic precedent and power transition theory predict the likelihood of armed conflict between a rising China as it overtakes the world's leading superpower, the United States. Taiwan highlights the dilemma by exposing conflicting US and Chinese interests and the changing nature of China's power. This long-term dilemma complicates the emerging alignment of Asia-Pacific interests. A comprehensive US Asia-Pacific strategy of Assured Partnership would safely manage this dilemma by incorporating a multi-tiered, inclusive, institutional approach. The strategy will decrease the likelihood of a US-China military confrontation for several reasons. First, existing bilateral alliances give the strategy its underpinnings, providing an anchor of assurance to allies and a deterrent to the rise of Chinese hegemony. Second, the strategy transforms the ASEAN Regional Forum into a cooperative security institution, the Organization of Asia-Pacific Cooperation. It will provide continuous dialogue, a region-wide security forum, and an enhanced ability to implement preventive diplomacy, consequence management, and peace support operations. Complimenting it, the Asia-Pacific Council consists of current or developing regional powers including the U.S., China, Japan, Australia, India, and Russia. The council preserves regional power strategic agility while providing for continuous regional direction, leadership, and power balance. Third, the strategy builds military transparency, trust and predictability through an institutionalized military cooperative regime, the Partnership for Security and Peace, similar to Europe's Partnership for Peace program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leveraging U.S. Intelligence to Defeat Mexican Drug Trafficking Organization
According to the Mexican daily newspaper Reforma, in 2009 there were 6,567 drug-related homicides in Mexico, with over 2,100 of these killings occurring in the Mexican border town of Ciudad Ju?ƒ?癒rez. Though in many ways this extreme violence has become the face of the drug war in Mexico, it is arguably what is occurring below the surface that is of greater concern to the governments of Mexico and the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Mobility, the Force Projection Army, and the Ottawa Landmine Treaty
Current and emerging United States Army doctrine places great emphasis on the concepts of strategic responsiveness and force projection to meet the National Security Strategy requirements. The use or potential use, of landmines significantly increases the lethality of the Army force during deterrence and combat operations, and enhances survivability. In essence, with the use of landmines, the U.S. Army achieves an economy of force that in effect increases the U.S. Army's agility, versatility and ability to deploy. Smaller more deployable Army forces such as the medium brigade and light units can generate more combat power by using the effects provided by landmines integrated with other combat systems. However, in order to use landmines worldwide, the U.S. must move, store, or reposition landmines in, through, or to the theater and area of operations prior to, concurrently, or in conjunction with the deploying Army force. Movement of forces, material, and equipment across international borders and into sovereign nations requires the permission of those nations, or a conscious decision to violate international laws and conventions regarding sovereignty. The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and their Destruction - also known as the Ottawa Landmine Treaty - has the potential to place severe limits on the United States ability to deploy forces. The Ottawa Landmine Treaty (OLT) prohibits signatory countries from using, developing, producing, acquiring, stockpiling, or transferring anti-personnel landmines. As more countries sign and ratify the OLT, and create internal laws that enforce it, the number of countries that will allow a force that trains, plans, and intends to employ anti-personnel landmines as a matter of course to enter, pass through or over its sovereign territory has the potential to significantly decrease. The location, national strategy, and strategic alliances of non-signatory countriThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Nuclear Forces
Recent books and journal articles published in China provide new insights into nuclear doctrine, operations, training, and the employment of the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) strategic rocket forces. The major insights come from exploiting sections of a doctrinal text published for PLA institutions of higher military education by the Chinese National Defense University, A Guide to the Study of Campaign Theory (Zhanyi Lilun Xuexi Zhinan). In the view of many in the PLA, the military power of the United States, the potential to use that power to coerce or dominate China, and the ability to threaten China's pursuit of its own its interests, presents a latent threat to China. Additionally, China's own threats against democratic Taiwan, and the fact that PLA leaders believe that the United States is likely to come to Taiwan's assistance in the event of Chinese aggression in the Taiwan Strait, magnifies the threat that PLA officers perceive from the United States. This perceived threat drives the PLA to follow U.S. military developments more carefully than those of other nations and to be prepared to counter American forces. The PLA is mixing nuclear and conventional missile forces in its military doctrine. Also, some in China are questioning whether the doctrine of "no-first-use" of nuclear weapons serves China's deterrent needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Anticipating Failure
"In the absence of significant internal reform, Pakistan faces a host of internal problems and external tensions that make the emergence of a failed, radical Islamist, nuclear-armed state a possible worst case scenario within 10 to 15 years. This potential emergence of a rogue Pakistan threatens several vital US interests. The U.S. relies on a stable, moderate Pakistan as a key partner in US counter-terrorism efforts and is a key player in maintaining stability in the highly volatile region. In addition, a failed Pakistan threatens nuclear non-proliferation efforts, promises a destabilizing regional nuclear arms race, and increases the chances of nuclear weapons or materials falling into the hands of radical Islamists with an expressed desire to both acquire and use WMD. While US policy should aim to prevent this catastrophe, this paper examines how US strategy must also prepare for a rogue Pakistan in the event prevention fails. This paper examines the potency of the Pakistans trend towards failure, the significance of a failed Pakistan to US interests in the region, and assesses US regional policy options in preparing for its failure. This assessment concludes that military options offer little utility in countering this threat except in rare and unlikely circumstances, and that limits to US power will lead to a US strategy of management and containment of a rogue Pakistan aimed at minimizing the effects of its failure. As a result, US regional policy in preparing for a possible failed Pakistani state should focus on five areas: first, increasing nuclear safety and security in the region; second, increasing our diplomatic and economic development efforts and influence in the region to include a strong alliance with India and diplomatic engagement with Iran; third, accelerating stabilization and nation building efforts in Afghanistan; and fourth, synchronizing all of our efforts by expanding our "soft" instrument of power. "This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The China-Taiwan Conundrum
United States relations with the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC) have been tainted by the long-standing dispute between the PRC and Taiwan. US involvement began with support of Taiwan after World War II as an effort to stop the spread of Communism in Asia. In the ensuing 50-plus years, US ties to both the PRC and Taiwan have grown into a tremendously different, extremely complex state. The world threat of Communism does not exist now-eliminating the main reason we supported Taiwan in 1950. Conversely, the PRC is a growing influence in both the Asia-Pacific Region and the world-especially with its expanding economic strength. The more the PRC grows in international prowess, the more motivation the United States has to improve bi-lateral relations with the PRC, but it does not seem the United States is taking advantage of the opportunity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ensuring Relevancy
The world has changed dramatically since the Washington Treaty of 1949 established the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The context of nontraditional threats, operational fatigue, increased membership, and fiscal austerity provides an opportune moment to assess Allied Command Transformation's (ACT) role in supporting Alliance-wide transformation. As one of NATO's two strategic commands, ACT has existed for eight years with the following three strategic goals: provide appropriate support to operations, lead NATO military transformation, and improve relationships, interaction, and practical cooperation with partners. Key successes include improved doctrine, better training methods, positive feedback from operational support, and an enhanced capability development process. Despite these gains, within the context of new threats and constrained resources, there is room for improvement. ACT can demonstrate its relevancy by doing four things. First, ACT should increase cooperation with Allied Command Operations to enhance NATO's mission effectiveness. Second, ACT should champion capability development by promoting interoperability, interdependence, and the comprehensive approach. Third, ACT should continue studying emerging issues like counterterrorism, failed states, global commons, energy, etc. as NATO's military think-tank. Finally, ACT should actively market its products to the nations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
