Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse
"Richly reported...a thorough and important history." -- Tim Padgett, The New York Times The award-winning, richly nuanced account of the collapse of Venezuela and what it could mean for the rest of the world. Venezuela has been mired in crisis for over a decade--characterized by economic collapse, political polarization, mass emigration, and widespread hardship--even as the country sits atop some of the world's largest oil reserves. In Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse, William Neuman provides a vivid, granular chronicle of that descent. Drawing on his experience as The New York Times Andes Region Bureau Chief and years of reporting from Caracas, Neuman explores the interplay of charismatic populism, economic mismanagement, corruption, and the international forces that have shaped Venezuela's fate. The book traces how once-abundant oil wealth became a source of distortion rather than development, how political power concentrated around Hugo Ch獺vez and later Nicol獺s Maduro, and how everyday Venezuelans endured rolling blackouts, hyperinflation, shortages of food and medicine, and threats to personal safety. Neuman blends history, journalism, and personal narrative into a clear-eyed account of how a petro-rich nation imploded, displacing millions and disrupting the region. Winner of Best Books of the Year from Foreign Affairs, the National Endowment for Democracy and the Overseas Press Club of America, the book's historical context provides readers indispensable insight into how decades of policy choices, institutional breakdown, and external pressures set the stage for the crises of today. Rather than offering simple answers, Things Are Never So Bad That They Can't Get Worse equips readers with the historical grounding needed to understand both Venezuela's past and the complexities shaping its future.
The Political Psychology of Populism
This book examines the underlying social pathology of Trump and Putin's political orientations. The assault on the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, and Russia's war on Ukraine in February 2022 both reveal a disturbing drift towards new forms of populism. Drawing on the theoretical insights of Sigmund Freud and Norbert Elias regarding the impulses of the masses and the social trauma triggered by the quest for lost origins, Trump and Putin's populist policies are revealed in a new light: shaped by love and hate, feeding on the frustrations and resentments of the masses, the two figures--and their followers--are driven to violence. For these leaders violence even fuels belief in a renewal of democracy--a democracy by the people and for the people, at the service of the masses. It is based on the idea that a single, pure truth is the source of appeasement and well-being that excludes outsiders. The book is a continuation of work previously published with Palgrave (The politics of destruction) and is the result of several years of interdisciplinary research and a dialogue between psychoanalysis and the social sciences.
Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments; Comprising the Writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartrwright on this Important Subject
Step into the heart of 19th-century America with "Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments," a compelling anthology that explores the economic and ideological justifications for slavery as articulated by prominent Southern intellectuals. This powerful collection features the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, offering a rare glimpse into the pro-slavery arguments that shaped the antebellum South. Revived from decades of obscurity, this edition by Alpha Editions is not merely a reprint; it is a meticulously restored collector's item and a cultural treasure, designed for today s readers and future generations. The book delves into the intricate relationship between the Southern economy and the cotton industry, providing invaluable insights into the historical debates surrounding slavery and its economic implications. "Cotton is King" invites both casual readers and classic literature collectors to engage with the complex narratives that fueled a nation s conflict. By examining the Southern perspective on slavery, this work encourages reflection on the moral and economic dilemmas of the past, making it a significant addition to any library focused on 19th-century American history. Rediscover this essential piece of literature and immerse yourself in the rich tapestry of historical perspectives on slavery that continue to resonate today.
Fabian Essays in Socialism
Unlock the transformative power of ideas with "Fabian Essays in Socialism," a compelling collection that has been out of print for decades and is now beautifully republished by Alpha Editions. This edition is not just a reprint; it s a collector s item and a cultural treasure, meticulously restored for today s and future generations. Dive into the heart of British socialism as you explore the essays that shaped the foundations of social democracy and progressive politics. Authored by leading thinkers of the Fabian Society, this book offers profound insights into political philosophy, economic reform, and the pursuit of social justice. Each essay serves as a beacon, illuminating the path towards a more equitable society. With its rich historical significance, "Fabian Essays in Socialism" resonates with both casual readers and classic literature collectors. Whether you re a student of socialist theory or simply curious about the evolution of political activism, this collection will inspire and provoke thought. Join the dialogue that continues to influence modern political discourse and discover why these essays are essential reading for anyone passionate about social change. Don t miss your chance to own this vital piece of literary history grab your copy today and be part of the conversation that shapes our future!
The Constitutional Amendment
Dive into a riveting theological dialogue with "The Constitutional Amendment: or, The Sunday, the Sabbath, the Change, and Restitution." This compelling discussion between W. H. Littlejohn, a dedicated Seventh-day Adventist, and the editor of the Christian Statesman, explores the profound implications of Sunday observance and the Sabbath debate, challenging readers to reconsider the intersection of faith and law. Originally published decades ago, this book has been meticulously restored and republished by Alpha Editions, breathing new life into a cultural treasure that deserves a place on every bookshelf. Not just a reprint, this edition is a collector s item that captures the essence of historical religious texts, making it a must-have for both casual readers and classic literature enthusiasts. Engage with the rich themes of religious restitution and the principles of Sabbath rest as you journey through this enlightening conversation that transcends time. The book s unique literary significance lies in its ability to foster interfaith dialogue and provoke thought about the relationship between church and state. Rediscover the wisdom of the past while connecting it to today s spiritual inquiries. This is more than just a book; it s an invitation to reflect on the values that shape our beliefs. Join the conversation and enrich your understanding of faith with this essential read that resonates with both history and modernity.
Denuclearization of North Korea
The denuclearization of North Korea, a formalized policy objective of the United States since the signing of the 1994 Agreed Framework, is the singularly most important objective of Washington regarding Pyongyang. The Agreed Framework is an accord that provides North Korea two light-water reactors in exchange for the elimination of its capabilities to produce nuclear weapons. However, many debates have arisen over the soundness of this policy option. The purpose of this thesis is to assess four different policy options for achieving the permanent or long-term denuclearization of North Korea: (1) the Agreed Framework, (2) the Amended Framework Option, (3) the Comprehensive Framework Option, and (4) the Coercive Denuclearization Option. The analysis of the Agreed Framework centers on obstacles that might prohibit its completion. The analysis of the Amended Framework focuses on North Korea's inability to distribute the energy that the LWRs will produce. The Comprehensive Framework analyzes the effects of the United States attaching additional conditions to the Agreed Framework. Lastly the, Coercive Denuclearization Option analyzes whether or not preemptive counterproliferation could force North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program. The conclusion of this thesis suggests that none of the evaluated policy options will lead to the denuclearization of North Korea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leveraging Interdependence to Avoid Armed Conflict Between the US and China
Today, many analysts predict China's growing economy and military strength will eventually create a peer competitor for the United States (US). Others fear China's globally expanding influence will threaten US national security interests and question whether the rise of China as an economic and political world power can be accomplished without armed conflict, especially armed conflict with the US. The purpose of the thesis is to identify key friction points between the US and China, discover areas of interdependence, and discuss management options that can be used to minimize friction and avoid a military conflict. The study provides a focused look at the US-China relationship and offers insights into how the US strategy with respect to China could be shaped to enable a more informed, tailored, and effective strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Contemporary United States Foreign Policy Towards Indonesia
United States national interests in Indonesia have traditionally being based on strategic security requirements given Indonesia's geographic location between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and strong anti-communist stance during the Cold War. However, the 1990s witnessed a decline in relations between the two countries primarily due to human rights violations committed by the Indonesian military in East Timor. This thesis examines contemporary United States foreign policy towards Indonesia to determine whether this policy promotes United States national interests in this country. It defines what constitutes United States national interests under strategic and security, economic, political, and humanitarian interests, and then analyses contemporary policy against these categories to determine whether they promote the identified interests. The thesis identifies that Indonesia's geographic location and demographic size and composition remain key enduring interests, while the rise of globally linked terrorist organizations has become the preeminent contemporary interest of the United States in this country. The thesis concludes that contemporary United States policy does promote national interests in Indonesia, although, the Leahy Amendment continues to limit the employment of the military instrument of power. This has constrained the Bush administration's ability to develop more elaborate policies to satisfy security interests, and enhance professional development in the Indonesian military.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of Kofi Annan's Leadership as the United Nations Secretary General and his Impact on the Implementation and Success of a Sub-Saharan Africa Agenda
There is a general understanding that leadership is the key to the success of any organization. This research examined whether the leadership style of Kofi Annan as the Secretary General of UN had an impact on the successful implementation of the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda. Annan served as the UN Secretary General for two consecutive terms between 1997 and 2006. He joined the UN in 1962 and rose through the ranks before becoming the Secretary General in 1997. The UN is the world body formed in 1945 with the purpose of bringing all nations of the world together in the quest to achieve world peace, security, stability, and economic development, based on the principles of justice, human dignity, and the well-being of all humanity. It strives to promote concerted effort among the member countries to tackle global challenges by balancing their individual national interests and the global interests. Currently, it has 192 members and 47 members are from the Sub-Saharan Africa. The Sub-Saharan Africa remains paralyzed by under-developed, poor governance, poverty, conflicts, hunger, low life expectancy, and illiteracy. Therefore, the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda during Annan's tenure was to alleviate the region from these fore-stated challenges. The study demonstrated that leaders apply diverse leadership styles to suit the prevailing situation. The study applied qualitative research methodology and revealed that Annan possessed a predominantly participative style of leadership as evidenced while implementing the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Interactions and the Arab Sub-System
One of the fundamental causes of war, posit a large number of political scientists, is the lack of communications among nations, as the absence of communications contributes to political polarization. The primary inhibitors to international communications are coalitions of nations, in the form of alliances and regions. Theoretically, for the latter, polarization begins with the development of regions as sub-systems within the international system. It may be assumed that by examining a region's political cohesiveness, or degree of integration, it is possible to determine the impact of the integrative process on international communications (interactions among nations), which is the intent of this thesis. The thesis tests the hypothesis that as regional political integration increases, there is a corresponding decrease in political interactions between the nations of that region and other nations of the world. The method of analysis for integration and interactions is quantitative. The variables used are national, executive level state visits and diplomatic representative exchanges, both as a function of time. The region selected is the Arab World. The thesis concludes that, for the Arab World, there is a direct relationship between political integration and extra-regional political interactions, with increases in the former adversely affecting international political interactions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Army's Counterintelligence Role in Homeland Defense
This thesis examines how the Army's counterintelligence elements currently conduct and could legally increase operations against domestic threats in support of homeland defense. It reviews the joint view of terrorism as the dominant threat to American security and the Army's view of domestic threat based on current doctrine. This thesis suggests combining joint threat indicators with the threat and criminal categories used by Army counterintelligence and law enforcement. Once combined, a new model would yield a hierarchy of threat groups or criminal categories ranging from terrorist group organizers and supporters to the common criminal. The thesis also examines current legal guidance for conducting counterintelligence in support of domestic operations. Army counterintelligence is usually prohibited from conducting activities that cross into the jurisdiction of the Federal Bureau of Investigation; a few exceptions are allowed to support military operations. When exceptions are allowed, strict parameters are outlined and only for a short duration. With the Army's increased and continuous role in homeland defense, a review of restrictive procedures is necessary. Research suggest that a need exist for a more definitive and systematic process for conducting such activities. Conclusions and recommendations are provided for improving Army counterintelligence support to homeland defense operations. The objective of this thesis is to provide additional insight toward this goal and generate new concepts and ideas for future research.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evaluating the European Defense Force
Following World War II Americans and Europeans have cooperated on varying levels in the area of security. Although NATO became the most important security organization in the region, Europeans pursued other venues as well. By the 1990s, the European Union (EU) emerged as a major economic organization that pursued greater involvement in European security. Thus the EU is developing a force to conduct military operations other than war (MOOTW). To accomplish MOOTW the EU defined "Headline Goals" for the European Defense Force (EDF); the force must deploy 60,000 soldiers within sixty days for up to a year. This thesis provides an overview of European security organizations focusing on the EU's European Defense Force. Studies of US Army deployments to Haiti and Bosnia are evaluated against US Army doctrine for strategically responsive forces. Similarly a scenario is developed to deploy the EDF to Algeria in order to evaluate the strategic responsiveness of the EDF. The EU faces great challenges in developing the EDF and is hard pressed to meet their declared deadline of readying this force by 2003. The essential question is to understand similar MOOTW deployments and what capabilities the EU possesses or is developing to meet these requirements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Caribbean Regional Security
Since the mid-1950s there have been attempts to create a regional military force in the English-speaking Caribbean. Although for differing reasons, these attempts have been driven by the interests of the extraregional powers, and at the times of crises, by Caribbean states themselves. To date, however, none of the initiatives for a regional collective or cooperative military arrangement have been realized. This study therefore seeks to determine the main impediments that have stood in the way of achieving this goal. The study analyses the impact of the international system on the region, it describes the Caribbean security environment, and the approaches the countries in the region have adopted in response to the perceived threats. The research shows that there are international, regional, and subregional challenges that preclude the establishment of a regional force. The thesis recommends that cohesiveness among the Caribbean militaries could be achieved through coordination at the operational level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Safeguarding Canadian Arctic Sovereignty Against Conventional Threats
The effects of climate change as well as national interests over control of vast amounts of natural resources in the Arctic seem to be destabilizing the geostrategic environment involving the circumpolar states. A traditional conflict scenario in the near future is not out of the question, particularly if the legal framework governing the region, the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, is proved inadequate to address the full range of issues in the region and fails to resolve territorial claims. Canada has ongoing disputes in the Arctic region with the United States, Russia, and Denmark, and has recently reaffirmed its commitment to its national sovereignty. Based on an analysis of military capabilities for Arctic operations as well as a qualitative comparison between each of these countries, this study establishes that Canada does not have the necessary military capabilities to deter and counter conventional threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. Consequently, Canada should leverage the other means of national power, specifically its existing multilateral security and defense agreements, to ensure its sovereignty in the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
ASEAN's Constructive Engagement Policy Toward Myanmar (Burma)
This research studied the effectiveness of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) policy of "constructive engagement" toward Myanmar (Burma), with the aim of recommending appropriate improvements to this policy. Myanmar is one of the world's longest military-ruled dictatorships and is beset with many internal problems. Its government has been criticized by some countries and non-governmental organizations for human rights abuses and political suppression. There are also allegations of cross border criminal activities, such as human and drug trafficking, coordinated by criminal gangs in that country. Despite its reputation, Myanmar was accepted as an ASEAN member in 1997. Since then, the association is one of the few organizations in the world with diplomatic links to that country. ASEAN's approach of diplomatic engagement, commonly referred to as "constructive engagement" is geopolitically advantageous to ASEAN in many aspects. However, it runs contrary to the current policies of diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions imposed by some Western powers such as the US and the EU. This research has studied the effectiveness of "constructive engagement" from three angles -- an "International" perspective, a "Regional" perspective, and a "Grassroots" perspective. It has found that ASEAN should not only continue "constructive engagement" but that the association should offer even greater assistance to Myanmar. These actions will help improve the quality of life of Myanmar's citizens and strengthen the country, as well as generating regional benefits.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance and Optimal Structure of the Military in Jamaica in the Current and Emerging Geo-Security Environment
In most democratic countries that are not engaged in conflict one can expect debates regarding the amount of the gross domestic product (GDP) that is spent on national security. The issue is even more significant in small states with limited resources. The Jamaican military is occasionally the subject of such debates. The arguments raised against expenditure on an active military force, as opposed to the police force, include the view that there is no apparent conventional external threat, while the internal police-type tasks are increasing. This study considers current and emerging threats to determine what capabilities are required to face them. Case studies of Costa Rica, Iceland, Singapore and the Eastern Caribbean States, are used to determine some of the options available for small-state security linked to the issue of sovereignty. Interviews of both military and nonmilitary experts on national security issues provide additional data for comparison and contrast. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for retaining the military's distinct character, with a reduced regular/active force structure, though not necessarily less personnel, and a significantly larger reserve component. The main theme is that Jamaica cannot afford to be complacent because the nature of security threats globally is evolving.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations璽€(TM) Operation in Somalia
This study examines whether the UN Operation in Somalia could have succeeded with a different approach or application. Somalia plunged into catastrophic humanitarian crises amidst brutality by the repressive regime and the civil war that followed its overthrow in January 1991. After a costly lapse of time, the UN undertook a peacekeeping operation in Somalia on 24 April 1992 with the adoption of Security Council Resolution 751. During the next three years of involvement, the UN sought to alleviate human suffering, disarm the factions, and institute a government--areas that would eventually determine success or failure. Given the major turns of events, the UN proved unequal to the task in each stage because of a chain of continuing flaws. However, this study suggests that chances for success were there and a different approach and application were needed. First, an early involvement could have yielded a positive outcome. Second, decisive and pragmatic approach during the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) I promised to be yet another way of being successful. The last possibility of success was linked with ability to capitalize on and continue the improved security and humanitarian situations that was achieved by the Unified Task Force. This particular possibility, as the study recommends, was the most practicable one.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian Influence on Ukrainian Strategic Policy
Ukrainian strategic policy decisions have a direct impact on US policy in Eastern Europe. Ukraine is often at the forefront of political tensions between the US, EU and Russia. The gas crisis of 2009 resulted in the cutoff of natural gas supplies to Europe for nearly two weeks highlighting the importance of Ukrainian-Russian relations to Europe and the West. The Ukrainian government is still struggling with the democratic process and a weak economy. Economic demands are the driving component of Ukrainian strategic policy decisions. Ukraine's requirements for western economic aid and attempts to gain NATO membership have raised tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Russia has been perceived as increasingly assertive in its foreign policy actions in the region, particularly after the invasion of Georgia. Using energy policy and an increasing use of soft power, Russia has attempted to influence Ukrainian strategic policy. The current government of Ukraine has set a course balancing their needs from the west while placating some of Russia's issues such as the Black Sea Fleet, NATO and energy issues. The challenges that Ukraine faces and how they develop strategic policy will have important implications on United States foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dynamics of Interagency Cooperation Process at Provincial Reconstruction Team in Operations ISAF and Enduring Freedom
The interagency cooperation process at provincial reconstruction team level in Afghanistan is assessed and analysed through Literature review and oral history interviews. The aim is to examine deficiencies and find possible solutions in order to improve the effectiveness of the PRT. In the conclusions the author delineates areas of concerns at the three different levels of war, provides possible solutions to the issues raised by literature and during individual interviews. In the recommendations the author delineates possible future areas of further investigation, specifically a deeper and broader presence of PRTs in the afghan territory in order to be more in contact with the needs of the local populace.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Formal Sino-Singapore Defense Relation
South East Asia (SEA) is a highly diversified region, culturally, ethnically, and religiously. Currently, territorial disputes and domestic instability make SEA a rather volatile region, masked by a seemingly benign facade. Singapore, an island state, not endowed with any natural resources, actively engages regional as well as international nation states to maintain a balanced of power in the region to ensure its continued economic survival and sovereignty. Amid the changing geopolitical climate of SEA and China's rising influence in the region, this thesis investigates the feasibility, acceptability, and suitability (FAS) for Singapore to establish a formal defense relationship with China. The thesis differentiates the characteristics of the various forms of defense relations; formal and informal, to provide the basis for the cost and benefit analysis and the also the FAS test. The thesis also addresses Singapore's bilateral relations with key nation states and how these will be affected by a Sino-Singapore defense alliance. The results from the analysis showed that a proposition of such nature is highly time-dependent and also geopolitically dependent. The conclusion highlights the realization of the alliance will have to be built on continued security cooperation and greater integration in the military security arenas between the two nations, capitalizing on the continued presence of Singapore's Senior Minister, touted as the cornerstone for such an alliance to be initiated.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving Southeast Asian Security Within the ASEAN Framework -- Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies
Since the end of the Cold War, changing global dynamics have brought about important political, social and economic developments to Southeast Asia. Foreign relations between the Southeast Asian states have also improved, reducing intra-regional tensions to the degree where inter-state armed conflicts are no longer likely. The domestic security situation of some Southeast Asian nations, however, remain precarious as local insurgencies resulting from political disagreements, ideological divergences and socio-economic gaps continue to plague these states. Terrorism, a second-order effect of these conflicts, has also become a security concern as regional terrorist groups, such as the Jemaah Islamiah and the Abu Sayyaf Group, have been working with global jihadist organizations to establish an ideological presence within these troubled states. If unchecked, these threats could potentially disrupt the peace in Southeast Asia and de-stabilize the region. This thesis will analyze Southeast Asia's ongoing insurgencies as well as its counterinsurgency efforts. It will examine whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), under the constraints imposed by its organizational principles, is able to play a more significant role than it has thus far in improving regional security by addressing the problem of insurgencies within its member states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Processes and Approaches That Africa Should Adopt for a More Responsive and Effective Management and Resolution of Conflicts on the Continent
This thesis examines the processes and approaches that Africa (regional and sub regional bodies alike) should adopt to be able to manage conflict situations before they get blown out, or resolve them when they have escalated. The time when African countries and organizations remained dormant and awaited the United Nations and super power nations to intervene to solve her problems is over, and Africa will have to take the initiative in this direction. This realization compelled the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to set up a mechanism for conflict resolution within its organizational structure. In view of this initiative by the OAU, this study looked at two separate conflict situations in Africa that the regional organization (OAU) and a sub regional organization (ECOWAS) put in efforts to resolve the conflicts. These situations were in Chad and Liberia. The study examines the two situations to identify the causes of the conflicts and areas where these organizations were found wanting in their peacemaking and peacekeeping efforts in line with the basic tenets of mediation, negotiations, and peace support operations. The study goes further to suggest ways that Africa could prepare to tackle such situations in future more responsively without losing credibility, either in the eyes of the adversaries or the international community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Counter-Narcotics Operations in Afghanistan
Narcotics trade is a major funding source for the insurgency in Afghanistan. Afghan law enforcement (LE) units target traffickers, processing labs, and drug caches to minimize this supply chain. These LE units are mentored by US Drug Enforcement Administration teams and British military personnel. However, they are limited in assets which degrades their ability to conduct missions in more dangerous areas, specifically the southern provinces, which is home to the Taliban. Military enablers are needed to enhance the effectiveness of counter-narcotics (CN) missions. The military has been asked to provide enablers such as helicopter lift, cordon security, and close air support. Traditionally, the military does not "do" law enforcement. However, CN intelligence has proven a nexus between drug traffickers and the insurgency. Should the military be involved? This study argues that the military needs to be more involved in CN missions in Afghanistan. Friction exists whenever the military is involved with traditional LE functions. However, these barriers to military involvement are policy issues. It is not against the law. Although the narcotics link to the insurgency is known, there is resistance to military involvement. Proving the nexus takes time, and may result in missed opportunities to target traffickers and insurgents. This paper highlights the need to target the narcotics "industry" to defeat the insurgency. Proof of the nexus should not be required.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Will the United States Withdrawal From the Republic of Korea Affect Japan's National Security?
This study examines the impact of the United States ground troop withdrawal from the Republic of Korea on Japan's national security. Japan's vital interests, her Self-Defense Force, and the status of the United States-Japan security treaty provide a basis for analyzing her current national security program. The effect of the withdrawal is weighed against America's changing role in Asia and Japan's perception of the threat in East Asia. Based upon the Japanese assessment of these developments, six major options have been examined as choices for Japan as she responds to the changes in this region. In the final analysis, it is anticipated that the United States withdrawal of ground troops in the short-term will not be significant. As long as the United States-Japan security treaty is credible and continues to serve as the cornerstone in this relationship, Japan's national security structure will remain relatively unchanged. In the long-term, however, it is probable that Japan will take precautionary steps to obviate the outbreak of hostilities. In the event of another armed conflict on the Korean peninsula, the most likely option for Japan will be a selective and conventional course of rearmament involving the continuation of her incremental advances and improvements in her current force structure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Private Military Company
This thesis investigates the post-Cold War evolution of private military companies. Specifically this study will focus on the measure of international legitimacy that is afforded to private military companies that conduct active military assistance operations that have a strategic impact on the political and security environments in which they are contracted to operate. The thesis has focussed the contract operations conducted by Executive Outcomes (Republic of South Africa), Sandline International (United Kingdom), and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (United States of America) within the time frame of 1988 to the present. The study concludes that at the international level, active military assistance operations conducted by private military companies are indeed legitimate, but that measurement of legitimacy can only be assessed as being de-facto and amoral. Moreover these missions are being conducted within a vacuum of effective regulation and accountability at the international and national levels that is decidedly inappropriate for the international realm in the twenty first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Affairs
As operations in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate, America's adversaries are capable of manipulating domestic and international media with lies, distortion and propaganda disseminated via the internet or media outlets. The U.S. military's inability to dominate the global information environment, as it does on conventional battlefields, represents a strategic and operational weakness that must be addressed. This study investigates the roles and responsibilities of deployed military public affairs officers as they pertain to influencing selected target audiences in order to gain and maintain popular support. Current and past doctrine is examined, along with marketing and advertising practices to determine military applicability. The research explores mass communication theories and techniques to improve public affairs officers' ability to influence these key audiences. This study concludes that influencing audiences, to include the U.S. domestic audience is the primary role and responsibility of military public affairs officers. Recommendations in this study include altering Public Affairs Joint and Service doctrine to reflect the responsibility for public affairs officers to influence their audiences and change public affairs training to teach mass communication theories that are designed to influence their audiences.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Declawing the Dragon
To what extent do the Chinese cyber-warriors--within the People's Liberation Army along with both state and non-state sponsored hackers/crackers--represent a viable threat to both the security and prosperity of our nation as a whole? In the past several years the Chinese have developed a myriad of both lethal and non-lethal cyber-weapons with the intention of denying or degrading an adversary's ability to use space-based intercommunication network platforms. The PRC and PLA have demonstrated a rapid expansion of their asymmetric operations, especially in the realm of Cyberspace. This paper will seek to ascertain the United States military's ability to defend and enforce our national interests, both in regards to our own domestic infrastructures as well as our partners abroad from Chinese-directed cyber-attacks.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Strategy, Future Threats and Defense Spending
In the early 1990s, the world has seen unprecedented changes in the global security environment that have drastically altered the balance of power, and the manner in which nations of the world interact. The evolving international security environment has significant implications for the use of United States military forces in support of national strategic objectives. In the last two years, the world has seen the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the death of Communism, the reunification of Germany and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Simply stated, the paradigm has broken. The comfortable, albeit dangerous, post-World War II world that we lived with has become more uncertain and unstable, and potentially more dangerous. This study investigates the national security strategy of the United States by identifying threats to our interests, our military forces and their employment and current defense budget trends. Using this as a baseline, projections are made concerning the future security requirements in the Post-Cold War world. Post-Cold War national interests are discussed, future threats and the military forces necessary to confront these threats are presented, and necessary budget adjustments are developed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maritime Security and the Strait of Malacca
The Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia is one of the world's most important waterways. Piracy, terrorism, and instability within the region have prompted representatives of global commerce to consider this strait dangerous to shipping. Any major incident could restrict navigation in these waters and have a negative impact on global trade and economy, in particular the economies of Pacific nations. National, regional, and international agreements and initiatives have attempted to address this situation with varying degrees of success. The US, through the US Pacific Command, while participating in many of these agreements, proposed the Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI) to provide a clear set of requirements and capabilities that address maritime security within the region. The RMSI framework correctly identifies the four critical elements necessary for maritime security within the strait. National and international dynamics impact the ability for any and all of these initiatives to achieve success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Denuclearization of North Korea
The denuclearization of North Korea, a formalized policy objective of the United States since the signing of the 1994 Agreed Framework, is the singularly most important objective of Washington regarding Pyongyang. The Agreed Framework is an accord that provides North Korea two light-water reactors in exchange for the elimination of its capabilities to produce nuclear weapons. However, many debates have arisen over the soundness of this policy option. The purpose of this thesis is to assess four different policy options for achieving the permanent or long-term denuclearization of North Korea: (1) the Agreed Framework, (2) the Amended Framework Option, (3) the Comprehensive Framework Option, and (4) the Coercive Denuclearization Option. The analysis of the Agreed Framework centers on obstacles that might prohibit its completion. The analysis of the Amended Framework focuses on North Korea's inability to distribute the energy that the LWRs will produce. The Comprehensive Framework analyzes the effects of the United States attaching additional conditions to the Agreed Framework. Lastly the, Coercive Denuclearization Option analyzes whether or not preemptive counterproliferation could force North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program. The conclusion of this thesis suggests that none of the evaluated policy options will lead to the denuclearization of North Korea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States National Security Interests and North Korea
United States (US) policy towards North Korea has struggled to adequately address the US national security interests. Contrary to interests delineated in the US National Security Strategy, North Korea possesses nuclear weapons, demonstrates the propensity to proliferate weapons of mass destruction (WMD), destabilizes the Korean Peninsula with its military threat, violates the human rights and dignity of its citizens, and is listed as a state sponsor of terrorism, . This work identifies opportunities for cooperation with China, Japan, South Korea, and Russia to meet US security interests while exposing the challenges for the same. With the exception of terrorism, all countries share US interests related to North Korea. However, a significant divergence in ways and means complicates a coordinated approach. In general, the US and Japan support hard power, favoring all instruments of national power, while China, Russia, and South Korea favor a diplomatic approach to issues. In considering the positions of each country, the US should encourage a regional country to lead efforts in addressing common security interests through attractive diplomatic and economic means generally favored by China, Russia, and South Korea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Future Options for Swedish Security Policy
The situation in Europe and the tendencies affecting its future security environment challenge current Swedish policy of neutrality and nonalignment. This study investigates the official policy, the situation in Europe, and the Baltic Region to deduce factors that are important for Swedish security in 2007-2010. The study evaluates options and focuses on two rarely discussed: collective defense with Finland and regional Baltic collective security. The most favorable option for Sweden is collective security. This study emphasizes the need for a mixed security arrangement, with focus on soft preventive security, linked to the European security process. This provides a framework to influence organizations and nations. Hence, Sweden obtains long term security, along with the greatest possible freedom of action to achieve national interests and to select its role in Europe and the Baltic Region. The study examines the risks, regionalization and the relative strength, of a collective structure. This study explains the concept of neutrality and nonalignment, as well as Sweden's rationale to pursue them. The study suggests the need to change the current policy due to the altered situation in Europe and the subsequent transformation of nonalignment. Collective defense has only marginal advantages compared to the current policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Apples and Oranges
Changes in the operating environment have resulted in a fundamental change to the shape and nature of peace operations (PO). The result is that PO have become closer in nature to intervention operations, with a focus on peace enforcement operations, rather than the traditional peacekeeping operations upon which most nations developed their PO doctrine. This has resulted in changes to PO doctrine by Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Given that doctrine establishes the conceptual framework for how militaries conduct operations; a common doctrine is desired to ensure interoperability among allies and coalition members. Conversely, differences in doctrine can result in differing attitudes, approaches, and foci when the doctrine is operationalized for a particular mission. Thus, the intent of this paper is to determine if and where Canadian, American, and British operational-level PO doctrines diverge and converge.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Road to a National Political Strategy for Missile Defense of Europe
One of the best ways to prevent the impact of a weapon of mass destruction is to prevent its delivery. Ballistic missile delivery of a weapon of mass destruction remains one of the most difficult threats to counter. This is partly due to technology and partly due to politics and economics. The ground based anti-ballistic missile system being prepared for installation in Europe is the most promising technology for a durable, reliable counter to a WMD tipped ballistic missile launched at Western Europe. Typically a defensive system has few detractors, but in the case of ballistic missile defense (BMD), there is much more at work than designing and building a weapons system. To implement a ground based anti-ballistic missile system for Europe, the United States has to develop a political strategy that will emphasize the cooperative, NATO, character of the program; the sharing of responsibility for the system; and the merits of basing interceptors permanently in Europe.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cohesion in Multinational Military Units
Several studies have described the relationship between leadership and cohesion, albeit not within a multinational context. Previous researchers have also identified a variety of factors that appear to influence the performance of multinational units. The literature has yet to address how a military leader can foster multinational unit cohesiveness. This research describes the importance of unit cohesion and how it can be fostered in multinational units. Using synthesis of findings from document study and the oral group interview data this thesis develops a framework whose key factors include (a) the conditions that exist in cohesive units and (b) the qualities and the tools that might help leaders facilitate a small multinational unit's cohesion. Unit cohesion evolves from mutual loyalty, trust, and compatibility of norms, values, and goals of all unit members. Leadership in multinational units is different than leadership in homogeneous units in many areas. Leaders of multinational units may cultivate unit cohesion if they exhibit interpersonal and emotional intelligence, cultural intelligence, and adaptable leadership style.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterrence by Denial
The United States has significantly increased the deployment of missile defense systems, specifically Patriot and Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (Aegis-BMD), to the Persian Gulf over the past six years. The increase from no missile defense assets in 2005 to two Patriot battalions spread across four Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries was specifically intended for Iran. According to published Department of Defense reviews and statements from United States (U.S.) officials, the increase in forward presence is intended to deter an Iranian regional missile attack and to assure GCC partners of the U.S. resolve in the region. The purpose of this study is to assess whether or not the presence of the U.S. missile defense assets actually contributes deterrent effects against the will of Iranian leaders, to execute a necessary regional missile attack. The author investigates the credibility of the Iranian threat in terms of capability and will. He also assesses the effectiveness of U.S. missile defense assets in the region by investigating the relationship between intent of the deployment, forces allocated for this intent, and the offensive/defensive balance with the Iranian threat. Ultimately, this paper finds that U.S. missile defense assets in the Persian Gulf region, though arguably the best in the world, are not postured to strengthen conditions for deterrence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of China's Possible Military Intervention in the Event of a Sudden Change in North Korea
This study addresses potential scenarios as to how a North Korean collapse could occur, whether China's military would engage in North Korea, and how China's military might intervene if it did so. First, regarding the likely scenarios for a North Korean collapse, this study looks at a power struggle, a military coup, or a popular uprising as potential scenarios of internal origin. Additionally, it discusses a military conflict between the two Koreas and U.S. military operations against North Korea as scenarios of conflict with an external origin. Second, based on an analysis of China's external environment and national interests, this study proposes that China's military would intervene only if a North Korean collapse were caused by an internal conflict. This study also posits that, despite its military alliance obligations, China would not intervene militarily on the Korean Peninsula if the collapse was due to an external conflict. Finally, concerning the form of China's military intervention in case of an internally driven collapse, based on Lykke's military strategy model, this study compares the advantages and disadvantages of a unilateral intervention, multinational operations, and UN-led peacekeeping operations and concludes that China would prefer a UN-led PKO because such an operation would best balance the ends, ways, and means and present acceptable risks for China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa
The West African subregion is host to strings of violent armed conflicts. These conflicts result in enormous human tragedy and account for the economic and societal deprivation that continues to plague the subregion while also stifling its development. A number factors account for these violence that afflicts the region, spreading across national boundaries with different political situations. This study examines the role played by small arms and light weapons in not only exacerbating these conflicts but also perpetuating the prevailing climate of insecurity in the West Africa Subregion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pakistan and Nuclear Weapon Proliferation
The study is a historical analysis of the Pakistani nuclear program which aims at bringing out the compulsions, restraints and constraints which forced Pakistan to undertake a nuclear program. The perceptions and responses, past, present and future, of the superpowers and some of the affected regional states are also discussed in the backdrop of the Pakistani nuclear activities. The development of the Pakistani nuclear program falls under two time frames, i.e., the pre 1971 period and the post 1971 period because of the differences in the scope and direction of the two. The paper follows a chronological pattern but it analyzes various factors using a combination of the deductive, the compare-and-contrast, and the cause-and-effect pattern. Each factor contribution to the Pakistani nuclear program is examined in detail. The pre 1971 period highlights three major factors; international developments in the nuclear field, desperate energy requirement and lack of natural energy resources. The post 1971 synthesizes four factors, i.e., the oil crisis of 1973, quest for security and survival, the credibility of the alliances and the Indian nuclear explosion of 1974. The study concludes that the analysis will provide a new framework for the future investigations of other such like complex situations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Strategy, Future Threats and Defense Spending
In the early 1990s, the world has seen unprecedented changes in the global security environment that have drastically altered the balance of power, and the manner in which nations of the world interact. The evolving international security environment has significant implications for the use of United States military forces in support of national strategic objectives. In the last two years, the world has seen the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the death of Communism, the reunification of Germany and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Simply stated, the paradigm has broken. The comfortable, albeit dangerous, post-World War II world that we lived with has become more uncertain and unstable, and potentially more dangerous. This study investigates the national security strategy of the United States by identifying threats to our interests, our military forces and their employment and current defense budget trends. Using this as a baseline, projections are made concerning the future security requirements in the Post-Cold War world. Post-Cold War national interests are discussed, future threats and the military forces necessary to confront these threats are presented, and necessary budget adjustments are developed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
New Roles of the Dominican Armed Forces in the Dominican Republic National Security Plan
This study investigates the institutional roles and the functions of the Dominican Armed Forces in their National Security Plan of 2005. Using the Klepak Threat Analysis Method this study analyzes the traditional threats to the Dominican Republic Security at the end of the Cold War, and the newly identified threats presented in the new National Security Plan, and how relevant those threats are to the Dominican Armed Forces and to the National Police. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what the new roles of the Dominican Armed Forces should be for the twenty-first century. After those roles are identified this study reviews the legal instruments that authorize those roles, primarily the Constitution, the Armed Force Doctrine and the Statutory Law of the Armed Forces. Finally, with the new roles defined and the necessary changes in the military legal system identified, and after reviewing the literature from knowledgeable sources about the Dominican Republic, this thesis proposes that the Dominican Constitution be amended, in order to separate the mandate of the Armed Forces from that of the National Police and specify the principles that characterize the nature of each body. In addition this study recommends reformulating the doctrine of the Armed Forces in order to update it to the Dominican reality. Furthermore, recommendations are made for the adoption of a more flexible Statutory Law, which allows the military of the Dominican Republic to confront a wide variety of threats such as natural disaster, social conflict situations, illegal migration, and prepare adequately. Lastly, the study recommends that nation stop considering Peace Keeping Operations as potentially damaging, and that the government resist the temptation to use the military in roles that jeopardize the military's burgeoning professionalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is a U.S. Military Presence in Southeast Asia Necessary in the Twenty-First Century?
For many years, the U.S. military presence in Southeast Asia (SEA) has served as an important stabilizing factor in region and has allow countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to sustain high economic growth, and develop social and political stability. With the loss of the Philippine bases in 1992, the only forward deployed U.S. forces in the Asia-Pacific region are located in Japan, the Republic of Korea and Hawaii. At the same time, the U.S. military in SEA is maintained through the use of port facilities and a multitude of bilateral security relations, and military exercises with individual ASEAN states. In the twenty-first century, ASEAN will continue to be confronted by a number of security concerns. This study shows that the significant threats facing the region are an aggressive and assertive China, conflict in the South China Sea, and an unstable Indonesia. In view of these security concerns, the study argues that a U.S. military presence in SEA is still necessary in the twenty-first century. Maintaining such a presence will yield significant benefits to the U.S. and ASEAN. However, the continued presence of the U.S. military in SEA is expected to face greater challenges due to lower military resources and support, as the U.S. finds itself increasingly embroiled in conflicts worldwide. The study proposes three possible options in which a continued U.S. military presence in SEA can be maintained, namely, maintaining the status quo, an increased presence and a surrogate presence. On balance, maintaining a surrogate presence, by empowering a suitable country within ASEAN, presents the best option for the U.S. and ASEAN.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
CSAT Occasional Paper No. 68, Discord or 璽€œHarmonious Society璽€?
With its ancient cultural roots intact, the government of China, regarded by many of its people as having a "mandate of heaven," is leading China into the future at almost blinding speed. Within the time frame covered in this monograph, China will supplant the United States as the greatest economic power on Earth. While its military capabilities are expected to lag slightly behind, by 2030 China will be, for all practical purposes, a peer of the United States in terms of its ability to influence interactions within the nation-state system. That China will be an adversary is not a foregone conclusion. Neither is its friendship. While this study concludes that it is China's intent to seek mutually beneficial relations with the West, internal forces have the potential to drive China toward conflict. Should this occur, the most likely outcome would be a proxy war, where US and Chinese interests could clash.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of Threat Perceptions on Security Cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
This paper investigates the impact of national threat perceptions on security cooperation within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The research includes a review of alliance theory and a study of security regimes which have historically influenced cooperation in Southeast Asia, namely the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), the Five Power Defense Arrangement (FPDA), and security initiatives of ASEAN and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Using case studies on the key states of Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam, a comparative analysis identified the following common threat perceptions: (1) security of the maritime zones; (2) contributions by external forces to internal instability; (3) regional disputes impinging on the sovereignty of one or more of the ASEAN states; and (4) uncertainty over China's interests in Southeast Asia. As an organization of small states not having a significant security guarantor, ASEAN must consider improvements in cooperative security without antagonizing China. An acceptable option for ASEAN is to pursue new increased military cooperation in response to non-state-sponsored threats, such as piracy or natural disaster. This would enhance ASEAN's capability to defend against less benign state-sponsored threats while maintaining conditions favorable to diplomacy and regional stability in Southeast Asia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Present and Future of the United States-Bolivia Relations
Bolivia is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. Nonetheless, it has great geopolitical importance in South America due to its geographical position at the center of the continent and its potential impact on the stability of the entire region. Bolivia has been for centuries one of the countries with the largest indigenous population in the area. Almost half of the population identifies with the native peoples--mainly the Aymara and Quechua--who consider the moderate use of coca leaf as a sacred element in their culture. However, the coca leaf is also used for the production of cocaine in Bolivia and other countries. For many years, political and diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States have been dominated by the problems posed by the cultivation and use of coca to the exclusion of other, arguably more important, concerns. In 2005, Evo Morales, was democratically elected as president of Bolivia. President Morales comes from the Chapare province, an area characterized by the cultivation of coca. Moreover, President Morales rose to political prominence after several years of activity as the leader of the coca growers associations. After taking office, the historical and traditional relationship of cooperation between Bolivia and United States has suffered a series of setbacks. Tensions have arisen over his approach to the coca problem. The United States government sees all coca products are destined for drug trafficking; ignoring the traditional cultural and religious aspects of traditional Bolivian culture. In contrast, the Bolivian government argues that coca is mainly intended for traditional consumption (ignoring drug-related issues). Relations between the two countries have been stressed for some time; but while there are signs of rapprochement, they remain marked by perceptions and policies associated with the coca problem. This thesis offers recommendations that would guide the bilateral relationship in a more fruitful direction.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterrence Versus Reassurance
The purpose of this analysis is to determine the impact on Norwegian security should NATO and the United States apply the Maritime Strategy to operational planning for the Norwegian Sea. The Maritime Strategy is a global strategy, which in competition for acceptance against the continental-coalition strategy, has to satisfy U.S. needs to counter the Soviet Union. Although much of the campaign for the Maritime Strategy has focused on the Norwegian Sea, the goal is global. The presence of NATO naval forces in the Norwegian Sea has been limited to the STANAVFORLANT and other allied forces during exercises. Recent exercises and force deployment demonstrate that NATO leaders have decided to increase allied presence in northern waters to counter Soviet Naval expansion. The 600-Ship U.S. Navy, being built as the result of the Maritime Strategy campaign, gives NATO the possibility to increase NATO presence further and make such an aggressive strategy in this area more credible. Official Norwegian Security and Defense policy rests on the twin pillars of deterrence and reassurance, and if implemented, the Maritime Strategy has to fit into the constraints made up by these two pillars. The preference of the Norwegian government seems to be a continuation of the system of previous restraints and confidence building measures to avoid confusion and superpower rivalry in the northern waters. The study identifies three areas which cause some concern: 1) the horizontal escalation aspect, 2) early strikes against Soviet SSBN's, and 3) peacetime presence within the Norwegian Sea required to assure that The Maritime Strategy, if implemented will be successful. The study concludes that the Maritime Strategy is suitable and acceptable from a Norwegian perspective. The main reason is that it contributes to deterrence against the Soviet expansion into the Norwegian Sea, and thereby makes Norwegian security policy more credible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Changing Dynamics of Military Advantage in the Information Age
The information revolution causes dramatic changes in the geopolitical environment, which result in new challenges to U.S. national security, particularly from a new form of global insurgency. The continued development and proliferation of information technology impacts the very nature of conflict and military competitive advantage. Can the U.S. expect to maintain its current unprecedented degree of military advantage in the information-age? This thesis examines this question using a qualitative research methodology. The research analyzes the impact of information technology on the geopolitical system, the nature of conflict, and the realm of military competition. Within this context, the research examines the changing nature of military advantage. Three elements of advantage are analyzed to determine qualitative changes that result from the changing conditions of the information-age. The elements are power, legitimacy, and effects. The research also includes a comparative analysis that seeks to determine how these changing conditions affect the ability of both the U.S. military and global insurgents to gain advantage. The research concludes that U.S. military advantage will decline relative to a global insurgency. As a result, the U.S. will face significant challenges in its effort to achieve lasting success in the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving Southeast Asian Security Within the ASEAN Framework -- Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies
Since the end of the Cold War, changing global dynamics have brought about important political, social and economic developments to Southeast Asia. Foreign relations between the Southeast Asian states have also improved, reducing intra-regional tensions to the degree where inter-state armed conflicts are no longer likely. The domestic security situation of some Southeast Asian nations, however, remain precarious as local insurgencies resulting from political disagreements, ideological divergences and socio-economic gaps continue to plague these states. Terrorism, a second-order effect of these conflicts, has also become a security concern as regional terrorist groups, such as the Jemaah Islamiah and the Abu Sayyaf Group, have been working with global jihadist organizations to establish an ideological presence within these troubled states. If unchecked, these threats could potentially disrupt the peace in Southeast Asia and de-stabilize the region. This thesis will analyze Southeast Asia's ongoing insurgencies as well as its counterinsurgency efforts. It will examine whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), under the constraints imposed by its organizational principles, is able to play a more significant role than it has thus far in improving regional security by addressing the problem of insurgencies within its member states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
