Deterrence Versus Reassurance
The purpose of this analysis is to determine the impact on Norwegian security should NATO and the United States apply the Maritime Strategy to operational planning for the Norwegian Sea. The Maritime Strategy is a global strategy, which in competition for acceptance against the continental-coalition strategy, has to satisfy U.S. needs to counter the Soviet Union. Although much of the campaign for the Maritime Strategy has focused on the Norwegian Sea, the goal is global. The presence of NATO naval forces in the Norwegian Sea has been limited to the STANAVFORLANT and other allied forces during exercises. Recent exercises and force deployment demonstrate that NATO leaders have decided to increase allied presence in northern waters to counter Soviet Naval expansion. The 600-Ship U.S. Navy, being built as the result of the Maritime Strategy campaign, gives NATO the possibility to increase NATO presence further and make such an aggressive strategy in this area more credible. Official Norwegian Security and Defense policy rests on the twin pillars of deterrence and reassurance, and if implemented, the Maritime Strategy has to fit into the constraints made up by these two pillars. The preference of the Norwegian government seems to be a continuation of the system of previous restraints and confidence building measures to avoid confusion and superpower rivalry in the northern waters. The study identifies three areas which cause some concern: 1) the horizontal escalation aspect, 2) early strikes against Soviet SSBN's, and 3) peacetime presence within the Norwegian Sea required to assure that The Maritime Strategy, if implemented will be successful. The study concludes that the Maritime Strategy is suitable and acceptable from a Norwegian perspective. The main reason is that it contributes to deterrence against the Soviet expansion into the Norwegian Sea, and thereby makes Norwegian security policy more credible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military-to-Military Contacts With the People's Liberation Army
The growth and importance of the People's Republic of China (PRC) necessitates that the United States foster a relationship that ensures a stable, prosperous, and peaceful Asia-Pacific region. Given the status and role that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) takes in the PRC, military-to-military contact between the United States Armed Forces and the PLA is vital. Mirroring the political tides between the two countries--from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979 to the halting of military-to-military contacts after the Belgrade Embassy bombing in 1999 and EP-3 incident in April 2001-- military-to-military contact is slowly growing again. The purpose and intent of the contacts are to foster access and understanding. Weak reciprocity and inadequate transparency by the PLA are issues that hamper relations. Information about the efficacy of military-to-military contact with the PLA is difficult to gather, thus this analysis draws on analogous experiences from previous contact programs with the Soviet Union and Indonesia to argue that the contact programs can foster behavior supporting U.S. interests. The thesis concludes with recommendations to improve the contact programs between the U.S. Armed Forces and the PLA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing China璽€(TM)s Hegemonic Ambitions
China's gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate over the past twenty years has been phenomenal and if continued even at a slightly slower pace, could exceed the GDP of the United States (US) by 2020. It is highly conceivable that China might convert the economic power into military and diplomatic power. Given China's domination of Tibet, incursions into the Spratly Islands, run-ins with the US and Japan, and a host of other seemingly assertive behavior, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether continued economic growth will lead to increasing hegemonic tendencies. This thesis employs a China-centric approach--China's history, classical strategic literature, strategic trends, and sources from the People's Republic of China (PRC) government, paramount leaders, and strategic thinkers are analyzed in order to uncover China's grand strategy and other clues that may signal hegemonic ambitions. These findings are then corroborated with an analysis of current day events as a reality check.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran and Saudi Arabia
The relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a tenuous one following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The research question investigates what type of threat Iran poses to Saudi Arabia and how the Saudi's will respond. This threat is not limited to a military one; it includes those to the Saudi economy and political instability. Iran seeks regional dominance; standing in its way is Saudi Arabia. It has rebuilt its military, sponsored violent organizations, and threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz. These threaten not only the security of Saudi Arabia but its legitimacy in the Arab world. The relationship of these two nations will continue to impact the region and possibly the world economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Adding Nonlinear Tools to the Strategist璽€(TM)s Toolbox
Since the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton's laws of motion have had tremendous impact on the Western world's mind-sets for understanding nature as predictable and orderly. Consequently, Western strategic culture has been based on a linear paradigm. In linear systems outputs are proportional to the input, and the ration between input and output remains constant. Linear systems also comply with the rule of additivity and can be regarded as deterministic. Most importantly, in linear systems variables are treated independently. Today we know that Newton's laws do not explain how nature behaves. Thus, applications on nonlinear are emerging in many scientific disciplines, but in strategy, we keep committed to the paradigm outlined by Newton. The nonlinear paradigm accepts complexity and uncertainty as natural elements, and the characteristics of nonlinear systems can be described as highly interconnected and the rule of additivity does not apply. Lack of proportionality makes nonlinear systems sensitive to initial conditions and studying the behavior of components in the system cannot derive the collective behavior. Based on new input, nonlinear systems bifurcate into multiple states and changes characteristics as new states are adopted. This thesis seeks to determine if the use of cognitive tools from the nonlinear realm can enhance national security strategies. A set of nonlinear tools is introduced and three strategic dimensions are examined: context, process, and content. Within the three dimensions six variables are studied; world order, political paradigms, decision-making, organizational structure, adaptation, and complexity, and uncertainty. The nonlinear tools are applied by relating to historical vignettes. The thesis concludes that national security strategies can be better understood, planned and executed by applying nonlinear tools. However, the greatest challenge lies in the transition to a new underlying paradigm and adopting a new mindset. Finally, This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cyber Warfare
Security concerns over the growing capability of Cyber Warfare are in the forefront of national policy and security discussions. In order to enable a realistic discussion of the topic this thesis seeks to analyze demonstrated Cyber Warfare capability and its ability to achieve strategic political objectives. This study examines Cyber Warfare conducted against Estonia in 2007, Georgia in 2008, and Israel in 2008. In all three cases Cyber Warfare did not achieve strategic political objectives on its own. Cyber Warfare employed in the three cases consisted mainly of Denial of Service attacks and website defacement. These attacks were a significant inconvenience to the affected nations, but the attacks were not of sufficient scope, sophistication, or duration to force a concession from the targeted nation. Cyber Warfare offensive capability does not outmatch defensive capability to the extent that would allow the achievement of a strategic political objective through Cyber Warfare alone. The possibility of strategic level Cyber Warfare remains great, but the capability has not been demonstrated at this time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Exploring the Future of Regional Security in the Caribbean
The transnational threats of narco trafficking, arms smuggling, terrorism and organized crime, among others, coupled with a lack of resources have overwhelmed the ability of individual nation states in the Caribbean to adequately ensure their security. These threats pose a threat not only to the Caribbean Basin but to the continental United States as well. As the region seeks to effectively address its security needs in the context of the interconnectedness and interdependence among states, a collective approach to security offers a possible solution for enhancing the security of the region. This thesis examines the historical political attitudes and initiatives towards the security issues of the region, reviews three regional security arrangements to identify best practices, pitfalls, challenges and other relevant issues, and assesses the feasibility, suitability, and acceptability of a Regional Security Partnership (RSP) between the United States and the nations of the Caribbean as an appropriate security model for the region. It concludes that the governments of the Caribbean and the United States have demonstrated sufficient commitment at the operational level to security in the Caribbean Basin, and are poised to take this cooperative approach to the strategic level in the form of a formal regional security arrangement. It proposes a possible decision making structure and process, and discusses the importance of developing and nurturing the relationships within the RSP, as well as the relationships with countries and regions outside of the partnership. The intimately connected existences of the nations of the Caribbean and the United States, and the far reaching impact and consequences of the now matured transnational threats on both the US and the Caribbean, requires an integrated collective approach to maintaining a positive security environment in the Caribbean Basin.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Challenges of Regional Collective Security
Disputes and civil wars, with the attendant breakdown of law and order, and dire consequences for peace, security, and development, continue to plague the continent of Africa. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional grouping of sixteen West African countries founded on May 28, 1975, to promote cooperation and integration through the establishment of an economic union in West Africa in order to raise the living standards of its peoples, foster relations among member states, and to contribute to the progress and development of the African continent. Convinced that economic progress could not be achieved unless the conditions for security were assured in all member states of the Community, ECOWAS expanded its mission to include security responsibilities. ECOWAS member states established ECOMOG to deal with the insecurity that followed the collapse of the state structure in the Republic of Liberia in 1990. The force has since controlled several conflicts in the West African sub-region. To adapt to the changes that had taken place within the Community since its formation, and based on its experience in Liberia, the Authority of ECOWAS Heads of State and Government in May 1993 requested a review of the ECOWAS Treaty. A revised Treaty was endorsed and adopted by the Authority in Cotonou, Benin, in July 1993. Member States undertook to cooperate with the Community in establishing and strengthening appropriate mechanisms for the timely prevention and resolution of conflicts. This undertaking culminated in the signing, in Togo, on 10 December 1999, of the Protocol on Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security. Among other things, the Protocol calls for the establishment of a military force known as the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF). The force is designed to meet the security needs of the sub-region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalness
The purpose of this thesis is to take the first steps toward a military space power theory. It begins by answering the question: Why does the US military need space power theory? The United States or any military space-faring nation needs theory because space power is more than simply a force enhancer but is a separate and unique form of military power with the capacity to deter and compel. An analysis of the fundamental attributes of military power-identified here as presence, perspective, response, and destructive capability-demonstrates the unique advantages and disadvantages of space vis-?-vis land, sea, and airpower. A unifying principle of "globalness" links the laws, rules, and precepts of a prototype theory based on space power's unique capabilities. The space power theory provides a common vision that allows a space-faring nation to take full advantage of these unique capabilities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in International Institutions
Since China first opened its economy in 1978, it has slowly begun playing a larger role in international institutions. As a country that participates actively in multilateral organizations, Singapore is keenly affected by developments in such institutions. International organizations represent an important avenue that small countries like Singapore can use to pursue national objectives and mitigate inherent geopolitical limitations. By comparing China's recent actions at multilateral institutions against Singapore's diplomatic and economic objectives, this thesis finds that China's increased participation and influence in these institutions present near-term opportunities for Singapore. China's willingness to participate in global activities such as peacekeeping and binding treaties are aligned with Singapore's objective of strengthening rules-based institutions among nations to promote stability. Furthermore, China's increased involvement has corresponded with greater trade and investment volumes for Singapore. Nonetheless, there are underlying challenges for Singapore. China's participation in international institutions does not represent a policy that prioritizes institutional solutions when its national interests are challenged. China remains open to flexing its diplomatic and economic muscles to protect its interests. Furthermore, as China's economic prowess increases, its ability to shape international institutions will likely grow. Therefore, Singapore will need to adapt as China plays a larger role in international affairs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Regional Military Security Cooperation in North America
This paper is a concept document for North American regional security cooperation. The concept is a comprehensive, whole-government approach to regional security. It centers on actions the United States has and is taking from diplomatic, information, military, and economic perspective. It also examines where the United States is falling short in the employment of all elements of national power in achieving regional security. I frame the problem in the context of globalization and the predicted geo-political landscape of the future based on recent history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Torture
As a part of the response to the Al Qaida attacks on 11 September 2001, the United States found itself having to answer many difficult questions regarding its action in the Global War on Terrorism. One of the most contentious was the use of torture against captured enemy fighters. The United States, a strong proponent for humanitarian law, soon found itself criticized for its treatment of detainees. As a result, commentators and politicians have had endless debates about interrogation techniques and the legal applicability of international law and treaties to a nonstate enemy. The central research question derived from these issues is: Is torture a viable tool for use in achieving goals as outlined in the 2006 National Security Strategy? Interrogational torture was examined from the following standpoints: legal, effectiveness, and ethical. Results showed that torture is wrong. The next step applied the analytical results against the ethical decision-making triangle and also concluded that from the three standpoints torture was wrong and not a feasible means of achieving the United States' national security objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pakistan and Nuclear Weapon Proliferation
The study is a historical analysis of the Pakistani nuclear program which aims at bringing out the compulsions, restraints and constraints which forced Pakistan to undertake a nuclear program. The perceptions and responses, past, present and future, of the superpowers and some of the affected regional states are also discussed in the backdrop of the Pakistani nuclear activities. The development of the Pakistani nuclear program falls under two time frames, i.e., the pre 1971 period and the post 1971 period because of the differences in the scope and direction of the two. The paper follows a chronological pattern but it analyzes various factors using a combination of the deductive, the compare-and-contrast, and the cause-and-effect pattern. Each factor contribution to the Pakistani nuclear program is examined in detail. The pre 1971 period highlights three major factors; international developments in the nuclear field, desperate energy requirement and lack of natural energy resources. The post 1971 synthesizes four factors, i.e., the oil crisis of 1973, quest for security and survival, the credibility of the alliances and the Indian nuclear explosion of 1974. The study concludes that the analysis will provide a new framework for the future investigations of other such like complex situations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Multinational Operations and Small Nations
With Lithuania as case in point, this thesis utilizes extensive primary and secondary materials to examine the pros and cons inherent in the participation of small nations in multinational operations. The examination begins with a discussion of the nature of multinational operations with an emphasis on their diplomatic and military aspects. The larger theoretical context relies heavily on neorealist approaches and definitions to establish perspective, framework, and terminology. As the treatment shifts from theory to application, increasing emphasis falls on Lithuania as a small nation and on its relations with the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These latter entities provide both the impulse and likely organizational context for potential Lithuanian participation in multinational operations. The same actors and circumstances afford a near-classic example of relations between superpower actors and small and weak actors within the international system. The core of the thesis rests on a balanced assessment and analysis of the pluses and minuses, including opportunities and threats, associated with the participation of Lithuania in US- and NATO-led multinational operations. A major conclusion, resting on the criteria of feasibility, acceptability, and suitability, holds that such operations largely coincide with the interests and policies of both the minor and major actors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran's Strategic Culture and Weapons of Mass Destruction
The Maxwell Papers, the Air War College's occasional papers series, focus oncurrent and future issues of interest to the Air Force and US Department of Defense.The first Maxwell Papers was published in May of 1996 with the Air UniversityCommander's signature on the foreword. Maxwell Papers are open to all interestedauthors, particularly Air War College faculty and students, but also to other officersand analysts. Maxwell Papers have been distributed to over 400 addresses includingall senior Air Force and US Department of Defense decision makers, ProfessionalMilitary Education (PME) schools, contractors, and other US agencies, and morethan 40 foreign air forces and institutions. This document is a Air War CollegeMaxwell Paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Negotiating Peace in Kosovo
This book offers an account of the European Union (EU) facilitated dialogue for normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, examining how the EU's approaches, local politics, and civil society shaped the process. Rich with sources, it is essential reading for peace negotiations and EU's work in the Western Balkans. Using first-hand experience, the book explains why the talks scored significant wins but have yet to achieve full normalization of relations between the two countries. Chapter 1 outlines the objectives of the normalization dialogue. Chapter 2 examines why the normalization dialogue became necessary even after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that Kosovo's independence was legal. Chapter 3 dissects the dialogue's so-called 'technical' phase, while Chapter 4 examines the shift to the political phase. Chapter 5 showcases civil society's corrective power and limits, while the conclusion deduces lessons for future EU mediation approaches and conflict resolution.
Impact to NATO and the United States of the European Union璽€(TM)s Military Rapid-Reaction Force
In 1999 the European Union (EU) established goals of fielding by 2003 a 60,000-troop force, deployable within sixty days and sustainable for up to one year. The force will be used for so-called "Petersberg" tasks, that is, humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking. The goals were spurred by European desires to have a crisis-response force which could act autonomously from NATO if necessary. This thesis explores the potential impact to NATO and the US of the EU's efforts to develop its crisis-reaction force. The research explores the military relationships between the EU force and NATO, EU plans for military modernization, the possible effects of expansion of both organizations, and EU intentions vis a vis NATO. The EU will require NATO assistance for all but the simplest Petersberg missions in the near term, and must continue to improve ties with NATO to that end. Despite the costs the EU rapid-reaction force imposes on NATO in terms of staff man-hours, more complex command and control, and increased training requirements, the net results for the US and NATO should be positive: improved trans-Atlantic relations and continued relevance for NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Multinational Operations and Small Nations
With Lithuania as case in point, this thesis utilizes extensive primary and secondary materials to examine the pros and cons inherent in the participation of small nations in multinational operations. The examination begins with a discussion of the nature of multinational operations with an emphasis on their diplomatic and military aspects. The larger theoretical context relies heavily on neorealist approaches and definitions to establish perspective, framework, and terminology. As the treatment shifts from theory to application, increasing emphasis falls on Lithuania as a small nation and on its relations with the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These latter entities provide both the impulse and likely organizational context for potential Lithuanian participation in multinational operations. The same actors and circumstances afford a near-classic example of relations between superpower actors and small and weak actors within the international system. The core of the thesis rests on a balanced assessment and analysis of the pluses and minuses, including opportunities and threats, associated with the participation of Lithuania in US- and NATO-led multinational operations. A major conclusion, resting on the criteria of feasibility, acceptability, and suitability, holds that such operations largely coincide with the interests and policies of both the minor and major actors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalization Projects of Regional Organizations
Das Handbuch behandelt den Zeitraum von 1945, als die Vereinten Nationen gegrundet wurden, bis heute, mit besonderem Schwerpunkt auf der Zeit nach dem Kalten Krieg. Wahrend dieser Zeit haben sich verandernde globale Bedingungen oder die Wahrnehmung von Veranderungen zu unterschiedlichen Umgebungen gefuhrt, auf die regionale Organisationen und ihre spezifischen Globalisierungsprojekte reagiert haben. Um eine breite Periodisierung zu ermoglichen, lassen sich sechs Strukturierungsbedingungen identifizieren: (1) Die Notwendigkeit fur viele Lander des globalen Sudens, den Postkolonialismus gemeinsam zu bewaltigen, (2 ) und die Begrundung des westlichen Liberalismus. Daruber hinaus (3) sind einige regionale Organisationen das direkte Ergebnis proaktiver sudlicher Globalisierungsprojekte, (4) wahrend andere Ausdruck der Notwendigkeit sind, zwischen den konfrontativen Blocken des Kalten Krieges zu uberleben. Und (5) nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges wurden die Regionalismen insbesondere im globalen Suden wiederbelebt oder sogar neu gestartet (die sogenannte Welle der "neuen Regionalismen"). Schliesslich wurden in den letzten rund 20 Jahren vermehrt regionale Organisationen gegrundet, um sich (eher passiv) in die entstehende neue Weltordnung einzuleben, auf "neue globale Herausforderungen" zu reagieren oder (aktiv) zu gestalten.
Peacekeeping on the Golan Heights in the Event of an Israeli-Syrian Peace Accord
In 1996 Syria and Israel came close to ratifying a peace accord. Currently, however, negotiations are stalled, but a change of government in Israel could provide the impetus for them to recommence. A peacekeeping force is most likely to be deployed as part of the security arrangements of a peace accord. The objective of this study is to determine what type of peacekeeping force would be applicable for deployment on the Golan Heights. Two ongoing Middle East peacekeeping missions, the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) and the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) are evaluated to determine their suitability as models upon which to structure a peacekeeping force for deployment on the Golan Heights. The purpose of this thesis is to detail the perspectives of the Israelis and the Syrians in formulating a peace accord and rationalize those perspectives to determine the mission and structure of the peacekeeping force. The study concludes that a hybrid of the MFO and UNDOF models should be utilized to structure a Golan Heights peacekeeping force with a monitoring mission. The political organization of the MFO should be adopted and the military force would be a unique structure using the better aspects of both the MFO and UNDOF.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Response Forces a True First-in Capability or Just a "Toothless Tiger璽€?
At the Prague Summit in 2002, NATO Heads of State announced the creation of the NATO Response Force (NRF), a relative small expeditionary force for spearheading operations in out-of area conflicts to meet the security threats of the 21st century. The NRF is a joint force comprised of air, land, and maritime forces designed to conduct operations across the full spectrum of conflict, including a first-in capability in high-intensity operations against either a conventional or irregular adversary. An ambitious task for a small force, which is not only militarily and logistically supported by 26 different NATO nations, but also requires the political consensus of the NATO Council prior to any activation - a formality which seems easy to reach, but previously NATO involvements has proven otherwise. As such, the NRF's reliability and credibility as a rapidly first-in response force has yet to be proven. Because of the political, military, and logistical constraints, restraints, and limitations of the force each NRF member deploy with, the NRF operational capability and lethality is limited and heavily dependent of U.S. assistance, especially with "high demand/low density" air assets. This paper will describe and analyze the impact of political, military, and logistical limitations on the NRF's task as a first-in force, and conclude whether the NRF is a true first-in capability that can encounter future security threats and challenges or just a "toothless tiger".This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maritime Security and the Strait of Malacca
The Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia is one of the world's most important waterways. Piracy, terrorism, and instability within the region have prompted representatives of global commerce to consider this strait dangerous to shipping. Any major incident could restrict navigation in these waters and have a negative impact on global trade and economy, in particular the economies of Pacific nations. National, regional, and international agreements and initiatives have attempted to address this situation with varying degrees of success. The US, through the US Pacific Command, while participating in many of these agreements, proposed the Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI) to provide a clear set of requirements and capabilities that address maritime security within the region. The RMSI framework correctly identifies the four critical elements necessary for maritime security within the strait. National and international dynamics impact the ability for any and all of these initiatives to achieve success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Resilience, Peacebuilding, and Preventing Violent Extremism
This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the complex drivers of violent extremism, along with recommendations for strengthening social and institutional resilience through peacebuilding and development efforts.By presenting a theoretical and empirical argument that places the emphasis on social cohesion, resilience, and adaptive peacebuilding, this book challenges the conventional security-led approach to countering violent extremism. Through a range of case studies from Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, including Syria, Iraq, Mozambique, Niger, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines, it explores the complex dynamics of violent extremism and the ways in which it can be prevented and countered. Drawing on complexity theory and adaptive peacebuilding, the volume provides insights into how complex social systems adapt and respond to stress, and how peacebuilders can support societies in uncertain, volatile, and unpredictable contexts by improving their resilience and their adaptive capacity to sustain peace.This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, security studies and countering violent extremism, and professional practitioners.The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.
Anticipating Failure
"In the absence of significant internal reform, Pakistan faces a host of internal problems and external tensions that make the emergence of a failed, radical Islamist, nuclear-armed state a possible worst case scenario within 10 to 15 years. This potential emergence of a rogue Pakistan threatens several vital US interests. The U.S. relies on a stable, moderate Pakistan as a key partner in US counter-terrorism efforts and is a key player in maintaining stability in the highly volatile region. In addition, a failed Pakistan threatens nuclear non-proliferation efforts, promises a destabilizing regional nuclear arms race, and increases the chances of nuclear weapons or materials falling into the hands of radical Islamists with an expressed desire to both acquire and use WMD. While US policy should aim to prevent this catastrophe, this paper examines how US strategy must also prepare for a rogue Pakistan in the event prevention fails. This paper examines the potency of the Pakistans trend towards failure, the significance of a failed Pakistan to US interests in the region, and assesses US regional policy options in preparing for its failure. This assessment concludes that military options offer little utility in countering this threat except in rare and unlikely circumstances, and that limits to US power will lead to a US strategy of management and containment of a rogue Pakistan aimed at minimizing the effects of its failure. As a result, US regional policy in preparing for a possible failed Pakistani state should focus on five areas: first, increasing nuclear safety and security in the region; second, increasing our diplomatic and economic development efforts and influence in the region to include a strong alliance with India and diplomatic engagement with Iran; third, accelerating stabilization and nation building efforts in Afghanistan; and fourth, synchronizing all of our efforts by expanding our "soft" instrument of power. "This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran and Saudi Arabia
The relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a tenuous one following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The research question investigates what type of threat Iran poses to Saudi Arabia and how the Saudi's will respond. This threat is not limited to a military one; it includes those to the Saudi economy and political instability. Iran seeks regional dominance; standing in its way is Saudi Arabia. It has rebuilt its military, sponsored violent organizations, and threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz. These threaten not only the security of Saudi Arabia but its legitimacy in the Arab world. The relationship of these two nations will continue to impact the region and possibly the world economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Air Policing
"There are numerous options to consider in meeting NATO requirements regarding air policing. This paper will address options with respect to political and economical considerations. Additionally, this paper will analyze key factors which could affect the development of air policing capabilities, such as budget restraints, operational requirements, the required air command and control system, and infrastructure."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance and Optimal Structure of the Military in Jamaica in the Current and Emerging Geo-Security Environment
In most democratic countries that are not engaged in conflict one can expect debates regarding the amount of the gross domestic product (GDP) that is spent on national security. The issue is even more significant in small states with limited resources. The Jamaican military is occasionally the subject of such debates. The arguments raised against expenditure on an active military force, as opposed to the police force, include the view that there is no apparent conventional external threat, while the internal police-type tasks are increasing. This study considers current and emerging threats to determine what capabilities are required to face them. Case studies of Costa Rica, Iceland, Singapore and the Eastern Caribbean States, are used to determine some of the options available for small-state security linked to the issue of sovereignty. Interviews of both military and nonmilitary experts on national security issues provide additional data for comparison and contrast. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for retaining the military's distinct character, with a reduced regular/active force structure, though not necessarily less personnel, and a significantly larger reserve component. The main theme is that Jamaica cannot afford to be complacent because the nature of security threats globally is evolving.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
CAG - What It Ought to Be Auditing? - 75 Years of Indian Constitution
CAG - What It Ought to Be Auditing by P. Sesh Kumar, a retired senior officer of the Indian Audit and Accounts Service, is a bold and timely critique of India's Supreme Audit Institution. Drawing on decades of insider experience. The book questions whether the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) is truly fulfilling its constitutional mandate. Why does it audit some areas while ignoring others of far greater consequence? Why are crucial reports delayed until their relevance fades? This work explores missed opportunities in auditing key governance failures-like GST compliance, international taxation, welfare schemes with expenditure in billions, impact of government interventions in MSME sector and judicial delays-while advocating for risk-based, data-driven audits modelled on global best practices like PEFA and lessons from UN audits. More than a critique, the book offers a roadmap for reform, urging the CAG to reclaim its watchdog role and adapt to 21st-century governance needs. Essential reading for policymakers, professionals, and citizens who believe in financial accountability and democratic transparency.
Climate Change on the Battlefield
What do rising temperatures and increasing extreme weather events mean for military readiness? How will climate hazards affect the conflicts of today and tomorrow? What new missions are militaries undertaking in response? Climate Change on the Battlefield examines how climate change is reshaping modern military operations, and the role of international militaries in responding to the effects of the climate crisis. The book's international case study approach will provide concrete answers to these questions, looking at specific geographies such as Afghanistan and the Arctic, as well as types of military operations, including firefighting, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. The book also explores in detail how different countries from across every continent, and international institutions, are responding to these threats while also critically assessing their own emissions and contributions to the climate crisis. Differing country responses are assessed, from those that are integrating climate change impacts into a more traditional understanding of military roles, to those countries that are redefining the role of the military in the face of climate change. Finally, it examines whether or not current military responses are commensurate with the risks ahead and what form the future relationship between the military and climate breakdown is likely to take.
Tracing the Trail of Indo-Tajik Cultural Link Through Past and Present
This book is a quest for tracing down the rich and multifaceted cultural link between India and Tajikistan that remained hidden in the dusty pages of history while flowing through the ages. It appeared as a time travel while tracing down the Indo-Tajik cultural linkages, that are still alive, yet forgotten or unknown and unnoticed in the common knowledge. In fact, the research often needed to address the larger geo-cultural space from South Asia to Central Asia while rediscovering the Indo-Tajik cultural linkages through different art forms.This book largely represents the image of India or 'Hinduston' (local pronunciation in Tajikistan) from the Tajik intellectual and cultural point of view and aspires to contribute an Indian angle towards this multifaceted cultural dialogue as a continuous process. This is further a conscious attempt from Indian perspective, to debunk the common prejudice and misconception about Central Asia, as a difficult neighbour.Nandini Bhattacharya teaches History in Calcutta Girls' College, Kolkata. She received her PhD from Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and her dissertation was published as a book titled, Dueling Isms: Soviet and Regional Identity in Central Asia, in 2007. Ever since then she remained fascinated towards her research interest in the history, culture and identity politics of Central Asia in general and Tajikistan in particular. Some of her recent research articles on various aspects of Tajik culture, including painting, musicology, films, religion and gender issues, have been published in well acclaimed volumes, journals and encyclopaedias.
Central Asia
Throughout history, Central Asia has served as an important strategic link between the East and the West. This book locates Central Asia within the broader geopolitics of the Eurasian region, which has witnessed many significant shifts, conflicts and events, while tracing its strategic importance.
Us Strategic Interests Inasia Pacific
The United States and China relations are perhaps the most important set of relations which touches on an extensive range of issues from security, trade and economic issues to the environment and human rights. In the past years, due to the Asia-Pacific region's increased financial and strategic weight, the US has sought to bring its global diplomatic, economic and military resource commitments into balance with expanding regional interests. The US pivot to Asia-Pacific is a comprehensive approach that involves all the tools of national power to reassure its allies and partners and devotes more attention to multilateral and conventional security-based strategic initiatives. On the other hand, the US sees its relations with China the most powerful rival and competitor in the region as pivotal. Their strategic interests in Asia-Pacific converge and diverge and as the US begins to contemplate China as a latent adversary, such divergence will become even more conspicuous. This study aims to identify the similar challenge posed to both the US and China of seeking broad international space to advance their interests and relations while carefully relating itself to the evolving strategic environment of Asia-Pacific.
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Policies in Majority-Catholic Countries
This research contributes to scholarship on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer/ Questioning, Intersex and Asexual (LGBTQIA+) rights at the international level and how LGBTQIA+ non-governmental organisations (NGOs) use international channels to advance the cause domestically, with a focus on countries that have a strong presence and influence of the Catholic Church. Case studies include Ireland, Italy and Peru. Based on over fifty interviews, author Helen Karen West identifies how specialised LGBTQIA+ INGOs facilitate access to international channels for local NGOs and argues that by accessing transnational networks and utilising international NGOs to access United Nations' (UN) channels, local NGOs have a better chance of influencing domestic policy change in majority Catholic countries. She argues that it is necessary to consider an additional actor to predict outcomes more efficiently: the opposition, in this case, the Catholic Church and affiliated organisations, and its transnational network. West offers helpful insight into influencing domestic policies in countries with strong opposition to allow LGBTQIA+ organisations a better chance to succeed in their work and further the academic dialogue.
Pros and Cons of China and the Chinese in Africa
This volume offers a critical evaluation of China's programs and projects on the African continent, zooming in on: (a) whether China is preying on states and societies on the continent or, if indeed, she is a benevolent partner on the continent; (b) whether many of the projects are undeniably integral to the growth and development of the continent, or are mostly white elephant projects; (c) examine the cost-benefit of China's involvement on the continent economic and political space; and (d) why Euro-America countries complain about the role and place of China in Africa? Bringing together mostly African scholars, the research underlines the key pros and cons of China and the Chinese involvement in the continent.
Inclusion and Political Representation in Peacemaking
This book addresses the issue of societal inclusion in peacemaking from a conceptual viewpoint seldom mobilized by Conflict Resolution literature: the one of political representation. It reviews how the inclusion debate enters and is developed within the peace and conflict field, proposing, instead, to analyze it through the theoretical lens of political representation. Claiming that it provides better tools to understand the social articulations, oppressions and tensions behind political dynamics inherent to the limited space of the negotiation table, the book discusses the role played by Colombian women in the Havana Dialogues with the former FARC-EP. Whereas articulated women's movements were able to overcome initial hesitation concerning their inclusion and had real impact in the final agreement, ultimately both inclusions and exclusions are involved in (and stem from) such representation.
Rebel Russia
Navalny. Lenin. Pugachev. The Russian rebel - in his epic battle against the Leviathan of the Russian state - has enthralled readers and writers for decades. The rebel's story is almost always a sad one that ends in exile, imprisonment, or martyrdom, leaving but a seed for the future reform of the Leviathan which he or she had taken on. Why do revolts - from the Decembrist uprising to the Snow Revolution that brought Alexei Navalny to the forefront of contemporary Russian politics - seem to end up failing or producing an even worse form of despotism? In reality, the brave words and deeds of dissidents have shaped the course of Russian history more often than we might think. Through the stories of prominent rebels from the time of Ivan the Terrible to the present day, as well as her own experiences reporting on her country's decent into authoritarianism, Russian-American journalist Anna Arutunyan explores how the rebel and the Tsar defined each other through a centuries-long dance of dissent and repression. These characters and their lives not only reveal the true nature of the Russian state, they also offer hope for a future Russian democracy.
International Relations in the Post-COVID-19 World
This book examines how the COVID-19 pandemic exposed and deepened geopolitical divisions, challenging global cooperation. It highlights the resurgence of the nation-state, as countries prioritized domestic responses over collective international action. The definition of security shifted, expanding to include public health and societal resilience alongside traditional military strength. The crisis also sparked a reevaluation of globalization, questioning whether the world will move toward de-globalization or a more balanced form of re-globalization. In this context, international alliances were tested and reshaped, while non-state actors-such as NGOs and private companies played a vital role in filling the gaps left by governments and international institutions.
The Jokowi Presidency
The rise of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) to the presidency in 2014 marked an optimistic turn in Indonesia. At a time when politics were dominated by oligarchs, New Order-era holdovers and corrupt politicians, Jokowi's populist style and humble origins embodied the change that many Indonesians desired. He promised the public a cleaner style of government and fast-paced development, and his progressive allies believed he would protect Indonesia's young democratic institutions. Yet when Jokowi stepped down from office a decade later, he left behind a fragile economy and a hollow democracy. This volume examines Jokowi's political evolution and the mark he left on Indonesia. It casts Jokowi's decade in office as one of authoritarian revival that saw the return of statist developmentalism in the economic sphere, and the resurrection of New Order-era tactics of co-optation and repression in the political sphere. The volume brings together experts from a wide range of fields, including foreign policy, security, economics, politics, law and human rights. In different ways, all contributors view Jokowi as a disruptive president, whose ambitious developmental agenda came at a high cost for Indonesia's democracy.
Crush the American Oligarchy
The American democratic republic is under attack. The procedure to be followed, for all federal elections, as per the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution, is being violated. It is the duty of the Electors to vote for the individuals of their choice, for the offices of President and Vice President. The states have no right to meddle in a federal election. Now is the time to support the Electors, so that they can properly perform their duty. The states have no right to force any Elector to vote for Trump, or anyone else. Act now, in the interest of democracy.
Palgrave Handbook of Terrorism in Africa
This book offers a comprehensive exploration of Africa's emergence as an epicentre for global terrorism, delving into the critical factors shaping security threats and vulnerabilities across the continent. With a rich historical and empirical foundation, the book presents a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics of terrorism, serving as a pivotal resource for effective counterterrorism and peacebuilding initiatives. A distinguishing feature of this book lies in its meticulous country-specific and regional analysis of terrorism, unravelling the intricate interplay of internal and external forces that contribute to the genesis and perpetuation of terrorist activities in Africa. By examining the evolution of terrorism over the past three decades, the book sheds light on key milestones such as the adoption of the Organisation of African Unity's Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism in Africa, the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks, the ramifications of the Arab Spring, and the impact of the rise of the Islamic State on the African continent. Contributed by experts from various African countries, the book provides a comprehensive overview of the nature, dynamics, and persistent challenges posed by terrorism. It underscores the intricate linkages at the national, regional, and international levels that fuel and sustain terrorism, offering crucial insights for policymakers and scholars alike. With its in-depth analysis and diverse perspectives, this book stands as an important resource for comprehending and addressing the multifaceted dimensions of terrorism in Africa.
Climate Change on the Battlefield
What do rising temperatures and increasing extreme weather events mean for military readiness? How will climate hazards affect the conflicts of today and tomorrow? What new missions are militaries undertaking in response? Climate Change on the Battlefield examines how climate change is reshaping modern military operations, and the role of international militaries in responding to the effects of the climate crisis. The book's international case study approach will provide concrete answers to these questions, looking at specific geographies such as Afghanistan and the Arctic, as well as types of military operations, including firefighting, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. The book also explores in detail how different countries from across every continent, and international institutions, are responding to these threats while also critically assessing their own emissions and contributions to the climate crisis. Differing country responses are assessed, from those that are integrating climate change impacts into a more traditional understanding of military roles, to those countries that are redefining the role of the military in the face of climate change. Finally, it examines whether or not current military responses are commensurate with the risks ahead and what form the future relationship between the military and climate breakdown is likely to take.
The Generosity of Social Policies in Socialist and Post-Socialist States
This open access book maps and compares national social policies of socialist and post-socialist countries, examining designs, implementation, and outcomes. It analyses how the generosity of social policies - understood as the combination of their inclusiveness and the scope of benefits they offer - has been conceptualised in different socialist and post-socialist national contexts, how these conceptualisations have shaped the content of social policies, and finally, how the content of social policies has actually been implemented. Thus, the contributions include the ideational, de jure and de facto aspects of social policy in socialist and post-socialist contexts.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe at 50
This book traces the development of the OSCE from the opening of negotiations in 1973 of the Helsinki Final Act up to its 50th anniversary in 2025, focusing on the transition from a bridge between Eastern and Western Europe (and the US and Canada) during the final 15 years of the Cold War to its post-Cold war focus on managing conflicts in the post-communist regions of Europe after the Cold War. It analyzes developments in this region as a competition between realist and liberal/institutionalist ideas, arguing that the OSCE was constructed by its participating states as a liberal international institution that has succumbed to a renewal of "realist" ideas and actions that have reappeared in the first 25 years of the 21st century and have thereby threatened its effectiveness in enhancing security, cooperation and peace in Europe, culminating with the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
How to Be a Diplomat
This book considers what diplomacy is, its purpose, rules, structures, how it is done, what it involves, the skills required, the impact of technological and societal changes, and how diplomats ensure success.
U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Libya
The BiblioGov Project is an effort to expand awareness of the public documents and records of the U.S. Government via print publications. In broadening the public understanding of government and its work, an enlightened democracy can grow and prosper. Ranging from historic Congressional Bills to the most recent Budget of the United States Government, the BiblioGov Project spans a wealth of government information. These works are now made available through an environmentally friendly, print-on-demand basis, using only what is necessary to meet the required demands of an interested public. We invite you to learn of the records of the U.S. Government, heightening the knowledge and debate that can lead from such publications.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
