Returning to an Apolitical Officer Corps
Today, evidence shows that military officers are increasingly identifying with the Republican Party. This trend has massive implications and threatens to undermine the trust so critical to a healthy civil-military relationship. Thankfully, history provides a crisis-tested path for the officer corps. An apolitical norm, based on the example set by General George C. Marshall before and during World War II, can steer today's military back to an appropriate, non-partisan posture where sound advice and proper dissent once again have their placeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Disruptive Breakthroughs and the USAF
While on the ground responding to crises, strategic airlift aircraft are a likely target of terrorism because they represent pervasive US global influence and are relatively vulnerable to attack. Successful attacks will disrupt strategic airlift's global reach, hampering the US military's operational capability during crisis response actions. The media is an enabler of terrorism against strategic airlift because it may predict where the US military will be operating next and provides an opportunity for terrorists to have their message conveyed to the world community. The keys to preventing attacks that will disrupt strategic airlift are awareness of the vulnerability to the threat, increased education on terrorist threats, and expanded use of current tactics, techniques, and procedures. Enhancement of the PHOENIX RAVEN program is the most important element of this solution set. The methodology used to conduct this research consisted of two parts. First, an examination of the relevance of today's terrorism threat to the strategic airlift mission was accomplished. Second, key components of the mission itself were assessed for vulnerabilities to terrorism. Interviews with representatives from Air Mobility Command's (AMC) intelligence, force protection, and operations communities were central to this effort. Further research consideration should be given to other AMC aircraft that may be similarly vulnerable to this threat, to general airfield defense against terrorism, to the terrorist threat to airborne aircraft in similar situations, and to specific weapons RAVEN team members might expect terrorists to use against mobility aircraft in the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
At What Cost, Intelligence? A Case Study of the Consequences of Ethical and Unethical Leadership
irst Place Winner of the MacArthur Military Leadership Writing Competition for the CGSC Class 2009 -- 01. In this essay, the hypothesis that the essential ethical position assumed by leaders is the most important determinant of, one, the level of detainee abuse in interrogation units, and, two, whether these units are strategically effective on today's battlefield. This hypothesis will be validated by the storyline beginning with an email exchange. If this hypothesis is correct, then interrogations at detention facilities influenced by the CJTF-7, 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, and 4th Infantry Division leaders above should have escalated to serious detainee abuse, and conversely, the TF 1AD detention facility should have remained relatively free of allegations of detainee abuse since its leaders viewed interrogation operations from a higher ethical vantage point. Qualities shared by these detention facilities (such as theater policy, manning, overcrowding, interrogator experience, etc.) will be discussed before these "control factors" are discarded as largely irrelevant to the final results. Once this hypothesis is validated, it is applied to the present to indicate what steps our Army still needs to take to prevent future interrogation abuse and the strategic defeat such abuse creates.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Indirect Approach
The intent of this paper is to explain the significant contribution of aviation foreign internal defense in combating terrorism in weak states. This study begins by identifying the national security threat posed by weak states and their attractiveness as a sanctuary for terrorist organizations. This study then examines how states respond to internal threats such as terrorism by implementing internal defense and development programs that are designed to address the underlying causes of internal instability. Next, the role of US foreign internal defense is examined and how it is used to support the internal development efforts of friendly nations. The study then explains the importance of airpower in combating terrorists, noting, however, that airpower capabilities in most developing nations are inadequate to the task. Finally, the study shows how the aviation component of foreign internal defense can address airpower capability gaps in weak states and how this strengthens the government's indigenous capability to combat terrorists.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
But That's Not Fair
The current US conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan are characterized by enemies who regularly disregard international law and just war principles. Asymmetric conflicts such as these, in which belligerents violate laws of war to gain an advantage over a superior military force, are likely to be the norm for the foreseeable future. When such opponents refuse to "play by the rules," are there rules which the United States may then justifiably set aside? This normative paper examines jus in bello principles within just war theory to provide recommendations for US forces faced with this situation. The restrictions based on discrimination and proportionality must remain intact, but the US interpretation of military necessity must be altered from traditional views that have historically led to immoral decisions in the conduct of war. Military necessity must be considered at all levels of war, and the justice of the cause must not be used to justify gradual violations of jus in bello when selecting the tactics. Fighting with strict adherence to these just war principles is not only vital to securing domestic and international support for the US military, but it directly affects our ability to achieve current and future military objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Democratic Reform in Ukraine
Successful economic reform and the transition to a free-market economy under a stable political system is the key to Ukraine's successful road to a new democratic beginning. Western assistance should primarily serve in an advisory role to stabilize the Ukrainian government, establish a viable rule of law, rudimentary representative government, and a system to protect individual and investment capital followed by direct investment and joint economic ventures with Ukrainian companies. This paper proposes a sequentially phased transformation model which encourages Ukraine's leaders to concentrate their efforts on first building a stable government, although not necessarily a democracy, and then focus on meaningful economic reforms to establish a solid economy with free market principles. In the long term, free-market economic principles will undermine an authoritarian government and foster the introduction of a democratic government. Current Western efforts supporting simultaneous political and economic reform are inconsistent with Ukraine's cultural and historical past and undermine democratic and economic reform.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asymmetric Warfare
Description: The morning of September 11, 2001 changed the face of America. Terrorism is no longer a word reserved for television broadcasters when describing events taking place halfway around the world. Watching the smoke billowing into the clear blue skies that September day Americans knew that we were on longer safe at home or at work. Terrorism had come to America. This abstract idea of killing innocent people which has always been associated with places with names like Lebanon, the Gaza Strip and Columbia was not just knocking at our door it had kicked it in taking thousands of people along with it. As we sat glued to our television sets, the fact that terrorists were no longer a foreign problem was repeated over and over by commentators and we watched the safety of our nation burn and fall as the buildings collapsed into a pile of rubble. When the first plane hit the World Trade Center most of us assumed it was a tragic accident. Something terrible must have gone wrong. The plane must have veered off course due to a mechanical failure or pilot error, but when a second plane rammed the second tower right before our eyes, it was clear this was no accident. A choreographed terrorist attack on the United States was underway and we were helpless to stop it. The vulnerabilities of America became clear to the world in those few moments. As the smoke cleared and the rubble was cleaned up, it would be naive to think this was the last asymmetric attack that terrorists will inflict on America. We need to ask hard questions and be ready to make hard changes so we can maintain the very freedoms we hold so dear. How did these terrorists cause so much death and destruction within our borders? What made these buildings the targets of choice? In addition, could we have prevented it? The answer to the fist two are simple, they watched how we live in this land of the free and discovered our weaknesses.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Time to Overhaul the United States Air Force's Air Command and Staff College
The Air Command and Staff College (ACSC) is the United States (US) Air Force's (AF) intermediate professional military education (PME) service school, charged with preparing field grade officers of all services, international officers, and US civilians to assume positions of higher responsibility within the military and other government arenas (ACSC Home Page 2006). The school has two mission statements: one directed towards students and the other towards faculty and staff. The student mission statement is to "inspire critically thinking Airmen to lead Air and Space forces in Joint/Combined operations." The faculty and staff mission statement is to "provide an intellectually stimulating environment that attracts, develops, and rewards the finest team of educator-leaders possible" (ACSC Home Page 2006). As a current ACSC student, I believe the overall content and educational approach is inefficient and does not help ACSC achieve its mission statements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failing States in the Horn of Africa and the Impact on the Global War on Terrorism
On 7 August 1998, Al Qaeda attacked almost simultaneously U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania killing 258 people and wounding over 5000. The U.S. indicted twenty-two individuals for the bombings including four Kenyans and two Tanzanians. 1 On 12 October 2000 the USS Cole was attacked in the Yemeni port of Aden. Seventeen sailors were killed and thirty-nine wounded.2 In March 2007, US District Court Judge Robert Doumar ruled that Al Qaeda (AQ) could not have carried out the USS Cole attack without official Sudanese support.3 While many might argue about the finer details of these attacks, there is no doubt that the terrorists behind the embassy bombings and the attack on the USS Cole recruited, planned, and trained from within the Horn of Africa.4 Perhaps the clearest reason why this area is fertile ground for terrorism is rooted in the region's instability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prioritizing Quality of Life Issues
Quality of life has become more than simply taking care of people. Throughout the DoD, retention of trained personnel has become a top concern and is compounded by the inability to recruit sufficient numbers to refill the ranks. The heart of the issue is increased missions, decreased personnel, insufficient equipment, too much time away from family, too little leisure time, and not enough money to balance out these negatives. Today's active duty military force is 33% smaller and three times more deployed than it was just ten years ago: meaning more are gone for longer periods and do it more often. The strong economy only compounds the problem because alternatives to staying in the military are abundant. Despite increased emphasis from the Department of Defense's (DoD) leadership to stave the degradation of benefits and pay, quality of life within the ranks continues to suffer. This paper looks at the various quality of life (QoL) surveys utilized within the DoD and the information they provide leadership. Drawing from the best of the current surveys and filling in the gaps, four cross-DoD surveys are recommended to better ascertain which QoL areas most impact troop retention. The goal is to better understand the attitudes and opinions of the men and women in the "field" so that leadership can hone in on those issues that will most impact QoL and ultimately retention.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Total Force Integration
The United States Air Force Reserve Component (RC) has moved from a Cold War strategic reserve posture to an ongoing operational mission. This change in posture necessitates a critical examination of the current Air Reserve Component structure. This paper seeks to examine the relevance of the traditional strategic structure for the future of the Total Force. Specifically, the Total Force Integration (TFI) requires the USAF to apply the correct mix of missions and roles to the Reserve Component through the effective implementation and expansion of the associate program between the active duty component (AC) and the reserve component. This paper will review the historical aspects of TFI and the associate program. It will present the causal aspects leading to the need for TFI and the associate program, while revealing benefits and challenges that are presented by associations. Finally, it will recommend the proper mix of missions and recommendations for TFI and the associate program to succeed under the current operations tempo and into the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Preparedness to Respond to a "Mumbai-Style" Attack Within the Homeland
"American homeland defenders are quick to criticize the Government of India's (GoI) counterterrorism techniques, or lack thereof, in response to the attacks in Mumbai last November. But there are two major gaps in the areas of 1) Federal authority and 2) State and Local authority if the "whole of U.S. Government" was required to counter a "Mumbai-style" assault in the United States. This study will outline the Mumbai attacks, examine a homeland defense simulation mandated by the National Security Council (NSC) to amplify these gaps, and recount recent success stories demonstrating what departments and agencies are doing to remedy these two deficiencies."--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africom
United States Africa Command AFRICOM promises to be a different kind of command that will take a non-traditional approach to solving African problems and achieving U.S. objectives on the continent. This unique mission includes a multi-agency and multi-organization approach. AFRICOM has incorporated within its ranks representatives from other US government agencies as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs). And, as it sets out to achieve its goals of security and stability, AFRICOM will attempt to use non-kinetic means. It will focus on security, stability, and conflict-prevention. To achieve these objectives AFRICOM plans to utilize security cooperation, crisis response, humanitarian assistance and civil-military affairs projects as its weapons of choice. In essence this "sunshine and love" policy is an extension of the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) model, but is it an effective strategy for AFRICOM to us throughout the continent? CJTF-HOA was established to combat terrorism though promoting regional cooperation, good governance, stability, and development. This non-traditional military mission was intended to counter extremism and militant Islamism by preventing safe havens for terrorists and promoting US goodwill through civil military affairs projects. In order to assess the CJTF-HOA model as a strategy for AFRICOM, this paper looked at common critiques of military intervention in humanitarian affairs and information operations in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Djibouti as well as key issues in the Horn of Africa such as good governance in Ethiopia, problems in Somalia, and piracy. After reviewing these areas, it is clear that the CJTF-HOA model can be effective under certain circumstances. But, because the CJTF-HOA model requires that which AFRICOM aims to achieve, namely security and stability, it is unsuitable for AFRICOM to use as a model throughout the continent.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Case Study on the U.S. Policy in Humanitarian Intervention
In the past 16 years, the U.S. has intervened militarily in approximately 20 crises ranging from feeding the Kurds in Iraq in 1990 to ousting a corrupt regime from Haiti in 2004. Given the current international security environment, it is likely that the U.S. will continue to intervene militarily in non-permissive environments to provide humanitarian assistance. Therefore, theU.S. must develop a current policy to address such why, when, and how the U.S. will participate in such operations. Analysis of case studies of humanitarian intervention (HI) in Somalia, Rwanda, and Liberia provides lessons learned to identify the conditions for U.S. participation and to shape the policy necessary for those participations. Although many lessons can be learned from analyzing these case studies, this paper addresses only those lessons crucial to developing a coherent HI policy. Lessons include ensuring a linkage to national interests and security, ensuring the HI addresses the root-cause of the conflict, accepting that HI risks American lives, and ensuring the appropriate allocation of national resources. Finally, the paper provides six recommendations in developing a coherent HI policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Focusing Arctic Policy
Rising global temperatures are contributing to unprecedented recession of Arctic sea ice. This environment is providing new opportunities for Arctic development and, more importantly, access to Arctic sea lanes that were previously of limited utility. As Arctic waterways open, the U.S. must ensure full access to these global commons in order to bolster its own economic prosperity and support the global economic system. Disputes over appropriate use of Arctic resources and waterways are most likely to erupt between the three major Arctic powers ? the United States, Canada and Russia. Canada and Russia have made excessive claims in Arctic waters, designating the Northwest and Northeast Passages as sovereign areas. In order to delegitimize these claims and protect its Arctic interests, the U.S. must take coordinated diplomatic, economic, and military action. First, the U.S. should develop an interagency office for Arctic issues to coordinate its Arctic policy and implement actions directed by National Security Policy Directive 66. It should take a measured approach to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas, understanding its impacts on U.S. Arctic and global interests. It should strengthen the Arctic regime by participating fully in the Arctic Council while investigating other institutional options for issues beyond the Council's charter. Economically, the U.S. should research deep water port options in Alaska, cooperate on development of Canadian and Russian ports, and investigate joint development of icebreaking vessels. Militarily, it should develop SAR capabilities and bases with Canada and Russia, and improve military to military contact.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Extremist Islamic Terrorist Organizations
Extremist Islamic Terrorist Organizations: Dangers for the Present and Future Al Qaeda (AQ), an Extremist Islamic Terrorist Organization (EITO), conducted a series of then unimaginable terrorist attacks on September 11th 2001 all without the benefit of any non-traditional Muslim recruits. AQ has since indicated that they want to continue to attack the United States (US) directly in their "jihad" against the West. Thus, future attacks within the US are a near certainty. US counter-terrorism efforts to date have been reactionary and occur only after terrorists have been recruited, organized, and trained. To develop an adequate counter-terrorism program, the US must make a concerted effort to interdict EITOs before they begin to plan future attacks. Optimally, this means preventing potential recruits from joining EITOs. To accomplish this, analysts need to fully understand EITOs ideological goals, which in turn helps explain what these terrorist organizations are attempting to achieve when recruiting as well as why, how, where, and who they are recruiting. An examination of the history, leadership, and ideological goals of the first EITO, the Muslim Brotherhood as well as AQ, currently the most active and violent EITO, establishes a basic understanding of the ideological goals of most EITOs. Indications are that most EITOs have similar ideological goals calling for the advancement of Islam and a greater Islamic Nation. This postulation warrants additional examination as understanding what each EITO wants to achieve is critical in developing adequate counter-recruiting and counter-terrorism strategies. Analysis reveals EITOs conduct a multifaceted recruiting campaign.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Guilt by Association? A Blending of Air Force Cultures
With long-standing, historic culture differences, legal restrictions, and different functional chains of command, can Air Force Active Duty, Air National Guard, and Air Force Reserve personnel co-exist as part of the same operational unit to form an effective warfighting team? This paper will utilize the Problem/Solution Research Methodology to present the key to break the cultural barriers of Total Force Integration. It is imperative that Air Force leaders understand how to overcome the limitations and synergize the diverse strengths of both the active duty and Citizen Airmen1 culture to develop an operationally effective warfighting team.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Don't Ask, Don't Tell
Homosexuals (to include bisexuals) are currently serving their country as members of the United States military. The existence of homosexuals in the military is not a new reality and the acceptance level of their military service has shifted over the years in an increasingly positive manner. An indicator of this acceptance level has been the government's policy for homosexuals in the military. The current policy enacted by President Clinton in 1993 opened the door for homosexuals to serve in the military on the condition that they refrain from revealing their homosexuality. The policy, commonly referred to as "Don't Ask, Don't Tell," was a compromise between President Clinton's desire to lift the ban entirely and end homosexual discrimination, and concerns by members of Congress and the military. One of the primary concerns voiced by Congressional and military members was the perceived negative affect allowing homosexuals to openly serve would have on good order and discipline.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving Risk Education to United States Citizens About the Weapons of Mass Destruction Threat
United States (US) citizens must receive personalized risk education about Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) threats, thereby creating a potent deterrent to would-be terrorists: a strong, confident citizenry armed with the correct steps to take in the event of a WMD attack. The US Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) Color-Coded Threat Level System communicates to the public the risk of a terrorist attack and preparatory steps to take in order to reduce the likelihood or impact of the attack. The terrorist attack threats include the use of WMD. The problem is that the color-coded system does not offer personalized risk education to the public regarding the WMD attack threat. An announcement of a change in the threat level is not met with discernible reaction from the public to implement preparatory steps. No one seems to know what moving up or down the color-coded system means to them personally, much less what they are reasonably expected to do.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Air Occupation
Asking the right questions. The adage "be careful what you wish for--you may get it" should be on the minds of airpower advocates coveting the air occupation mission. It may be a double-edged sword that expands the relative influence of the U.S. Air Force, but also saddles it with a complex, persistent, and costly mission. The U.S. Air Force must ensure it asks the right questions before embarking on a serious campaign to "win" the air occupation debate. What do we mean by the term air occupation? The term air occupation can be very perplexing. Unfortunately, neither the term air occupation, nor the word occupation, is defined in Joint or Air Force doctrine. Of the many historic occupation objectives, air occupation most likely applies to less intrusive scenarios that attempt to coerce, enforce sanctions, or create buffer zones. Probable air occupation tasks to achieve these objectives would include a combination of presence, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, psychological operations, humanitarian airdrops and airlift, and punitive strikes.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Role of the Armed Forces in Indonesia
Indonesia is a strategically important country, rich in natural resources, sitting astride a critical chokepoint, the Strait of Malacca. Demographically, it holds the important distinctions of being the fourth most populous country in the world and the world's most populous Muslim country. Traditionally, Indonesia has embraced pancasila, a secular tradition which respects all religions equally, not favoring one over another. The first portion of this paper defines fundamentalism, explores the Indonesian version and what role the armed forces plays in preventing the spread of fundamentalism. The second section examines military professionalism, comparing the Indonesian variety to the Western model, and what role this professionalism plays in national stability. Inferring that the military enhances stability, the final section examines the country's stability from an empirical viewpoint. Indonesia emerged from the thirty-plus year Suharto dictatorship in 1998. Throughout Suharto's rule, the military proved to be a substantial element of his power base, yet fissures in this base helped contribute to Suharto's demise. Since 1998, various political parties have flexed their muscle as they jockey for position in the nation's new democratic hierarchy. Of these parties, those with a fundamentalist orientation prove worrisome from the United States' perspective in the Global War on Terrorism. Terrorist attacks carried out by fundamentalist groups in Bali and Jakarta in recent years highlight the potential threat. The Indonesian military, the TNI, has embraced the notion of dwifungsi, or dual role in its complex interaction with Indonesia's people and government. This dual role ensured the military's omniscient role in politics and the economy, particularly in the Suharto era. Using Professor Samuel Huntington's model of the western military professionalism, we clearly see that this dual role has resulted in questionable professionalism in the TNI. Consequently, now thdemocThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Weapons of Mass Destruction Civil Support Teams
If you believe weapons of mass destruction (WMD), chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear and high-yield explosives (CBRNE), exist and pose a threat to this country and our way of life, this paper will alternately elicit both fear and assurance. The reality of the threat will elicit a fear for yourself, your family and your country, while the recognition of this threat by the national security community and the creation of response units like the Army National Guard's (ARNG) Weapons of Mass Destruction Civil Support Teams (WMD-CST) might give you assurance you are safe. Unfortunately, poor program management, ineffective equipment acquisition and unclear command and control structures have made the current version of the WMD-CST teams ineffective and inspire fear because our nation is at risk. This paper investigates the threat that drove the creation and evolution of the WMD-CST program. It then explores the specific mission of the WMD-CSTs to assess, advise and facilitate a response to a WMD event in the United States. This mission, and the ARNG's unique federal-state status, is critical to coordinating a synergistic state/local and federal response during and after a WMD event. The paper then focuses on the current program management and organizational problems affecting these teams. The paper concludes by offering suggestions on programmatic, doctrinal and organizational solutions to make these teams an effective part of a coordinated Homeland Security (HLS) response force. For without these teams to bridge the chasm between state/local and federal response units to a WMD event, the nation's reaction will be inefficient and lives will be lost.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Drug Cartels
The bi-polar security policy of the Cold War has now evolved into a regional focus. However, traditional US thinking about regional security still focuses on "old-style" decision making and management practices. This "old-style" approach has been applied to the war on drugs. This paper focuses on a different approach using current capabilities to fight the war on drugs. Focusing directly on the cartels and their centers of gravity which are not currently targeted by the drug control strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Bureaucracy vs. Bioterrorism
The author shows how, even in a future where biological weapons are proliferated to terrorists through globalization and technological advancements, a bureaucracy can indeed develop an effective network of countermeasures to bioterrorism. The first aspect of the proposed network is professional policing among life science professionals through development of an oath of ethical actions. The second aspect in this network is a nanotechnology detection capability to permit unambiguous attribution of bioterrorist activity. The third aspect of this network is mitigation of the consequences of terrorists' desires though development of quick response teams capable of rapidly identifying pathogens, treating the infected and inoculating the masses through nanovector delivery techniques. Three pragmatic issues critical for effective Air Force contribution to a bureaucratic network of biothreat countermeasures are: 1) the Air Force must determine the proper level of active duty biologists and chemists required to support the 2010 National Security Strategy, 2) an institutionalized cross-functional communication mechanism across the intelligence, scientific, acquisition and medical functional communities, must be implemented, and 3) the Air Force must develop an industry-accepted certification program for life science officers.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Discursive-Digital Link
By revealing the logics of discursive-digital alliances and active passivity, Dehghan provides critical insights for academics, activists, and anyone seeking to foster progressive togetherness. The Discursive-Digital Link offers a powerful theoretical framework and methodology for analysing digitally mediated communication.
The Discursive-Digital Link
We are in a state of crisis. Democracy is under threat, authoritarian politics are on the rise, and digital media--once heralded as emancipatory technologies--are increasingly implicated in democratic erosion. The Discursive-Digital Link offers a critical framework for understanding the entangled relationships between discourse, digital media, and the hidden dynamics behind antagonism and polarisation.The Discursive-Digital Link presents a fluid social ontology that theorises how discourses and digital communication technologies are inseparably entangled, and how this entanglement contributes to the formation of complex hierarchical relations. Drawing on discourse theory and new materialist perspectives, Dehghan maps how the various components of the discursive-digital link--users, collectives, identities, the medium's design, underlying neoliberal capitalist logics, and structural power dynamics--together shape antagonistic frontiers in digital spaces. Through detailed case studies across multiple digital media, Dehghan demonstrates how these entanglements manifest through different articulatory logics that could transform societies towards either agonistic progress or disastrous polarisation.By revealing the logics of discursive-digital alliances and active passivity, Dehghan provides critical insights for academics, activists, and anyone seeking to foster progressive togetherness. The Discursive-Digital Link offers a powerful theoretical framework and methodology for analysing digitally mediated communication. It challenges monolithic understandings of polarisation, technological solutionism, and symptom-focused approaches, instead advocating for radical structural interventions across all entangled components of the discursive-digital link--a necessary shift in both academic research and progressive political strategy to address the democratic crises of our time.
Containing Decolonisation
This book examines British imperialism in late colonial Burma to study how imperialists attempted to protect their strategic and economic interests after decolonisation: they did so by supporting ethnonationalism. This process resembles the Cold War tactic of "containment," and the book makes a crucial contribution to the study of modern imperialism by demonstrating the continuity between "containment's" late- and "neo"-colonial manifestations. For Burma/Myanmar, it also explores the origin of the present-day military junta's racial regime: it emphasizes the protection of the ethnoreligious majority from ethnic minority insurgency. The Rohingya people are currently suffering a genocide because of this racial regime. As the country endures civil war against the junta, this book highlights how ethnonationalists in the late colonial period first promoted this racial regime to seize power and prevent revolution, a process supported by British imperialists for their own ends.
Raising a Nation
Raising a Nation offers a new framework for thinking about a comprehensive, inclusive child care system: one that supports families in all their diversity, whether they want to utilize a licensed child care program, family member, or have a parent as the primary child care provider. Thanks to a history of neglect, child care in America is expensive, scarce, and of questionable quality. Yet too often the response is not a push for governmental action but a derisive, "Why should I pay for your child?" At best, leaders make the case for child care on bloodless economic grounds: We need a place to put the kids so parents can work. Elliot Haspel argues that a key step has been missed. A step so fundamental that it has ruined the chances of winning an effective child care system, despite decades of pain that cross geographic and ideological borders. Establishing that good child care belongs among the pantheon of American values. Haspel makes ten distinct but interlinking cases for why every American--whatever their political affiliation, and whether or not they have young children or any children at all--has a stake in ensuring a strong child care system to facilitate strong families and a strong nation. This groundbreaking book opens up conversations that can finally push child care from being seen as a private responsibility to being viewed as an essential part of the American social fabric.
Time and Narrative in Intelligence Analysis
This book offers a new framework and set of standards for intelligence analysis, drawing from a variety of academic disciplines, such as philosophy, historiography, literary theory and semiotics.The US Intelligence Community is guided by a conviction that its practitioners are engaged in the scientific pursuit of fact-based evidence and its institutions uphold a set of tradecraft skills based on objectivity, timeliness and non-politicization that serve to define professionalism. That approach is counterintuitive to the way analysts actually seek to use language and rhetoric to convince and persuade readers, and counterproductive to the future recruitment and retention of subject matter experts. This book re-examines the assumptions and biases that underlie the intelligence profession in America and its increasing turn toward Artificial Intelligence, with case studies of declassified analytical products on Argentina, China, Iraq, Italy and South Africa.This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence, national security, philosophy, US politics and foreign policy.The Open Access version of this book, available at http: //www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.
Social Welfare - Policies, Services, and Innovations
Up-to-date perspectives on the development of welfare systems are much needed, considering the changes in the past two decades brought about by the Covid-19 pandemic, the 2008 Great Recession, the emergence of ultraright groups in mainstream politics worldwide, the expansion of migratory patterns, among other factors. The book focuses on the impact of global and local welfare policies and programs on groups such as refugees, employees, and the ageing population. Welfare innovation is a pivotal topic of this book, which covers issues such as new welfare services (cash-transfer programs), context-specific policies (age management), and novel policy motivations (ethical commitment, human rights protection). These subjects are applied to numerous countries, including Australia, Brazil, the Czech Republic, Norway, South Africa, and Kenya. The book's analysis of welfare institutions, policies, and services offers an opportunity to consider the evolution, reforms, and challenges of welfare systems worldwide. Additionally, the book helps us understand the importance of adopting new approaches to various components of social welfare in response to the demands of rapidly changing contexts.
Conservation and Sustainable Use of Living Marine Resources and Biodiversity
TOP SECRET KGB Training Manual - Tradecraft and Covers
Tradecraft and Covers: KGB Operational Security Inside the Soviet Union - First Ever Professional English TranslationUnearthed from deep within the Soviet KGB's internal archives, Tradecraft and Covers is the first professional English translation of a once-Top Secret KGB manual detailing how Soviet intelligence officers secured their operations within the USSR. This authoritative document, translated with doctrinal precision by the Conflict Research Group, outlines the clandestine procedures and institutional cover mechanisms used to conceal intelligence activities from adversaries and civilians alike.This volume represents another installment in the Conflict Research Group's groundbreaking series of Soviet intelligence manuals, continuing the mission to make primary-source Cold War espionage doctrine accessible to scholars, professionals, and enthusiasts.Essential Reading for Intelligence Professionals, Historians, and Espionage ResearchersKGB Tradecraft Revealed - Learn how Soviet intelligence secured its operations using both classic and advanced clandestine methods.Cover Institutions - Explore the bureaucratic and civilian fa癟ades used to shield KGB activities inside the USSR.Operational Security Doctrine - Examine how political vigilance, ideological discipline, and secure communication practices were implemented in daily KGB operations.Internal Surveillance and Counterintelligence - Understand the layered protective measures that kept KGB operations hidden from both Western adversaries and internal leaks.Chekist Ideology in Practice - Discover how Leninist principles were applied to operational conduct and the development of tradecraft-conscious behavior.Unlike previous machine-generated translations available today, this Conflict Research Group edition is the first professional English translation, preserving the accuracy, clarity, and operational terminology essential to understanding KGB tradecraft security and cover methodologies. Scholars, intelligence professionals, and espionage enthusiasts will find this edition an invaluable historical document, meticulously restored for accuracy.This authoritative edition goes beyond mere translation. Featuring a detailed editor's introduction, a translator's note, and an insightful overview of the KGB's structure, this book provides critical historical context to one of the most classified documents ever produced by Soviet intelligence.If you're a researcher, academic, intelligence professional or simply fascinated by real-world spycraft, Cold War history, or covert intelligence operations, Tradecraft and Covers is an essential addition to your library.
The Money Signal
A data-rich, eye-opening look at how, when, and why political fundraising is consequential. Over the last two decades, the number of competitive congressional races has declined precipitously. Yet candidates and officeholders dial for more and more dollars each election, and they do so earlier and earlier in the campaign cycle. In The Money Signal, Danielle M. Thomsen offers a new perspective on the role of money in politics. She shows that fundraising matters because it is widely used as an indicator of a candidate's viability and strength, which shapes subsequent donations, dropout decisions, media attention, and rewards in office. Put simply, money is a focal point that candidates, donors, journalists, and party leaders rally around. For candidates, fundraising is a highly public form of self-presentation that pays dividends long before the election and well after the votes are cast. Thomsen draws on comprehensive fundraising data that spans more than four decades, in addition to interviews, surveys of candidates and donors, newspaper coverage, committee assignments, and analysis of legislative success. The Money Signal highlights the numerous ways that dollars influence the perceptions and behavior of key actors and observers throughout the election cycle.
The Money Signal
A data-rich, eye-opening look at how, when, and why political fundraising is consequential. Over the last two decades, the number of competitive congressional races has declined precipitously. Yet candidates and officeholders dial for more and more dollars each election, and they do so earlier and earlier in the campaign cycle. In The Money Signal, Danielle M. Thomsen offers a new perspective on the role of money in politics. She shows that fundraising matters because it is widely used as an indicator of a candidate's viability and strength, which shapes subsequent donations, dropout decisions, media attention, and rewards in office. Put simply, money is a focal point that candidates, donors, journalists, and party leaders rally around. For candidates, fundraising is a highly public form of self-presentation that pays dividends long before the election and well after the votes are cast. Thomsen draws on comprehensive fundraising data that spans more than four decades, in addition to interviews, surveys of candidates and donors, newspaper coverage, committee assignments, and analysis of legislative success. The Money Signal highlights the numerous ways that dollars influence the perceptions and behavior of key actors and observers throughout the election cycle.
Corporate Military Intelligence
Corporate Military Intelligence explores the dynamic intersection of military intelligence and corporate influence in shaping modern and future conflicts. As intelligence operations evolve beyond traditional state actors, private corporations play an increasing role in global security, cyber warfare, and economic conflicts. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of intelligence agencies, private military companies, and corporate involvement in national security. Key topics include technological advancements in intelligence gathering, the rise of mercenary armies, cybersecurity threats, and the economic dimensions of warfare. Intended for policymakers, military professionals, researchers, and students, this book offers a deep dive into the complexities of intelligence in the digital age. It highlights how corporate entities shape intelligence strategies and security policies, redefining the battlefield of tomorrow. With global security dynamics rapidly changing, Corporate Military Intelligence is a crucial read for those seeking to understand the future of warfare and intelligence.Shantanu K. Bansal, a Delhi-based strategic analyst and the founder of Indian Aerospace Defence News (IADN), India's leading defence and strategic news portal since 2012. He has more than 10 years of experience in research and analysis. His research endevour covered reforms in India's external intelligence including Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) and Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA). Monojit Das, researcher of geopolitics and national security, is currently serving as Honorary Advisor to the Indian Aerospace Defence News (IADN). His research interests encompass strategic affairs, defence policy, and international security, with numerous publications contributing to the discourse on national and regional security frameworks. He has undertaken a significant role in advancing academic diplomacy and educational cooperation through his engagements with ICCR, MEA, GoI.
Financing the Taliban
The present challenge to the nation-state system broadly, and USG specifically, consists of non-state actors operating within the context of weak governance and unofficial economy. This thesis explores USG effectiveness in disrupting terrorist or insurgent attempts to exploit financial asymmetry against the United States. The phenomenon of terrorist financing and the associated destabilizing attributes of counter-state organizations provide significant challenges to U.S. security. Terrorist financing relies upon both formal and informal value transfers enabled by access to sources of financing unique to the respective economic environment. Contemporary conflicts such as Afghanistan and Iraq illustrate the enemy's ability to adapt operations based upon cost efficiency models in an attempt to conduct operations that maximize potential cost to value ratios in their favor. The Taliban are an example of the organizational resiliency possible through sustained financing efforts and serve as a contemporary model for the study of USG counter-finance policy. USG counter-finance actions against terrorist organizations must be pursued with diligent fervor to detect and disrupt value streams associated with the adversarial threat.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cultural Competency Training in the United States Marine Corps
The U.S. Marine Corps faces great challenges as it participates in the Long War. To enhance its chances of success in this war, the Marine Corps must institutionalize the importance of cultural awareness in military operations by adopting a comprehensive training program. This training will ensure that Marines deploying in support of the Long War possess the appropriate level of cultural competency to be successful in the field. Marines will need both cultural awareness and language training to achieve this competency and the training requirements will differ based on a Marine's duty assignment and military specialty.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Combating Transnational Terrorism in Kenya and Whether the Kenyan Government Effort to Fight Terrorism is Effective in Reducing the Transnational Terrorism Threat in the Country
This thesis examines the Kenyan government's (GoK's) increasingly responsive strategy, and its implementation, in combating transnational terrorism focusing on the case studies of the 1998 US Embassy bombing and the 2002 terrorist attacks in Mombasa, Kenya. The analytical research methodology used is the qualitative case study method. It identifies the factors regarding why terrorists targeted Kenya, how Kenya reacted, and the perceived improvements in Kenya's response to these attacks. Deeper analysis is done by means of analyzing Kenya's use of traditional and nontraditional instruments of power in its war on terrorism. They are identified and assessed, based on the two case studies, through the submission of questionnaires to an independent panel of experts knowledgeable on Kenya's fight against transnational terrorism. The analysis of the response indicates that the Kenyan government was moderately effective in employing the instruments of power between 1998 and 2001. After the 2002 terrorist attacks, it effectively applied the instruments of power to mitigate the threat and developed a comprehensive national strategy against transnational terrorism. The conclusion of this study is that while the Kenyan government's counterterrorism strategy is becoming increasingly more effective in combating transnational terrorism in terms of the strategy's ends and ways, it falls short of applying the appropriate means in reducing the underlying conditions that make Kenya an easy target for terrorist acts. Recommendations, both short-term and long-term, are proposed to assist the GoK in conducting an even more effective counterterrorism strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Near Term Command and Control of Homeland Air and Missile Defense
The events of 11 September 2001 revealed that America was no longer impervious to aggression. When terrorists attacked, no defensive forces were immediately available to defend the homeland. One of the comprehensive changes was an update of the Unified Command Plan creating a new command, NORTHCOM, to oversee defense of North America and splitting the Unified Command of NORAD and USSPACECOM. NORAD aligned under NORTHCOM while USSPACECOM was subsumed by STRATCOM. This created the paradox of what to do with the mission of homeland air and missile defense. The geographic combatant command of NORTHCOM retained NORAD's mission of aerospace defense of the homeland, while STRATCOM's functional command gained the integrated missile defense mission. Missiles can traverse multiple AORs, yet the defense remains the geographic commander's responsibility. It is not viable to split the roles and missions of the limited assets performing the dual role of air and missile defense. Applying the FAS test to different COA determined that it is best to maintain the AMD mission but divide the assets between the two commands based upon system capabilities and threat launch locations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How can the United States Army Improve Human Intelligence in Peace Operations?
In military operations every soldier is a human intelligence (HUMINT) collector. The new doctrine and current peace operations regarding the G2X position fails to incorporate all HUMINT collectors under the G2X. Additionally, the new doctrine also fails to incorporate nonintelligence HUMINT collectors involved in peace operations. Current doctrine calls on the many "secondary" HUMINT collectors to collect information or intelligence as part of their mission. These secondary collectors, such as the Military Police, Psychological Operations, Civil Affairs and Line Units conduct liaison with international and local police forces, host-government official, nongovernment organizations, and local leaders. These are same individuals with whom the primary HUMINT collectors liaison. But the secondary HUMINT collectors do not fall under the G2X's ability to deconflict. The lack of deconfliction and coordination leads to redundant coverage of sources and circular reporting. If the efforts of the secondary and primary collectors could be deconflicted, it would reduce circular reporting and redundancy. The eliminated redundancy would free primary HUMINT collectors to concentrate on sources that require street craft and resources not available to secondary collectors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Efficacy of Regional Headquarters for National Guard Civil Support and Homeland Defense Missions
The purpose of the study is to determine whether a regional headquarters concept would improve the National Guard's ability to accomplish Homeland Defense and Civil Support with greater efficiency and effectiveness. In order to make that determination, this paper begins by reviewing the works of authors advocating regional headquarters in the National Guard. It then notes experiences of other organizations with a regional structure. Once the theoretical benefit of a regional structure has been established, the researcher attempts to identify areas where greater efficiency or effectiveness could be achieved if the National Guard was organized with a regional structure. Finally, interviews with state- level senior leaders of the National Guard add their perspectives for consideration. If this paper shows the regional headquarters concept could add efficacy for National Guard Civil Support and Homeland Defense missions, it could be an impetus for a major organizational and structural change in the National Guard. This study has the potential to demonstrate potential benefits to participating individual states, as well as refining the focus for future planning, training, and exercises.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leader Development Process in Pakistan Army at the Tactical Level
This study focuses on the leader development process of Pakistan Army at the tactical level, i.e. up to a maximum of seven years of service. It analyzes the present leader development process of Pakistan Army to see its effectiveness to train leaders at the tactical level to perform effectively in future. The study uses the writings of a few Pakistani authors and Stephen P. Cohen, other than personal experience as the primary references to describe the influences on the present leader development model. It also uses a number of writers from Pakistani and US military to establish the requirements of future. The study identifies the focus for the leader development process of Pakistan Army for the leaders at the tactical level by comparing the attributes and skills cultivated by the society and military culture and the requirements of future. The established focus is then used as a measure of effectiveness to assess the present leader development model to ascertain its usefulness to train leaders for future. It concludes by providing a list of attributes and skills promoted and cultivated by the society and military culture and those that are required to meet the future environments. After concluding that the present leader development process does not train leaders at tactical level to perform effectively in future, it provides specific recommendations in all three components of the leader development process. In the end the study also identifies a few areas for further research.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Counterintelligence
The United States Air Force (USAF) is the aerial warfare service branch of the United States Armed Forces. The USAF was initially a part of the U.S. Army, but was formed as a separate branch of the military in 1947 under the National Security Act. Although it is the most recent branch of the U.S. Military to be formed, the USAF is the most technologically advanced air force in the world. The Air Force e-Publishing Library's mission is to provide documents for Air Force customers worldwide, and supply life-cycle management of Air Force Electronic Publishing to enable product and service delivery to the end user, regardless of media in pace and in war. The United States Air Force e-Publishing Library collection contains manuals and reports describing the procedures and protocol necessary in various situations and circumstances. Some titles in the collection include: A Manual of Civil Engineer Bare Base Development, Guide to Mobile Aircraft Arresting System Installation, and Nuclear Weapons Accident and Incident Response. This publication is part of this Air Force e-Publications collection.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Analysis of the Emergence of Transnational Terrorism in Southeast Asia
Transnational terrorism has recently emerged as a serious security threat in Southeast Asia. This thesis examines the conditions, causes, and nature of the transnational terrorist threat in the region. It analyses the historical, political, economic, sociocultural, religious-ethnic, and geostrategic factors in Southeast Asia, and the history, goals, strategy, operations, and transnational relationships of four selected Islamic fundamentalist groups in the region (namely Jemaah Islamiyah, Kumpulan Mujahideen Malaysia, Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and Laskar Jihad) that contribute to the emergence of the threat. The analysis demonstrates that the underlying conditions and causes are complex, comprising both contributing and countervailing elements. The nature of the threat displays limited indigenous roots, underpinnings of temporal and non-lasting political and economic problems, and strong external influences. It concludes that the emergence of transnational terrorism in Southeast Asia is essentially an external-influenced phenomenon with limited and weak internal coherence, and is therefore not an inherent and irreversible process. A clear understanding of the conditions, causes, and nature of the threat can provide a framework for the development of effective regional and national strategies to combat it.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Fixing the Reserve Officer Training Corps' Recruiting Problems
The organization charged with producing three quarters of the Army's officer corps has failed to meet requirements for thirteen years running. In 1989, the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) produced over 8,000 new lieutenants, today it can't produce half of that figure. Many reasons have been given for this failure, to include everything from a declining national propensity to inadequate budgets. Whatever the reason, the impact on the Army is clear, and that is a shortage of leadership. If the Army is to meet the challenges of the new millennium, which includes an asymmetric threat, digitization and information overload it must have the required number of officers within its ranks. Until now, the Army has allowed the National Guard and Reserves to pay the bill, while keeping the ranks of the Active Army full. However, with the increased deployment of reserve forces to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Kosovo, that bill will be coming due again, and this time only big Army can pay it. If not, the country could pay the ultimate cost in lives of our leaderless soldiers.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact of Military Coups D'etat on West Africa's Socio-Economic and Political Development
Following the period from 1957-1960, when most countries in West Africa broke loose from colonialism and became independent, the need for an integrated and classless society was one of paramount concern to most, if not all, West Africans. Up to date, the impact of colonialism was still being felt at every stratum of the sub-region. As former colonies of European powers began to gain independence from their colonial masters, the educated class eventually dominated and controlled the political landscape of their respective countries. The educated elites representing their countries' leadership with inherent authority over the military rarely used the armed forces for the intended purpose for which they were created. As the results of the military being used by politicians as an instrument of fear against their own citizens coupled with political misrule, the military soon began to seize and control state power through military coup d'etats. There were, however, disagreements and dissatisfactions within the ranks and file of the military which led to counter-coups and more often than not civil wars. As the results of these and many more, the sub-region's social-economic and political institutions have been devastated for the past three to four decades from which they are yet to recover.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
TOP SECRET KGB Training Manual - Working With Agents
Working With Agents: Soviet KGB Tradecraft for Running Agents - First Ever Professional English TranslationA top-secret KGB training document, Working With Agents is an essential manual from the Cold War era, outlining how Soviet intelligence officers handled their most valuable resource: human agents. For the first time in professional English, this edition reveals the KGB's rigorous procedures for vetting, evaluating, and managing intelligence assets in foreign environments.This book is another volume in the Conflict Research Group's acclaimed series of KGB manuals. This series continues to present previously highly-classified Soviet intelligence materials to the public, offering scholars and practitioners unparalleled access to Cold War espionage doctrine.Essential Reading for Intelligence Professionals, Historians, and Spycraft EnthusiastsAgent Handling Procedures - Explore how KGB officers maintained control over recruited assets, issued operational tasks, and evaluated agent performance over time.Counterintelligence Safeguards - Learn how Soviet handlers detected and neutralized double agents, moles, informers, and Western counterintelligence infiltrators.Deception and Tradecraft Testing - Discover how agents were tested for honesty through covert surveillance, disinformation drops, and fabricated assignments.Surveillance and Vetting - Understand how KGB stations used observation, cross-agent reporting, and technical means to verify agent loyalty.Operational Doctrine - See how the KGB trained officers to assess ideological alignment, psychological stability, and operational security risk.Unlike previous machine-generated or unofficial translations, this edition by the Conflict Research Group is the first professional English translation, preserving the clarity, precision, and authentic intelligence terminology of the original manual.This historical document offers a rare window into the day-to-day mechanics of Cold War espionage work-how agents were run, evaluated, and, when necessary, exposed. It is indispensable for those studying human intelligence (HUMINT), counterintelligence, or the operational psychology of spycraft.Includes a detailed translator's note and contextual introduction, prepared by Major Christoph P. Schwanitz (Ret.), a former NATO intelligence officer and expert in Soviet tradecraft.Whether you are a defense analyst, academic researcher, intelligence professional, or simply fascinated by Cold War history, Working With Agents belongs in your collection. Add this Cold War-era Top Secret intelligence training manual to your library today.
