Danish Perspective on Baltic Security
This study examines Danish security policy since the end of the Cold War and offers insight into short-term perspectives on the future of that policy. Before 1990, Denmark pursued a relatively low-profile security policy, but that policy has since changed to one of "active internationalism." This term captures the essence of Denmark's recent change to a more active and initiative oriented approach to security issues. To demonstrate the full scope of this drastic change, current Danish policy is compared with Cold War policy. Building on this comparison, this thesis explores the possibilities, opportunities, and limitations inherent in the Danish situation, with special attention devoted to the evolving relationship between policy and the geopolitical environment of the Baltic Region. Finally, the analysis extends to the future (three to five years) of Denmark's security policy. This thesis concludes that Danish security policy has changed immensely since the end of the Cold War, from one of passive acquiescence to what has been termed "active internationalism" characterized by greater dynamism and ambition. Further, this study argues that, while Denmark has taken a leading role in subregional security matters, there are no overarching leadership pretensions. The study also emphasizes that Denmark's freedom of action is limited primarily by the agendas of the Baltic states and Swedish initiatives. Further, this thesis suggests that Russian-Danish relations will enjoy improvement and that Danish assistance to the Baltic states over the short term will undergo a change in substance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leveraging Interdependence to Avoid Armed Conflict Between the US and China
Today, many analysts predict China's growing economy and military strength will eventually create a peer competitor for the United States (US). Others fear China's globally expanding influence will threaten US national security interests and question whether the rise of China as an economic and political world power can be accomplished without armed conflict, especially armed conflict with the US. The purpose of the thesis is to identify key friction points between the US and China, discover areas of interdependence, and discuss management options that can be used to minimize friction and avoid a military conflict. The study provides a focused look at the US-China relationship and offers insights into how the US strategy with respect to China could be shaped to enable a more informed, tailored, and effective strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American and Soviet Security Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa
Using enhancement of global and regional objectives, procurement of military base rights, and benefits to the recipient state an effectiveness criteria, this thesis concludes that the security assistance program of the Soviet Union has been more effective in Sub-Saharan Africa than its American counterpart. After comparing the general character of American and Soviet security assistance efforts throughout the world, this analysis then identifies the global aspirations of each superpower. These findings provide the foundation for applying the effectiveness criteria. The states of Sub-Saharan Africa are then grouped into three regions. The Ensuing region by region examination yields conclusive regional assessments, as well as the overall effectiveness appraisal for American and Soviet security assistance programs in Sub-Saharan Africa noted above.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India-United States Security Cooperation
With the end of the cold war, India-United States security cooperation underwent a significant positive transformation. This thesis traces the historical context, origins, evolution and the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States to answer the primary question, "Does the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States satisfy each nation's interests in the foreseeable future?" This study draws on historical background, recent security partnerships, and information to analyze security cooperation while explaining obstacles to an enhanced security partnership between apparent "natural allies." The study reveals that there is a wide scope for deepened security cooperation based on mutual interests and that both countries are uniquely suited for enhanced security partnership in the current global security environment. This study concludes that India-United States security cooperation, especially in the areas of defense and counterterrorism, has made major progress from the days of estrangement prior to the Cold War, but that cooperation has not yet reached its full potential. Although present relationships are marginally sustaining the national security objectives of both countries, persistent efforts motivated by a combination of vital overlapping national interests and security objectives should produce bright and mature security collaboration. This study explores areas of potential cooperation and offers suggestions for expanding the scope and dimensions of future security collaborations. This thesis recommends that defense and counterterrorism cooperation must continue within a larger context of bilateral relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pre-Emption and Precedent
In 1981, Israel conducted a pre-emptive strike on Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor. Then Israel bombed a Syrian nuclear reactor at al-Kibar in 2007. Today, Israel is facing a new challenge as it considers Iran's nuclear program. This thesis is a comparative case study analyzing how Israel utilized its instruments of national power to deal with the threats in Iraq and Syria and how the international community responded after Israel destroyed their nuclear reactors. After determining the similarities and differences between cases, this thesis draws implications for Israel's ongoing efforts to deal with Iran's nuclear program. This study is significant because it is the first comparative case study to analyze Israel's experiences dealing with Iraq and Syria's nuclear programs. The findings of this study offer insight to US strategic planners as they consider strategies and timelines for dealing with Tehran's nuclear program, recognizing that Israel is willing to act unilaterally as historical events attest. The findings will assist US decision makers as they formulate policy concerning Iran, Israel, and the uncertain road ahead.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing China璽€(TM)s Hegemonic Ambitions
China's gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate over the past twenty years has been phenomenal and if continued even at a slightly slower pace, could exceed the GDP of the United States (US) by 2020. It is highly conceivable that China might convert the economic power into military and diplomatic power. Given China's domination of Tibet, incursions into the Spratly Islands, run-ins with the US and Japan, and a host of other seemingly assertive behavior, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether continued economic growth will lead to increasing hegemonic tendencies. This thesis employs a China-centric approach--China's history, classical strategic literature, strategic trends, and sources from the People's Republic of China (PRC) government, paramount leaders, and strategic thinkers are analyzed in order to uncover China's grand strategy and other clues that may signal hegemonic ambitions. These findings are then corroborated with an analysis of current day events as a reality check.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Human Security in the Asia-Pacific
Threats to security within the Asia-Pacific region continue to evolve. Traditional and non-traditional threats to state sovereignty and individuals exist across the region. Despite most recent security challenges being transnational, the dominant security policy within the Asia-Pacific region remains state-centric. This policy approach potentially generates instability by undervaluing the importance of individual security. The United Nations (UN) advocates human security as a means of providing freedom from want and freedom from fear for individuals. However, despite the altruistic motives of the UN, neatly separating traditional and human security is unrealistic, as sovereignty remains the foundation of the international system. Therefore, a human security policy approach must include the state-centric means available through instruments of national power. This research investigates whether application of such a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests. The research identifies that Australia's enduring national security objectives and interests are well defined and pursued using a state-centric policy approach. By analyzing case studies addressing threats in Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Southwest Pacific, the research concludes that a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Private Military Company
This thesis investigates the post-Cold War evolution of private military companies. Specifically this study will focus on the measure of international legitimacy that is afforded to private military companies that conduct active military assistance operations that have a strategic impact on the political and security environments in which they are contracted to operate. The thesis has focussed the contract operations conducted by Executive Outcomes (Republic of South Africa), Sandline International (United Kingdom), and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (United States of America) within the time frame of 1988 to the present. The study concludes that at the international level, active military assistance operations conducted by private military companies are indeed legitimate, but that measurement of legitimacy can only be assessed as being de-facto and amoral. Moreover these missions are being conducted within a vacuum of effective regulation and accountability at the international and national levels that is decidedly inappropriate for the international realm in the twenty first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Does India's Energy Security Affect her National Security?
India faces formidable challenges in meeting its energy needs and providing adequate and varied energy of desired quality to users in a sustainable manner and at reasonable costs. With a population in excess of one billion, India needs economic growth for human development, which in turn requires access to clean, convenient and reliable energy for all. The keys to energy security are assurance of supply and diversity of sources. As India seeks to secure her energy security needs, it is probable that she will seek to explore new options. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have led to spiraling oil prices which have adversely affected the Indian economy. The major impediments to India's ability to secure her energy are inadequate domestic energy capacity, the conflicting interests with China and India's geographic location. The Indian government has followed a policy of resource diversification. Overland trans-national energy pipelines are one of the options being explored by India to meet her energy security requirements. Overland trans-national energy pipelines by their very nature incorporate multiple nations (source nations, transit nations and destination nations) and are affected by regional and geo-strategic interests of the nations involved. Thus, they provide an excellent platform for analysis of India's energy and geo-strategic interests and its security. Based on this premise the study shall limit itself to assessing the feasibility of overland trans-national energy pipelines and determining the effects of such pipelines on India's energy security and its national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Energy Security and the South China Sea
The extraordinary economic rates of growth demonstrated in the Asia-Pacific region over the past decade are inextricably linked to an increase in energy consumption within the region. As annual consumption of energy resources continues to rise in order to fuel growing economies, energy demand in most countries has developed into energy need. Competition for energy in the name of energy security can take many forms. Contested claims, such as those driven by overlapping exclusive economic zones in maritime areas, have generally been settled through diplomacy. At other times, skirmishes involving military forces have resulted where words have failed. A textbook example of using the military in support of energy security is provided by China and its actions in the South China Sea against Vietnam and the Philippines. This study questions whether China believes access to the South China Sea is of vital interest, one directly connected to the survival, safety, and vitality of its future. Initial discussion focuses on review of Chinese economic and energy policies. Subsequent analysis details Chinese behavior within the broader context of international relations theory, concluding with discussion on Chinese policy, resource, and sovereignty issues specific to the South China Sea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Interactions and the Arab Sub-System
One of the fundamental causes of war, posit a large number of political scientists, is the lack of communications among nations, as the absence of communications contributes to political polarization. The primary inhibitors to international communications are coalitions of nations, in the form of alliances and regions. Theoretically, for the latter, polarization begins with the development of regions as sub-systems within the international system. It may be assumed that by examining a region's political cohesiveness, or degree of integration, it is possible to determine the impact of the integrative process on international communications (interactions among nations), which is the intent of this thesis. The thesis tests the hypothesis that as regional political integration increases, there is a corresponding decrease in political interactions between the nations of that region and other nations of the world. The method of analysis for integration and interactions is quantitative. The variables used are national, executive level state visits and diplomatic representative exchanges, both as a function of time. The region selected is the Arab World. The thesis concludes that, for the Arab World, there is a direct relationship between political integration and extra-regional political interactions, with increases in the former adversely affecting international political interactions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Regional Military Security Cooperation in North America
This paper is a concept document for North American regional security cooperation. The concept is a comprehensive, whole-government approach to regional security. It centers on actions the United States has and is taking from diplomatic, information, military, and economic perspective. It also examines where the United States is falling short in the employment of all elements of national power in achieving regional security. I frame the problem in the context of globalization and the predicted geo-political landscape of the future based on recent history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Forcing Doctrine to Match Reality
Australian military forces across a broad spectrum of military rank and branch are serving a crucial operational requisite for enduring stability in Iraq through the training of Iraqi security forces. There most certainly exist numerous circumstances suited to Special Operations Forces assuming the lead of providing Foreign Military Training; however, to assume sole responsibility only serves to impede the development of the capability in the rest of the Australian Defence Force. Whilst it behooves the Special Operations community to maintain excellence in what has become a traditional role, conventional single services and branches must similarly embrace the role and be prepared to conduct the full spectrum of military operations. A great deal can be learned from historical case studies of foreign military training models. Similarly, contemporary models are equally valuable in establishing 璽€~best practices' for what is a scantily documented and often misinterpreted capability. Australian military forces possess a proud tradition of training foreign militaries both historically and contemporarily. However, they have repeatedly failed to produce timely formal doctrine for subsequent use and professional development. Australia has identified an enduring requirement to provide foreign military training and advisory assistance within its strategic sphere of influence. Conventional and unconventional Australian military forces currently train foreign security forces in a number of countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, East Timor, and the Solomons. The necessity for doctrine has been established, but not developed. Conducting a military attack under high intensity, asymmetric, and complex conditions without the foundation of validated doctrine is both nonsensical to consider and destined for failure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of a Resurgent Russian Federation for U.S. European Command
This thesis explores the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence as a center of influence and the implications of this resurgence for United States European Command. This is accomplished by examining three countries within European Command璽€~s area of responsibility as case studies to determine Russian and U.S. interests, the convergence and divergence of those interests, and ultimately the implications for European Command. This study is based on the hypothesis that the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence impacts European Command璽€~s activities by forcing European Command to strike a balance between cultivating Russia as a strategic partner on security cooperation issues and preparing to defend US allies against Russian aggression.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Israeli Solution to Palestinian Terrorism
This research examined the Israeli Security Fence and attempted to determine whether or not the Israeli Security Fence is an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel. The research used a historical examination of separation walls, the current situation of the Arab-Israeli peace process, and the other factors surrounding the security fence to determine if the Israeli Security Fence objectives can be achieved. To address the primary and subordinate questions with this study, the researcher conducted a lengthy literature review covering three main topics: the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, historical separation walls, and Israeli Security Fence plans. As a result of this study, the researcher will be better able to support Army operations involving force protection matters and will be a more informed officer regarding terrorism. The Israeli Security Fence as an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel only scratches the surface of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Therefore, the researcher recommends that as a security system the Israeli Security Fence should be further studied after it is fully implemented. Additionally, the following areas of emphasis may assist in the understanding of the possible outcomes the construction of the Security Fence may create: (1) combating an insurgency using security and separation; (2) economic impacts of separation of populations and its effects on an insurgency; (3) external support of the Palestinian Authority and its economic impact on terrorism in Israel; (4) the strategy of terrorism, counterterrorism, and politics in Israel and Palestine; and (5) Israeli counterterrorism operational factors and effects in the West Bank.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Processes and Approaches That Africa Should Adopt for a More Responsive and Effective Management and Resolution of Conflicts on the Continent
This thesis examines the processes and approaches that Africa (regional and sub regional bodies alike) should adopt to be able to manage conflict situations before they get blown out, or resolve them when they have escalated. The time when African countries and organizations remained dormant and awaited the United Nations and super power nations to intervene to solve her problems is over, and Africa will have to take the initiative in this direction. This realization compelled the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to set up a mechanism for conflict resolution within its organizational structure. In view of this initiative by the OAU, this study looked at two separate conflict situations in Africa that the regional organization (OAU) and a sub regional organization (ECOWAS) put in efforts to resolve the conflicts. These situations were in Chad and Liberia. The study examines the two situations to identify the causes of the conflicts and areas where these organizations were found wanting in their peacemaking and peacekeeping efforts in line with the basic tenets of mediation, negotiations, and peace support operations. The study goes further to suggest ways that Africa could prepare to tackle such situations in future more responsively without losing credibility, either in the eyes of the adversaries or the international community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failure to End the Kivu Conflict
A long conflict has been going on in the Kivu region of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Today, in its later stages, the conflict has become an amalgamation of insurgencies by the former Rwanda Armed Forces (FAR) and genocidal forces under the umbrella of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), fighting to overthrow the Government of Rwanda, a multitude of Congolese militias, insurgents and renegade Congolese soldiers, and bandits fighting for varying causes. Rwanda, on the other side of the border, the country recovering from its horrible past of conflict and genocide, has always been wary of these negative forces a few miles from its Western Province, seeing it as a powder keg waiting to explode and upset the current development strategies taken. All stakeholders seem to be aware that this conflict is a big sore in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, but have failed to end it. This thesis will show that as long as this conflict in North and South Kivu Provinces of the DRC is not resolved, the political, military, security, and economic stability of Rwanda will be at risk. It will also recommend some possible solutions to ending this persistent conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear Attack on U.S. Space-Based Assets
This study examines what changes need to be made in U.S. strategy, policy, and programs in order to prevent a nuclear attack on its space-based assets. The study was inspired by an event, which occurred during the Army After Next Winter Wargame conducted at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, in the winter of 1997. Although this attack took place in a wargame set in the year 2020, the threat is relevant today. As the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues, the possibility of a rogue nation using a nuclear weapon as what has been called the "cheapest form of ASAT" (Anti-satellite Weapon) is a contingency that the political and military leaders of the U.S. cannot dismiss. This study will review the technical aspects of the use of nuclear weapons in space, deterrence, strategy, and policy issues that affect such an attack. Finally, this thesis will identify the gaps in U.S. strategy and policy and demonstrate how these same gaps potentially leave the U.S. vulnerable to this form of attack in the present time frame. It concludes that the nation cannot currently prevent a nuclear attack on its space-based assets, the best it can achieve is to attempt to deter such an attack and limit the effects should deterrence fail. It proposes what is needed to augment the mission of space control under the present circumstances.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterrence by Denial
The United States has significantly increased the deployment of missile defense systems, specifically Patriot and Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (Aegis-BMD), to the Persian Gulf over the past six years. The increase from no missile defense assets in 2005 to two Patriot battalions spread across four Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries was specifically intended for Iran. According to published Department of Defense reviews and statements from United States (U.S.) officials, the increase in forward presence is intended to deter an Iranian regional missile attack and to assure GCC partners of the U.S. resolve in the region. The purpose of this study is to assess whether or not the presence of the U.S. missile defense assets actually contributes deterrent effects against the will of Iranian leaders, to execute a necessary regional missile attack. The author investigates the credibility of the Iranian threat in terms of capability and will. He also assesses the effectiveness of U.S. missile defense assets in the region by investigating the relationship between intent of the deployment, forces allocated for this intent, and the offensive/defensive balance with the Iranian threat. Ultimately, this paper finds that U.S. missile defense assets in the Persian Gulf region, though arguably the best in the world, are not postured to strengthen conditions for deterrence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of a Resurgent Russian Federation for U.S. European Command
This thesis explores the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence as a center of influence and the implications of this resurgence for United States European Command. This is accomplished by examining three countries within European Command璽€~s area of responsibility as case studies to determine Russian and U.S. interests, the convergence and divergence of those interests, and ultimately the implications for European Command. This study is based on the hypothesis that the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence impacts European Command璽€~s activities by forcing European Command to strike a balance between cultivating Russia as a strategic partner on security cooperation issues and preparing to defend US allies against Russian aggression.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Drug Trafficking as a Lethal Regional Threat in Central America
Drug trafficking has been a menace in most Latin American countries for many decades. We know enough about how the phenomenon works as an economic and social problem and how it affects the continent, but in the last decade, with the attention of the world on Islamic extremist terrorism, there has been a diversion of resources and political attention from how drug trafficking has evolved and how much of a threat it is currently posing to the developing democracies in Latin America. This thesis explores just how critical the problem of drug trafficking currently is in Central America and what consequences we can expect for the region and for the US. This study is important because it sheds light on a problem that has not only dramatically grown and spread throughout many Latin American countries but has acquired new objectives and operational concepts that have probably turned it into the most lethal regional threat against many of the fragile developing democracies particularly in Central America. This work also explores the growing threat that this situation poses directly to the US. My primary question is: How has drug trafficking evolved in Latin America and what level of threat does it pose to Central America? The methodology I used to serve my thesis was a deductive one. I looked into the effect patterns of drug trafficking in the Andean region of South America and compared them to those of Mexico, which is the most recent focal point of drug trafficking in Latin America, in order to prove their evolving changes and effects on the health of the states they operate in. The results can be extrapolated into the political, economic and social environment of Central America in order to project the consequences of drug trafficking in the next 10 years.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Israeli Solution to Palestinian Terrorism
This research examined the Israeli Security Fence and attempted to determine whether or not the Israeli Security Fence is an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel. The research used a historical examination of separation walls, the current situation of the Arab-Israeli peace process, and the other factors surrounding the security fence to determine if the Israeli Security Fence objectives can be achieved. To address the primary and subordinate questions with this study, the researcher conducted a lengthy literature review covering three main topics: the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, historical separation walls, and Israeli Security Fence plans. As a result of this study, the researcher will be better able to support Army operations involving force protection matters and will be a more informed officer regarding terrorism. The Israeli Security Fence as an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel only scratches the surface of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Therefore, the researcher recommends that as a security system the Israeli Security Fence should be further studied after it is fully implemented. Additionally, the following areas of emphasis may assist in the understanding of the possible outcomes the construction of the Security Fence may create: (1) combating an insurgency using security and separation; (2) economic impacts of separation of populations and its effects on an insurgency; (3) external support of the Palestinian Authority and its economic impact on terrorism in Israel; (4) the strategy of terrorism, counterterrorism, and politics in Israel and Palestine; and (5) Israeli counterterrorism operational factors and effects in the West Bank.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear South Asia
This study investigates the military stability of South Asia, after overt display of nuclear explosions by Pakistan and India in May 1998. The two countries have been loggerhead on Kashmir dispute since their inception in 1948. Both have fought three major wars and are in the process of fighting a limited war in the Himalayan Mountains for the last seventeen years. The specific emphasis was on the analyses of the genesis of problem and the roots of mistrust between the two countries. The present day military scenario and relationship of both countries have been discussed with special emphasis on the military government in Pakistan and hard-line religious government in India. The recent Kargil crisis in 1999, soon after nuclearization of both countries was also discussed during the course of study. The study explained the problem areas, arms race and nuclear thresholds of two countries. It also briefly touched upon the reasons for nonadherence of nonproliferation treaties in vogue by the two countries. The study also includes the overall geopolitical environments of South Asia including the China factor in the region. The study advocates that the world, in general, and South Asia, in particular, will remain under the clouds of nuclear holocaust due to Pakistan and India, unless Kashmir problem is amicably solved. In this regard the importance of intervention by world powers especially United States is extremely important. Both Pakistan and India have failed to resolve their core issue of Kashmir by bilateral talks so far; thus, third party intervention is extremely essential. If world powers fail to do so, it is a matter of time only when both countries will once again indulge in another full-scale war, which may have a potential to turn into a nuclear war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
New Roles of the Dominican Armed Forces in the Dominican Republic National Security Plan
This study investigates the institutional roles and the functions of the Dominican Armed Forces in their National Security Plan of 2005. Using the Klepak Threat Analysis Method this study analyzes the traditional threats to the Dominican Republic Security at the end of the Cold War, and the newly identified threats presented in the new National Security Plan, and how relevant those threats are to the Dominican Armed Forces and to the National Police. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what the new roles of the Dominican Armed Forces should be for the twenty-first century. After those roles are identified this study reviews the legal instruments that authorize those roles, primarily the Constitution, the Armed Force Doctrine and the Statutory Law of the Armed Forces. Finally, with the new roles defined and the necessary changes in the military legal system identified, and after reviewing the literature from knowledgeable sources about the Dominican Republic, this thesis proposes that the Dominican Constitution be amended, in order to separate the mandate of the Armed Forces from that of the National Police and specify the principles that characterize the nature of each body. In addition this study recommends reformulating the doctrine of the Armed Forces in order to update it to the Dominican reality. Furthermore, recommendations are made for the adoption of a more flexible Statutory Law, which allows the military of the Dominican Republic to confront a wide variety of threats such as natural disaster, social conflict situations, illegal migration, and prepare adequately. Lastly, the study recommends that nation stop considering Peace Keeping Operations as potentially damaging, and that the government resist the temptation to use the military in roles that jeopardize the military's burgeoning professionalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations Peacekeeping in the Twenty-First Century
This study objectively analyzes, within a systemic approach, the causes that undermined the responsiveness and legitimacy of the United Nations peace operations in four case studies: Korea, the Suez Canal crisis, the Persian Gulf War, and UNPROFOR. The focus of the analysis is the Security Council and its decision-making process. The study was accomplished by submitting the historical facts regarding the four case studies to the analytical questions that were established in order to frame the two screening criteria: responsiveness and legitimacy. The literature review established the main conceptual principles and three mainstream schools of thought were defined: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The findings point out that in order to face the challenges of the current operational environment, the United Nations needs to reform its Security Council and its decision-making process so that it better reflects the current geopolitical realities and it more effectively achieves the objectives of the complex peacekeeping operations of the twenty-first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Inter-American Defense Board
This study attempts to determine how well the IADB has performed it s mission within the inter-American security system. The investigation relies on historical analysis of the Board's performance over the past four decades, application of alliance politics theory, and interpretation of a questionnaire administered to both military and non-military students from the United States and Latin America. Investigation reveals that the hemispheric security environment and the nature of the threat have changed tremendously during the period since the founding of the oldest international military organization in the Free World. Consequently, the Board has had to adapt, seeking new roles and functions while some of its members question its basic mission of planning for an external threat to the Western Hemisphere. Attempts have been made by the IADB to establish a more formal institutional link with the Organization of American States, but these have so far proven futile due to insurmountable political and bureaucratic hurdles. The board has performed many useful tasks, but usually in obscurity, due in part to contradictory security visions among its member nations and also to political intransigence stemming from distrust of the Latin American military. Looming over the entire inter-American military system is the fact of traditional dominance by the United States. Elements of this Imbalance have begun to dissipate in recent years, but the resulting divisive tendencies have made it more difficult to maintain a sense of solidarity. The study concludes that the IADB should be retained, but revitalized to fit the security needs and the political tenor of the times. Specific recommendations are offered in the final chapter, to include: (1) A closer, more formal relationship between IADB and the OAS, or at least a formal charter for the Board delimiting the complementary roles of the two organizations: (2) establishment of an Inter-American Security Council to replace the impotenThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese National Security Strategy
Examination of Chinese national security issues is incomplete without a frame of reference that includes Chinese dynastic history, culture, and thought. Additionally, such examination requires viewing through lenses created by modern China's economics and politics. When viewed in this holistic fashion, Chinese defense strategies and concerns, especially with respect to two extremely important and timely issues, modernization of the PLA and Taiwan, can be discerned in a clearer light, resulting in an better, if more complex, understanding of the potential for military action on behalf of China tempered by the realities and difficulties China faces in improving a military force under their worldview and, also, their political and economic restraints. Accordingly, as a part of a coordinated effort, the US Air Force can provide both significant deterrence for military action in the Pacific in the form of appropriate force deployment and employment, as well as dissuasion from a potentially perceived Chinese requirement for military action through taking a "longer view" in understanding the value of activities such as military-to-military engagement.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Caribbean Regional Security
Since the mid-1950s there have been attempts to create a regional military force in the English-speaking Caribbean. Although for differing reasons, these attempts have been driven by the interests of the extraregional powers, and at the times of crises, by Caribbean states themselves. To date, however, none of the initiatives for a regional collective or cooperative military arrangement have been realized. This study therefore seeks to determine the main impediments that have stood in the way of achieving this goal. The study analyses the impact of the international system on the region, it describes the Caribbean security environment, and the approaches the countries in the region have adopted in response to the perceived threats. The research shows that there are international, regional, and subregional challenges that preclude the establishment of a regional force. The thesis recommends that cohesiveness among the Caribbean militaries could be achieved through coordination at the operational level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American and Soviet Security Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa
Using enhancement of global and regional objectives, procurement of military base rights, and benefits to the recipient state an effectiveness criteria, this thesis concludes that the security assistance program of the Soviet Union has been more effective in Sub-Saharan Africa than its American counterpart. After comparing the general character of American and Soviet security assistance efforts throughout the world, this analysis then identifies the global aspirations of each superpower. These findings provide the foundation for applying the effectiveness criteria. The states of Sub-Saharan Africa are then grouped into three regions. The Ensuing region by region examination yields conclusive regional assessments, as well as the overall effectiveness appraisal for American and Soviet security assistance programs in Sub-Saharan Africa noted above.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Return of the Golan Heights
This study analyzes the conditions that need to be met in order for Israel to return the Golan Heights to Syria while maintaining its security. Those conditions are: Israel and Syria must overcome history and politics; Israel must get asymmetrical disarmament zones; Syria and Israel must each have early warning stations; Israel must have a phased withdrawal from the Golan Heights; Syria must not interrupt water flow from the Golan Heights rivers; President Asad of Syria must instill peace in southern Lebanon; and Syria and Israel must reinitiate talks. The study explains those conditions and their impact on the negotiations over the Golan Heights which is the focal point for peace between Israel and Syria. The study also outlines a solution for peace between Israel and Syria, taking into account the conditions. The overall conclusion is that if the conditions are not met, then peace is not possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Adding Nonlinear Tools to the Strategist璽€(TM)s Toolbox
Since the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton's laws of motion have had tremendous impact on the Western world's mind-sets for understanding nature as predictable and orderly. Consequently, Western strategic culture has been based on a linear paradigm. In linear systems outputs are proportional to the input, and the ration between input and output remains constant. Linear systems also comply with the rule of additivity and can be regarded as deterministic. Most importantly, in linear systems variables are treated independently. Today we know that Newton's laws do not explain how nature behaves. Thus, applications on nonlinear are emerging in many scientific disciplines, but in strategy, we keep committed to the paradigm outlined by Newton. The nonlinear paradigm accepts complexity and uncertainty as natural elements, and the characteristics of nonlinear systems can be described as highly interconnected and the rule of additivity does not apply. Lack of proportionality makes nonlinear systems sensitive to initial conditions and studying the behavior of components in the system cannot derive the collective behavior. Based on new input, nonlinear systems bifurcate into multiple states and changes characteristics as new states are adopted. This thesis seeks to determine if the use of cognitive tools from the nonlinear realm can enhance national security strategies. A set of nonlinear tools is introduced and three strategic dimensions are examined: context, process, and content. Within the three dimensions six variables are studied; world order, political paradigms, decision-making, organizational structure, adaptation, and complexity, and uncertainty. The nonlinear tools are applied by relating to historical vignettes. The thesis concludes that national security strategies can be better understood, planned and executed by applying nonlinear tools. However, the greatest challenge lies in the transition to a new underlying paradigm and adopting a new mindset. Finally, This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
ASEAN's Constructive Engagement Policy Toward Myanmar (Burma)
This research studied the effectiveness of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) policy of "constructive engagement" toward Myanmar (Burma), with the aim of recommending appropriate improvements to this policy. Myanmar is one of the world's longest military-ruled dictatorships and is beset with many internal problems. Its government has been criticized by some countries and non-governmental organizations for human rights abuses and political suppression. There are also allegations of cross border criminal activities, such as human and drug trafficking, coordinated by criminal gangs in that country. Despite its reputation, Myanmar was accepted as an ASEAN member in 1997. Since then, the association is one of the few organizations in the world with diplomatic links to that country. ASEAN's approach of diplomatic engagement, commonly referred to as "constructive engagement" is geopolitically advantageous to ASEAN in many aspects. However, it runs contrary to the current policies of diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions imposed by some Western powers such as the US and the EU. This research has studied the effectiveness of "constructive engagement" from three angles -- an "International" perspective, a "Regional" perspective, and a "Grassroots" perspective. It has found that ASEAN should not only continue "constructive engagement" but that the association should offer even greater assistance to Myanmar. These actions will help improve the quality of life of Myanmar's citizens and strengthen the country, as well as generating regional benefits.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nepal's Strategic Future
Nepal, geo-strategically located between India and China, must have appropriate relations with both countries. Prior to 2006, Nepal's monarch maintained a generally balanced approach in dealing with India and China even though in practice Nepal had a closer relationship with India due to key factors, such as geography, socio-cultural closeness, and reliance on trade and transit through India. However, a great political transition occurred in Nepal during 2007, and since 2008, China has increased its activities within Nepal. This study addresses Nepal's strategic dilemma by looking at three policy options: lean towards India; lean towards China; or follow a middle road between these two powers. Through descriptive and analytical studies of government policies adopted by Nepal, India, and China, published books, and scholarly articles, this research analyzes Nepal's options in terms of the diplomatic-political, informational, military, and economic (DIME) instruments of national power and geographic factors. Nepal must preserve her hard-won position within this triangle carefully and wisely. She must carefully choose her future path. She must maintain a sharp focus on serving her national interests, promoting stability and prosperity, and preserving her sovereignty and independence while taking into consideration the interests of her two powerful next-door neighbors, China and India.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failure to End the Kivu Conflict
A long conflict has been going on in the Kivu region of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Today, in its later stages, the conflict has become an amalgamation of insurgencies by the former Rwanda Armed Forces (FAR) and genocidal forces under the umbrella of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), fighting to overthrow the Government of Rwanda, a multitude of Congolese militias, insurgents and renegade Congolese soldiers, and bandits fighting for varying causes. Rwanda, on the other side of the border, the country recovering from its horrible past of conflict and genocide, has always been wary of these negative forces a few miles from its Western Province, seeing it as a powder keg waiting to explode and upset the current development strategies taken. All stakeholders seem to be aware that this conflict is a big sore in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, but have failed to end it. This thesis will show that as long as this conflict in North and South Kivu Provinces of the DRC is not resolved, the political, military, security, and economic stability of Rwanda will be at risk. It will also recommend some possible solutions to ending this persistent conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian Influence on Ukrainian Strategic Policy
Ukrainian strategic policy decisions have a direct impact on US policy in Eastern Europe. Ukraine is often at the forefront of political tensions between the US, EU and Russia. The gas crisis of 2009 resulted in the cutoff of natural gas supplies to Europe for nearly two weeks highlighting the importance of Ukrainian-Russian relations to Europe and the West. The Ukrainian government is still struggling with the democratic process and a weak economy. Economic demands are the driving component of Ukrainian strategic policy decisions. Ukraine's requirements for western economic aid and attempts to gain NATO membership have raised tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Russia has been perceived as increasingly assertive in its foreign policy actions in the region, particularly after the invasion of Georgia. Using energy policy and an increasing use of soft power, Russia has attempted to influence Ukrainian strategic policy. The current government of Ukraine has set a course balancing their needs from the west while placating some of Russia's issues such as the Black Sea Fleet, NATO and energy issues. The challenges that Ukraine faces and how they develop strategic policy will have important implications on United States foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Counter-Narcotics Operations in Afghanistan
Narcotics trade is a major funding source for the insurgency in Afghanistan. Afghan law enforcement (LE) units target traffickers, processing labs, and drug caches to minimize this supply chain. These LE units are mentored by US Drug Enforcement Administration teams and British military personnel. However, they are limited in assets which degrades their ability to conduct missions in more dangerous areas, specifically the southern provinces, which is home to the Taliban. Military enablers are needed to enhance the effectiveness of counter-narcotics (CN) missions. The military has been asked to provide enablers such as helicopter lift, cordon security, and close air support. Traditionally, the military does not "do" law enforcement. However, CN intelligence has proven a nexus between drug traffickers and the insurgency. Should the military be involved? This study argues that the military needs to be more involved in CN missions in Afghanistan. Friction exists whenever the military is involved with traditional LE functions. However, these barriers to military involvement are policy issues. It is not against the law. Although the narcotics link to the insurgency is known, there is resistance to military involvement. Proving the nexus takes time, and may result in missed opportunities to target traffickers and insurgents. This paper highlights the need to target the narcotics "industry" to defeat the insurgency. Proof of the nexus should not be required.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Return of the Golan Heights
This study analyzes the conditions that need to be met in order for Israel to return the Golan Heights to Syria while maintaining its security. Those conditions are: Israel and Syria must overcome history and politics; Israel must get asymmetrical disarmament zones; Syria and Israel must each have early warning stations; Israel must have a phased withdrawal from the Golan Heights; Syria must not interrupt water flow from the Golan Heights rivers; President Asad of Syria must instill peace in southern Lebanon; and Syria and Israel must reinitiate talks. The study explains those conditions and their impact on the negotiations over the Golan Heights which is the focal point for peace between Israel and Syria. The study also outlines a solution for peace between Israel and Syria, taking into account the conditions. The overall conclusion is that if the conditions are not met, then peace is not possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Present and Future of the United States-Bolivia Relations
Bolivia is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. Nonetheless, it has great geopolitical importance in South America due to its geographical position at the center of the continent and its potential impact on the stability of the entire region. Bolivia has been for centuries one of the countries with the largest indigenous population in the area. Almost half of the population identifies with the native peoples--mainly the Aymara and Quechua--who consider the moderate use of coca leaf as a sacred element in their culture. However, the coca leaf is also used for the production of cocaine in Bolivia and other countries. For many years, political and diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States have been dominated by the problems posed by the cultivation and use of coca to the exclusion of other, arguably more important, concerns. In 2005, Evo Morales, was democratically elected as president of Bolivia. President Morales comes from the Chapare province, an area characterized by the cultivation of coca. Moreover, President Morales rose to political prominence after several years of activity as the leader of the coca growers associations. After taking office, the historical and traditional relationship of cooperation between Bolivia and United States has suffered a series of setbacks. Tensions have arisen over his approach to the coca problem. The United States government sees all coca products are destined for drug trafficking; ignoring the traditional cultural and religious aspects of traditional Bolivian culture. In contrast, the Bolivian government argues that coca is mainly intended for traditional consumption (ignoring drug-related issues). Relations between the two countries have been stressed for some time; but while there are signs of rapprochement, they remain marked by perceptions and policies associated with the coca problem. This thesis offers recommendations that would guide the bilateral relationship in a more fruitful direction.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Military Strategy of Bangladesh to Counter Terrorism in Near Future
Bangladesh is a developing country of South Asia which earned its independence from Pakistan in 1971. With a majority Muslim populace, it enjoys a reputation as a moderate Muslim country where its people are traditionally more Bengali than Muslim. Since independence, Bangladesh has faced criminal and terrorist acts by leftist cadres, separatist armed cadres and ethnic insurgents, transnational terrorists, and political cadres. However, religious fanaticism has also terrorized Bangladesh recently in the decade. Bangladesh has taken various reactionary measures to counterterrorism. Political initiatives to resolve insurgency and reactive actions to counter radical terrorism have temporarily subsided those problems. However, the core reasons behind these problems still exit and terrorism, in different forms, is likely to resurface anytime. This possibility of escalation reiterates the necessity for adopting a proactive, aggressive counterterrorism strategy for Bangladesh. It should develop this strategy to use all instruments of power. Military and security forces should be utilized in accordance with a military strategy to enable and complement the overall strategy to be effective. The military strategy of Bangladesh needs to prepare its military and security forces in both short and long-term considerations to enable them for disrupting, degrading, and finally uprooting terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asymmetric Threats to U.S. National Security to the Year 2010
Asymmetric threats counter an adversary's strengths by focusing on its weaknesses. In the post-Cold War world asymmetric threats to U.S. national security are far more likely than they were just a decade ago. This paper considers asymmetric threats from the perspective of ends, ways, and means. It examines American and "enemy" ends, as well as several means of projecting force asymmetrically, and also suggests that symmetrical means of applying force can be asymmetric threats if they are used in certain ways. The paper concludes that perhaps the most serious threat to U.S. national security for the next ten years is the organizational culture of the Department of Defense and of its component services that leads them to prepare almost exclusively for symmetrical threats. The nation must maintain its ability to deter symmetric threats to U.S. national security, but that capability will be insufficient to protect against all of the threats that the nation is likely to face in the near future. While continuing to prepare to fight the wars the U.S. expects to fight, it must also begin devoting more resources to preparing to be hit where it does not expect to be.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Enlargement
This study examines NATO enlargement and its potential effects on the Republic of Italy. Initial emphasis falls on context, with stress on Southern Region security issues and NATO enlargement in general. The analysis extends to the likely impact NATO expansion on Italy's foreign policy, its military, the domestic-political situation, and the Italian economy. The conclusion is that NATO enlargement will affect Italy's foreign policy more than the other areas analyzed. The Italian military will make some contributions to new NATO missions resulting from expansion, mostly in the way of logistical support, but with some Immediate and Rapid Reaction forces. Enlargement has the potential to influence the domestic-political situation as an issue which unites or divides political coalitions in Italy's government. NATO enlargement should have minimal impact on Italy's economy. This study shows that the NATO enlargement initiative is complex and holds no easy answers. Much thought and study should precede the expansion of the Alliance. In the event that NATO enlargement actually occurs, the Republic of Italy will be affected, although the exact degree and nature of the impact remain to be determined.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Search of an Identity
In the twenty-first century military organizations throughout the world are going through an identity crisis in a changing world as the international community is faced with the vagaries of major shifts in the security environment. This environment is characterized with complexities and changes as new security issues and challenges are brought to the fore. In this complex and challenging international security environment, the problem is that the military in the English-speaking Caribbean cannot continue doing business as usual. The military cannot continue to exist without a Caribbean identity, without a Caribbean mandate, without a Caribbean philosophy, and without a Caribbean doctrine. The primary research question is therefore: Can the military in the English-speaking Caribbean develop its own identity and redefine national security from a Caribbean perspective in the twenty-first century? This study examines the historical perspectives that shape the identity of the military, the international security environment that impact on the military, and the Caribbean security environment within which the military operates. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the study analyses the military within each of these criteria.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact of Globalization on African Conflicts
There is no region of this world that not experienced wars, but while many parts of the world have moved towards greater political and economic stability and co-operation, sub-Saharan Africa remains a cauldron of instability and economic deprivation. Globalization, which in simple terms means a worldwide network of interdependence, is a phenomenon, which emerged at the end of the Cold War and the advent of the information revolution. While economic interdependence and liberalization has been acclaimed as the only hope for prosperity for the world, it has also been blamed as source of conflict in many parts of the world. This thesis examines the nexus between globalization and contemporary African conflicts with case studies of conflict scenarios in four African countries namely, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and Guinea to ascertain the extent to which globalization played a role in sustaining these conflicts. The conclusion of this dissertation is that contemporary African conflicts have both national and international underpinnings, and include political, social and economic parameters. On the socio-political side, the conflicts are directly related to the circumstances surrounding the acquisition of independence, the multiethnic composition of the states, and the more often cited causes generally subsumed under the generic label governance. It also shows that the increased liberalization and expansion of international trade, which occurred in the aftermath of the Cold War, has exacerbated the level and intensity of the conflicts in three of the countries analyzed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Making of Modern Kosovo
This book traces the origins and success of Ibrahim Rugova's policy of nonviolence in Kosovo between 1989-1999 and how it laid the framework for the creation of Kosovo's cultural and political identity as an independent state. Ibrahim Rugova has long been neglected in understanding how Kosovo became an independent state, with most observers concentrating on the Kosovo Liberation Army and the armed conflict of 1999 in which NATO was involved. Jakup Azemi seeks to remedy this, arguing that despite the events of 1998/99, local actors and their political organisation mattered much more than is widely recognised. Rugova's movement represented a novelty not only for the Albanians but for the whole Balkan region. He developed a vision that integrated Albanians' cultural and historical experiences into the non-violent movement and presented the Kosovan conflict to the world with a different political and cultural lens. This is a key text for scholars interested in the history of the Kosovar liberation movement, the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia; and those looking at current issues in the Western Balkans, and the Albanian-Kosovar relationship.
African Peace and Security Architecture
In recent years, global players such as the United States, the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have noted Africa's growing strategic importance to their respective interests. Among those interests is the increasing importance of Africa's natural resources particularly oil, agricultural raw materials, and mineral resources, but also growing concerns over other peace and security threats such as conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crimes, cyber threats, or piracy. African Union (AU) Member States are developing an African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to address all these types of threats. This study is a descriptive study in the realm of strategy, focused on creating a holistic and meaningful picture about the mechanisms and purpose of the APSA. The overall intent of this study is to analyze the mechanisms developed, or in a developing stage, by the AU and regional organizations to address peace and security issues in the Africa, with the ultimate goal of contributing to a better understanding of African security context at the strategic level. By using the strategic model of Ends-Ways-Means, this study concluded that the APSA is a viable security strategy to deal with the principal threats in Africa. However, there are still important shortcomings and its effectiveness is dependent upon three critical ingredients: political will of AU Member States, developments at the regional level, and by addressing the external threats much more consistently, covering the security dimension of the APSA in the same extent of its peace dimension.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Contemporary United States Foreign Policy Towards Indonesia
United States national interests in Indonesia have traditionally being based on strategic security requirements given Indonesia's geographic location between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and strong anti-communist stance during the Cold War. However, the 1990s witnessed a decline in relations between the two countries primarily due to human rights violations committed by the Indonesian military in East Timor. This thesis examines contemporary United States foreign policy towards Indonesia to determine whether this policy promotes United States national interests in this country. It defines what constitutes United States national interests under strategic and security, economic, political, and humanitarian interests, and then analyses contemporary policy against these categories to determine whether they promote the identified interests. The thesis identifies that Indonesia's geographic location and demographic size and composition remain key enduring interests, while the rise of globally linked terrorist organizations has become the preeminent contemporary interest of the United States in this country. The thesis concludes that contemporary United States policy does promote national interests in Indonesia, although, the Leahy Amendment continues to limit the employment of the military instrument of power. This has constrained the Bush administration's ability to develop more elaborate policies to satisfy security interests, and enhance professional development in the Indonesian military.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of China's Possible Military Intervention in the Event of a Sudden Change in North Korea
This study addresses potential scenarios as to how a North Korean collapse could occur, whether China's military would engage in North Korea, and how China's military might intervene if it did so. First, regarding the likely scenarios for a North Korean collapse, this study looks at a power struggle, a military coup, or a popular uprising as potential scenarios of internal origin. Additionally, it discusses a military conflict between the two Koreas and U.S. military operations against North Korea as scenarios of conflict with an external origin. Second, based on an analysis of China's external environment and national interests, this study proposes that China's military would intervene only if a North Korean collapse were caused by an internal conflict. This study also posits that, despite its military alliance obligations, China would not intervene militarily on the Korean Peninsula if the collapse was due to an external conflict. Finally, concerning the form of China's military intervention in case of an internally driven collapse, based on Lykke's military strategy model, this study compares the advantages and disadvantages of a unilateral intervention, multinational operations, and UN-led peacekeeping operations and concludes that China would prefer a UN-led PKO because such an operation would best balance the ends, ways, and means and present acceptable risks for China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Safeguarding Canadian Arctic Sovereignty Against Conventional Threats
The effects of climate change as well as national interests over control of vast amounts of natural resources in the Arctic seem to be destabilizing the geostrategic environment involving the circumpolar states. A traditional conflict scenario in the near future is not out of the question, particularly if the legal framework governing the region, the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, is proved inadequate to address the full range of issues in the region and fails to resolve territorial claims. Canada has ongoing disputes in the Arctic region with the United States, Russia, and Denmark, and has recently reaffirmed its commitment to its national sovereignty. Based on an analysis of military capabilities for Arctic operations as well as a qualitative comparison between each of these countries, this study establishes that Canada does not have the necessary military capabilities to deter and counter conventional threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. Consequently, Canada should leverage the other means of national power, specifically its existing multilateral security and defense agreements, to ensure its sovereignty in the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
