Civil-service Retirement -- Great Britain And New Zealand
An insightful look at the civil service retirement systems of Great Britain and New Zealand. This book, written by Herbert Daniel Brown, examines the structures, benefits, and challenges associated with providing pensions and retirement security to public servants in these two countries. It provides a comparative analysis, highlighting the similarities and differences in their approaches. This book will be a valuable resource for those interested in public policy, social security, and human resource management within the public sector. It offers a detailed examination of the historical context and the practical considerations involved in designing and implementing effective civil service retirement programs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Covert Action
A comparative international perspective challenges conventional narratives about unacknowledged intervention"Covert action" is generally understood as politically motivated and plausibly deniable interference by one state in the affairs of another state. It includes propaganda, political or economic subversion, paramilitary action, and assassinations. Covert action is the most consequential and controversial form of secret statecraft, and it has become a ubiquitous feature of international politics. However, it is often sensationalized or seen through a narrow, US-centric lens.Covert Action challenges this conventional narrative and redefines secret statecraft by offering a groundbreaking comparative international perspective that explores the practice of unacknowledged intervention across twenty countries and a range of eras. Bringing together leading scholars from around the world, this volume moves beyond the American, and wider, anglosphere perspectives to examine covert action practices across states, regime types, and time.This book will be important reading for historians, political scientists, and policymakers, and it provides a foundational study of the hidden mechanisms of international power. It takes a global perspective and thus transforms the understanding of how nations truly interact behind the scenes, revealing covert action as a complex form of international statecraft.
Divine Diplomacy
This book offers a fresh perspective on the impact of religious beliefs on global diplomacy and security, challenging the conventional wisdom that religion is a source of conflict and violence. It shows how religion can also be a source of cooperation and dialogue, as well as a form of soft power that can shape narratives and influence outcomes. It examines the paradoxes and conflicts arising from America's support for Pakistan's military rulers while promoting democratic values, highlighting the complex interplay between religion and politics. It shows how the Pakistan and United States faced dilemmas and trade-offs in their bilateral relations, balancing their strategic interests and their moral values.
Internal Environmental Displacement in Latin America and the Caribbean
This book offers a comprehensive exploration of the pressing issue of environmentally displaced persons (EDPs) in Latin America and the Caribbean, filling a gap in the existing literature. The concept of EDPs only gained prominence on the international stage in the late 20th century, but despite significant attention in recent years, there has been a conspicuous absence of a consolidated resource on the topic, particularly within this region. This book's editors, distinguished Brazilian scholars with extensive experience in academia and as consultants, have crafted a meticulously researched and thought-provoking volume. It addresses the historical evolution of EDP visibility among different stakeholders and delves into the legal and policy dimensions crucial for the protection of these vulnerable individuals. Drawing from an array of case studies, including Mexico, Haiti, Colombia, and Brazil, the book elucidates the multifaceted challenges faced by EDPs. It examines specific populations (women and girls, children, and indigenous communities) disproportionately affected by environmental displacement. This comprehensive work not only serves an academic purpose but also provides valuable insights and guidance to governments, NGOs, international agencies, and other actors grappling with the dilemma of protecting EDPs in the region. It stands as a unique and indispensable resource, offering a consolidated repository of information, data, and references that is unparalleled in the field. Readers will benefit from the wealth of knowledge and expertise encapsulated within this book, making it an essential addition to discuss the issue.
New Mexico Government
This book, completely revised and updated, remains as indispensable today as when it first appeared in 1976. It is still the only volume that provides a basic background for every reader seeking a better understanding of the state's political system. Offered here is a concise introduction to the major institutions and processes of New Mexico government--from the constitutionally defined roles of governors and legislators to their informal exercise of power and interactions with each other, citizens, and courts, federal and state bureaucracies, media, and political parties.In recent decades the state has seen attempts to reform its complicated governmental structure to respond to dramatic changes in its cultural, economic, environmental, demographic, and social character. The changes initiated in the 1980s are fully described in this new edition, with special attention given to state finances, local and tribal government, education, elections, and regulatory agencies.
Changing the Heart of Social Policy-Making
Effective social policy-making has been debated for decades by policy-makers, scholars, and the general public. As elected officials have lost sight of their purpose in a climate of extreme polarization and partisan politics, disappointment and distrust of our government institutions have swelled. This book highlights the importance of a change in the hearts and minds of legislators and provides a new perspective on addressing the public's desire for more effective and humane social policies. Covering the legislative and social policy making process from a historical and contemporary perspective, this book identifies powerful interest groups and corporate dollars which influence our legislative process and erode sound policy ideas and solutions. The book also explores a new generation of youth voters which can influence election and policy outcomes; the current mental health crisis; and the importance of evidence-based research in designing social policies. Several topics are illuminated by real-life experiences, case studies and practical guidelines.
Filling South Korea's Counterinsurgency Gap
South Korea needs to look ahead to problems it may face after North Korea's collapse and prepare to counter any North Korean insurgency that might result from the expansion of conflicts between political power groups. After the death of Kim Jong-il, the political situation in North Korea became increasingly unstable as power transferred to Kim Jong-un. There has been a growing concern about the chaotic aftermath of a regime collapse in the North. The South Korean military has the desire to meet the requirements for an efficient counterinsurgency campaign in order to seize, retain, and exploit the initiative against North Korea's possible insurgents. However, there currently appear to be operational shortfalls in the knowledge, planning, and potential execution of counterinsurgency within the South Korean military. This monograph applies the Capability-Based-Assessment (CBA) process model to distill counterinsurgency requirements for the South Korean military within three of these commodity areas: doctrine, organization, and leadership and education. The CBA model includes a three-phased process: Functional Area Analysis (FAA), Functional Needs Analysis (FNA), and Functional Solutions Analysis (FSA). Doctrinal views highlight the value of operational art and design as a means to balance cost and benefit from the strategic perspectives. Organizational views pursue unity of efforts between armed services and other agencies through a comprehensive governmental counterinsurgency operation. The leadership and educational aspect focuses on the application of mission command related to time sensitivity for adaptive control of insurgents on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, a recommendation made for the successful execution of counterinsurgency operations calls for operational thinking that would enable the South Korean Army to respond quickly and seize the initiative in COIN operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Terrorist Vulnerability
The deployment of US armed forces to areas of unrest exposes them to possible attack from hostile state and non-state actors. US forces represent American interests and provide an opportunity for an adversary to attempt to influence US public or political opinion through violence or threat of violence. For the purposes of this paper, the focus will be on the threat of terrorist bomb attacks against US forces abroad. When it comes to protecting deployed United States military forces against terrorism, is force protection provided sufficient priority under current US security policies and guidance? Traditional research methods were used to analyze and provide possible solutions to the problem. US government publications, military manuals, and professional journals provided the primary information sources to avoid possible periodical and newspaper bias. Also, the suicide bombing of the US Marine barracks in Lebanon in 1983 and the Khobar Towers bombing in 1996 are used as case studies to illustrate the similarities and differences of the findings, recommendations, and force protection guidance resulting from each of two mass-casualty bombings, 13 years apart. There are similarities between the two bombings, but while there is certainly more guidance and written policy concerning the terrorist threat to US forces since 1983, there does not appear to be a truly united effort among the armed forces to protect themselves against terrorist attack. This requires the creation of a true joint doctrine leading to better training, education, and resources to protect deployed US forces and deter terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving Security Force Assistance Capability in the Army's Advice and Assistance Brigade
The U.S. Army's renewed emphasis on developing organizations to conduct Security Force Assistance (SFA), particularly the Advise and Assist Brigades, is indicative of both increased operational requirements in Iraq and Afghanistan and renewed interest in developing defense capacity in allied and partner nations. With over 255,000 soldiers deployed worldwide in 2009, the Army needs to develop a more effective conventional SFA apparatus to train indigenous forces to manage their own internal security requirements. By properly selecting, training, and utilizing quality conventional force personnel to fulfill SFA requirements, the Army can meet its current operational commitments while improving its ability to respond to emerging needs. Previous attempts by the French in Algeria and the U.S. Army in Vietnam and Korea to incorporate advisory missions into conventional operations highlight the need for developing highly skilled advisors capable of managing SFA tasks within Full Spectrum Operations. Current selection, training, and utilization models used by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's Operational Mentor and Liaison Team (OMLT) program, the U.S. Marine Corps'; Training and Advisor Group (MCTAG), and the U.S. Army's transition teams provide comparative analysis tools for developing a way forward. What is missing from each of these programs is a centralized identification and selection process, robust yet efficient training regimen, and a utilization mechanism to ensure highly skilled and trained advisors are serving where the Army needs them most, at the brigade. Historical precedents and current training programs suggest that though the U.S. Army has vastly improved its conventional advisory efforts since the Korean War, it still requires a new approach to Security Force Assistance. The 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review reemphasized the importance of assisting partners and allies with their own internal defense. By creating a functional area for advisors, the AThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Challenges of Budgeting for Defense in an Era of Uncertainty and Unpredictability
Does the Department of Defense have adequate funding to meet its requirements? Does it have what it needs to defend the interests of the United States? Does the defense budget need to increase, or can the Department accomplish the National Military Strategy with less? Finally, what threats are driving defense budgets today and what type of military force is required? On the surface, these questions seem easy to answer, but in reality, they are quite difficult. They are difficult because of the uncertain and unpredictable environment in which today's Department of Defense operates. The "comfort" days of the Cold War, where the United States required a large conventional force to deter a major state actor are long gone. Currently, no strong nation state threatens the United States. Will this remain true in the future, or will an emerging power, such as China, grow to threaten US interests and those of its allies? Will the United States continue to face irregular warfare threats from weak or failed states, terrorists, or other non-state actors? Will the successes of current terrorist groups embolden others to do the same, and what kind of military force is required to meet these uncertainties?This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
More for Less
Strategic nuclear force structure requirements for the 1990s must be considered in light of the changing security environment, and particularly in terms of the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START). Because START will shape the relative strategic capabilities of the US and Soviet Union for the foreseeable future, it is imperative that the US devise the most cost-effective nuclear deterrent force possible within expected START constraints. The authors examine a number of force structure alternatives as to triad size and composition (or tetrad, if cruise missiles are considered) to determine how we might obtain the best possible deterrent guarantee for the best price under START limitations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dynamic Re-Tasking
The explosion of information technology has enabled real-time intelligence to become an invaluable tool to the Joint Force Air Component Commander (JFACC). This capability has led to an increased drive to allow the JFACC tighter control over airborne assets, adding flexibility to the JFACC's response options, but, in effect, "centralizing" execution. What is the implication of this centralization on the decision making process involving airborne missions? What is the appropriate level of control for the processing of real time intelligence in future air operations? Does the responsibility lie within the Joint Air Operations Center (JAOC)? The primary purpose of this paper is not to answer these questions, rather it is to pose them and other issues as items to consider for operations and identify areas for future research. In doing so it examines the JAOC structure, the relationship of information to the Master Air Attack Plan and methods of distributing that information to the warfighter through the Air Tasking Order and alternately through Dynamic Re-tasking. It briefly discusses the cognitive decision making process, examines real time intelligence integration, and the possible results of exploitation of that process. Finally, the paper concludes with a discussion of Dynamic Re-tasking and a discourse on Centralized vs. Decentralized Execution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Can Al Qaeda Attain the Ability to Produce Weapons of Mass Destruction to Threaten the United States Within the Next Twenty Years?
Since 11 September 2001, Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) has been a major topic of both our military and political agendas within the United States. The United States waged war with Iraq based upon this most important tenet of ridding former President Saddam Hussein of his ability to affect the United States with his WMD arsenal. About the same time, military focus also shifted priorities towards the location of Osama bin Ladin, the notorious, stealthy figure head believed to currently direct the Al Qaeda terrorist group activities. To that end, the United States Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Defense have both sustained significant resources and effort into identifying, detecting, actively pursuing, and ultimately, negating the both the leadership and the subsequent WMD threat that terrorist organizations such as Al Qaeda may use to attempt coercion and manipulation of the United States political and military use of its instruments of power. This paper attempts to identify the Al Qaeda history and current organization, and highlight its known weapons financing and procurement practices. I will further discuss previous activity of Al Qaeda and its known attempts to procure and use WMD. This research will also discuss the United States' intervention and opposition measures, and finally summarize with a supported opinion that Al Qaeda may in fact attain the ability to secure some form of WMD, but will encounter significant obstacles in attempting to utilize them against the United States within the next quarter century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
US Efforts to Counter Use of Islamic Charitable Organizations to Fund Terrorism
The United States government has focused on impeding support to terrorist organizations since 9/11, to include financial support received through Islamic charitable organizations. While Islamic charities serve many useful purposes to include operation of schools and hospitals, many have also been used as a funding source by terrorist organizations. The U.S. was aware of this problem in the 1990s but failed to counter it because of its low priority and perceived threat level. After 9/11, the U.S. government reorganized to focus on this threat and passed several laws making it illegal to support terrorist organizations. These changes were effective at stopping the use of domestic charities to fund terrorism, but international efforts have been lacking. Through the United Nations, the U.S. pushed countries to close charities known to fund terrorism, seize their assets, and prosecute responsible individuals. In doing so, they failed to take into consideration other nation's reliance on the services these charities perform and the sensitivities of their populace. The U.S. needs to change its international policy from one focused on seizure of charities assets to a strategy of tracking and following the financial trail from sources of funding to those who commit terrorist acts. By focusing our efforts on identifying specific individuals instead of seizing the assets of entire charities, we will gain real international support for our counterterrorism efforts without alienating foreign populations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving the ARFORGEN Model
The purpose of this monograph is to provide a new lens to view the ARFORGEN model, as it has largely been accepted without constructive criticism or analysis of its impacts since its inception in 2006. This monograph is an attempt to synthesize elements of complexity science, the Army Force Generation (ARFORGEN) model, and Army National Guard (ARNG) Brigade Combat Team (BCT) deployments since 1999. In addition, there have been numerous policy memoranda issued by various levels of command throughout the Defense Department that have affected the ARFORGEN model and the ARNG BCT's. The analysis of these memos attempt to show the non-linearity associated with policy and the ARFORGEN model. The content of this monograph is based on complexity science concepts and theories, as well as multiple Department of Defense policy letters, Congressional testimony by senior Defense Department leadership, a case study of the 39th Infantry Brigade Combat Team of the Arkansas Army National Guard, and the development of a mathematical modeling product based off commercially available queuing computer software. The findings of this monograph show the decrease in dwell time for ARNG BCT's since ARFORGEN was implemented in 2006. The Office of the Secretary of Defense 12-Month Mobilization Policy for Reserve Component units--which became official in 2007--further exacerbated the lack of dwell time for ARNG BCT's. The U.S. Army RESET model for equipment also limits the amount of training time within the first year of ARFORGEN, which leads to cascading negative effects on the BCT's overall readiness. The findings also highlight that ARFORGEN was not implemented in a vacuum--the ARNG BCT's have provided forces from 1999 to the present, and the demands for ARNG BCT's from various Combatant Commands has not diminished since that time. The monograph provides a series of recommendations to increase the amount of dwell time for ARNG units and ARNG soldiers. Due to the unique nature of Reserve CompThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact of MOOTW-Based Unit Training on Leader Development
The end of the Cold War has dramatically changed the strategic environment within which the United States Army must operate. The threat of an attack by the Soviet Union into Western Europe no longer exists. The change in strategic environment has resulted in a change in the force structure of the United States Army. The Army has reduced its size by almost 40% in the last ten years, and whereas the Army used to rely on forward deployed forces to deter an attack by the Soviet Union, the Army now relies on force projection of forces from the United States to a crisis area. In addition to the change in force structure, the end of the Cold War has brought about a change in the types of operations that the Army are most likely to participate in. In the past, the Army primarily concerned itself with preparing for operations such as JUST CAUSE and DESERT STORM. Increasingly however, the Army in recent years, had to primarily respond to stability operations in places such as Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo. The issue that now confronts the Army is how to train its forces to be able to rapidly respond to the wide spectrum of potential operations. In response to this problem, the Army is reviewing its strategy for unit training based on a unit mission essential task list (METL) focused on warfighting tasks. One proposal is that in order to be ready, relevant, and responsive, the Army should consider changing to a unit-level training program that is focused on military operations other than war (MOOTW) tasks rather than warfighting tasks. This monograph looks at the impact that a shift from a warfighting-based METL to a MOOTW-based METL would have on the development of a company grade, combat arms officer. In order to evaluate this impact, this monograph first reviews the goals of the officer development process and focus on one pillar of the officer development process - operational assignments. Next, this monograph determines the skills required of a company grade officer and comThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Empowering Interagency Capability
In an age predominated by states but rife with non-state actors, failing states, increasingly fluid boundaries, disenfranchised yet interconnected populations, and increasingly self-aware cultures, the United States must develop a foreign policy structure that is adaptive to these circumstances. This foreign policy structure must be able to leverage the unique and varied technical capabilities of the United States and be able to apply them to diverse cultures across the globe. It must be able to win over allies and partners to gain regional influence and appeal. It must be able to leverage relationships with regional partners and entities through prolonged presence built into trust. When action is required, it must be flexible enough to respond across a range of responses from strictly civilian capabilities to military action. Finally, it must be able to act with the full support and confidence of the President and possess the responsibility and accountability to match. This research demonstrates the current foreign policy architecture does not possess the capacity required to meet this challenge. Likewise, the current reforms both within the military and within the interagency are insufficient to the tasks required. As a result, it is necessary to reform the interagency to be able to adequately match the desired ends of the National Security Strategy with more agile and diverse ways and means. This research proposes developing Regional Interagency Consulates with an Ambassador in charge and a military deputy that is dual-hatted as the Regional Combatant Commander. It contains functional Assistant Secretaries with staffs from most Cabinets and many executive agencies and government corporations. It meets the aforementioned challenges by being robust enough to offer the President options, both military and non-military, to prevent crises from occurring and to respond if they occur. It can operate in a state construct just as easily as in a construct of sub-nationalThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Expeditionary Border Security Operations
Within the context of the current US government endeavor to unify its actions and build partner-nation military capabilities in the Global War on Terror (GWOT), this monograph seeks to determine the potential value of utilizing expeditionary interagency border security teams (BSTs) to conduct border security operations and training during theater security cooperation activities. Specifically, this monograph answers whether border security operations will assist nations in countering destabilizing elements within their nations and, subsequently, impacting the operational scope and capability of global terrorist networks that threaten US national security. This paper uses case studies in the Tri Border area of South America and the Trans Sahel region in Africa to examine the threat from a convergence of terrorist and criminal organizations toward complementary efforts and their use of porous border regions to conduct logistical activities. This convergence greatly expands the scope and capability of each individual terrorist or criminal organization and the cumulative effect can overwhelm the security forces of many nations and provide a critical link in a logistical network tracing a path to the border of the US. To counter this threat the paper analyzes a case study of Post WW II Germany and develops a framework for border security operations consisting of eight principles: consistent national agreements established upfront between allied and partner nations concerning border security policies; integrated border security policies at the US national level; the ability to communicate with the local populace culturally and linguistically and provide outlets for information requirements from the local population; early intervention to prevent a collapse in security that would require major international military intervention; a border security force which has a static and mobile capability; the use of indigenous population in border security forces; an integrated econoThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Developing Military Interagency Experts
Developing Military Interagency Experts describes how the Global War on Terror and post-conflict stability and reconstruction operations increasingly require synchronized interagency efforts to be effective. Military officers will increasingly be called upon to wage war alongside other interagency players, and their success will hinge largely on an ability to navigate fluently in the complex interagency environment. Military interagency specialists are needed to close departmental "culture gaps" by maintaining a working knowledge of other departments through experience and by educating agencies outside the Defense Department on military capabilities and limitations. This paper addresses the value of effective interagency operations and examines whether the military needs interagency experts. It also attempts to define the specific role that military interagency specialists need to play. By illustrating the current strategic and operational state of affairs that affects interagency coordination, and by analyzing a successful Joint Interagency Task Force, this paper introduces additional measures to enhance the development of military interagency experts both within the Department of Defense and within the existing national security policy apparatus.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
USAF Force Protection? Do We Really Care?
The US Air Force provides the preponderance of the world's most lethal, technologically superior airpower, yet does comparatively little to protect it when its most vulnerable?on the ground. Although the Air Force concept of force projection requires deployment into hostile zones, it traditionally placed little emphasis on protecting its force, unlike its sister services and close NATO partner, the Royal Air Force. Plainly, the Air Force has yet to institutionalize force protection. Service leadership continues to wrestle with integrating force protection with the flying mission, historically reacting to security events vice protecting against them, and therefore repeating the lessons of history. Without a greater understanding of modern force protection roles and missions, Air Force leadership is unwittingly increasing the criminal and combat risk to American airpower.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Government Assistance Center
In this monograph, Professor Raymond Millen proposes a way for non-military organizations to render assistance and development to fragile states through an organizational approach. Accordingly, he proffers the concept of the Government Assistance Center as a vehicle for effective coordination and cooperation in Whole of Government and Comprehensive approaches. Conceptually, the Government Assistance Center embodies a standardized camp and an organizationalstructure for decision-making.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hybrid Power
This monograph introduces a method of better capturing the interaction of hard and soft power termed "Hybrid Power." Hybrid power captures the essence of simultaneity as hard and soft power is exerted by a single element to create the desired foreign policy effects. The term hybrid power also eliminates the politically charged and divisive term, "smart power." The basis of the research question for this monograph is to analyze the potential for military forces, Mobility Air Forces (MAF) in particular, to contribute to foreign policy in other than hard power methods. This monograph asks: what contribution, if any, does the USAF's Mobility Air Forces have in the execution of smart power in United States foreign policy? The hypothesis of this monograph is that the military, particularly MAF, can contribute both positively and negatively to the hard and soft power elements of foreign policy. This hypothesis also challenges CSIS'; categorization of separate but complementary soft and hard power as smart power and asks if there is a better way to approach those activities to further United States policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stealth, Precision and the Making of American Foreign Policy
The end of the Cold War greatly reduced the risk that a limited, peripheral conflict would escalate to a major war between the great powers. It would seem, with this constraint removed, that the United States should be freer to intervene militarily in the affairs of other peoples. Indeed, in the last decade of the twentieth century, the United States intervened militarily as many times as it had during the full forty years of the Cold War. Alternatively, the decision to intervene had always been based on the best interest of America. With the fall of the Soviet Union, America's most vital national interest, its security, was assured. Logic would dictate a less-interventionist foreign policy, as the need to intervene was drastically reduced. This study examines the paradox by investigating the presidential decision making process that leads to military intervention, determining the relative weight for intervention before and after the Cold War, and assessing the importance of technology - in this case the maturity of the combination of stealth aircraft and precision guided weapons - that made the president's decision to intervene after 1990 easier.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Connecting the Spots
This paper proposes four key USG actions to develop, enhance, and leverage ISF abroad to combat transnational terrorist groups: (1) rescind or amend the legislative prohibition on training foreign police, (2) institute an interagency coordination group to synchronize and assess CT training and assistance globally, (3) improve information sharing with ISF, and (4) apply a global oil spot strategy to ISF development. These actions will allow USG agencies and international organizations to optimize resources in order to better leverage ISF worldwide. Additionally, through the combined development of ISF and information sharing networks in at-risk nations, "oil spots of security'"̋ can be incrementally expanded and connected to isolate and defeat transnational terrorist groups.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Role of U.S. Psychological Operations in the New Global Threat Environment
The purpose of the paper is to investigate the role of Psychological Operations (PSYOP) in the wake of the new threat environment. This new environment has seen a shift in emphasis from the certainties of traditional super-power dominance towards more complex interactions of state and non-state actors. The global information environment and competition for resources have caused a major paradigm shift from certainty to uncertainty due to the uprise of ideological differences, cultural distinctions, and religious divergence. Over the past few years the emergence of new technologies in communications has resulted in the establishment of an age of computer-based decision making tools based on the internet and mobile telephones. This paper will examine Air Force and Joint Doctrine and the many uses and roles of PSYOP in providing our military decision makers with the required tools to effectively influence the adversary in an effort to establish information dominance in the new global threat environment. Finally, the paper concludes with recommendations to optimize utilization of PSYOP within the new global threat environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Future Issues of Space Arms Control
Future space arms control agreements may limit or constrain United States Air Force (USAF) plans for future space-based weapons if the USAF is not involved in shaping the environment that causes other countries to push for such agreements. Though the environment of the Cold War has passed, the USAF, as the executive agent for US space programs, may be repeating history by disassociating itself from the negotiations process. Many nations argue against placing weapons in space, feeling it is against the intent of the Outer Space Treaty and other international agreements while others argue for new agreements that restrict development of future space weapon systems. They further argue that a push for space-based weapons could create the possibility of an arms race in space (Union of Concerned Scientist, 2005). With the advancements in technology and increased global dependency on space, the US could find itself pressured into agreements that limit or control future US space-based capabilities. The USAF needs to be a part of shaping international agreements affecting United States space policy during the next 25 years.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hezbollah
The militant Lebanese Shia Group Hezbollah (Party of God) has evolved into the largest and most professional terrorist groups in the Middle East. The political wing has been successful at placing several representatives in the Lebanese Parliament while the military wing has been training, recruiting, fighting and conducting terrorist attacks within the Levant and globally against U.S., Israeli and European interests. Since 2000, the popularity of the organization has continued to grow throughout southern Lebanon and Beirut since the evacuation of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon and its recent victory in the 2006 war with Israel. Though seldom discussed, a major factor in Hezbollah's success is the use of the social services section. Hezbollah's social service program is vital to the success and survival of the organization. This monograph examine the history of Lebanon and the evolution of Hezbollah, the organizational structure, funding sources and methods and social service achievements will provide a systemic understanding of how the organization morphed from a resistance movement into a state-less government that meets the needs of the Lebanese Shia population. The analysis includes aspects of the organization's structure, funding sources and methods and its achievements in providing social services. This monograph addresses how Hezbollah's social service model, by which it gained popular support and became a significant bloc in Lebanon's legislature, may be emulated by other Islamists organizations in obtaining political legitimacy. Hezbollah's success has not gone unnoticed by the global jihadist/insurgent community. Hezbollah has proven to be adaptive and flexible in their strategy but have maintained a consistent strategic view. Though Hezbollah is apparently not attempting to export the Islamic revolution, the organization has inspired Islamic minded groups like Turkish Hezbollah, who have adopted the name but have no affiliation with Lebanese HezbollThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Natural Resource Scarcity and Adaptive States
This study examines states that have adapted to natural resource scarcity. The author builds a framework for analyzing selected case studies based on the social and economic factors scholars argue are necessary for states to adapt. In the cases studied, governments were the key agents in managing resource scarcity but they did not do it directly through policy or legislative efforts. Governments did, however, have an indirect but vital role in setting the social and economic conditions that were favorable for adaptation. Working in an environment with favorable conditions, individuals emerged with creative and innovative solutions that solved the state's resource shortages. The final section of the study compares states that have adapted to resource scarcity to a modern state that is not adapting to pressures from its natural resources. The social and economic factors common to adaptive states are absent in the nonadaptive state. The state will likely continue to struggle with the management of its resources until steps are taken to address weaknesses in the underlying social and economic environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Interagency Command for Homeland Protection
Since September 11, 2001, re-organization within the United States Government has dominated the homeland security agenda. While this strategic focus is required, it has left numerous questions unanswered at the operational level. After four years, these new organizations are still wrestling with fundamental questions that require definitive answers in order to shape an effective homeland security and homeland defense solution. This paper provides an evaluation of the terms defense and security, related interagency perspectives, and recent exercises that highlight operational command and control as a challenge. This review also highlights several inconsistencies that must be addressed before further steps can be taken to streamline an overarching operational construct. Several items are discussed which shape a solution to this interagency command and control problem. Most prominently is the evaluation of pros and cons of an interagency command at the operational level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
From the "Little Red Book" to the "Purple" Book
Ethics-based decision-making problems perennially plague the U.S. Intelligence Community. Attempts by Congress and the Executive Branch to inculcate in the individual Intelligence Officer a sense of responsibility to both the organization and society and act according to sound ethical principles failed to take root. However, much of that failure has to do with the approach taken toward fixing what was perceived to be broken. The author takes the position that what sets apart traditional professions from other trades is contained within Samuel Huntington's fundamental and enduring characteristics of professions: Expertise, Responsibility and Corporateness. Using this framework establishes that Intelligence does not rate well when measured against Huntington's criteria. From that analysis, the author offers a case study of the American legal profession as a means of discovering how that profession addresses some of the aspects found deficient in the assessment of Intelligence. In that case study, the Intelligence Community finds a model that it can adapt for its own quest for professionalization. The monograph concludes that the quest for the ethical conduct is not lost, provided the following efforts to professionalize occur: the individual IO takes an active role in his professional development; the Director of National Intelligence and Intelligence Community members' leaders embrace a permanent and living dialogue on ethics and integrity; Congress acts decisively in its Intelligence oversight role to require annual ethics/professional conduct rules reporting as a condition for funding; and the American people accept that, in intelligence and national security matters (as in law and medicine), there can be no "zero tolerance" policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Improving Interagency Coordination and Unity of Effort
This research seeks to answer one primary research question: What organizational and institutional factors are hindering effective interagency coordination and unity of effort within the contemporary Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT)? To answer this question, this research conducts a comparative analysis between two case studies; a current operational-level PRT and a PRT-equivalent organization that operated during Vietnam. It logically focuses and justifies analytical results based upon sound measures of effectiveness drawn from Mary Jo Hatch's Organization Theory. These measures of effectiveness focus on Hatch's organizational core concepts of environment, social structure, technology, culture, and physical structure. Applying these measures of effectiveness along with the application of the three perspectives of modernism, symbolic-interpretivism and postmodernism enables a complete examination of the contemporary and historical PRT organizations, identifying those factors that inhibit or promote effective interagency coordination and unity of effort. This research demonstrates that while hierarchical control is certainly a critical organizational factor driving interagency coordination and unity of effort within the PRT, it is not the only factor. Analyzing both cases studies, this research reveals that other factors such as a favorable security environment, cross-cultural functional teaming, charismatic leadership that embraces cultural differences in pursuit of a PRT-wide identity, integrative technologies, and physical structure are also essential to producing a cohesive and optimal PRT system that maximizes interagency coordination and unity of effort. Finally, this research shows that there is a pressing need for interagency doctrine that drives institutional interagency training and leadership programs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Winning Hearts and Minds Through Medicine
Broadly speaking, this paper will explore the role military medicine can play to further AFRICOM's goals, and will comprise three sections. First, AFRICOM itself will be briefly discussed in regard to stated objectives for the command, commander's intent, and how military medicine fits into the furtherance of these. Second, it is impossible to discuss potential military medicine roles without first exploring some of the issues and problems indigenous to current African health systems. Lastly, but most importantly, this paper will examine the roles military medicine can play, and some it should not try to play, that will have a truly lasting impact on the African people. The central thesis of this paper then, is that the new United States Africa Command may be just the right organization at just the right time to allow military medicine the opportunity to effectuate real change in African healthcare. However, this can occur only if the considerations discussed and recommendations listed are incorporated into US Africa Command's overall theater security strategy as part of its "medical diplomacy". Otherwise, military medicine will continue down a "business as usual" approach to African healthcare challenges without availing itself of the unique opportunities the AFRICOM organizational structure provides.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Global Insurgency to Reestablish the Caliphate
Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States (US) has waged a Global War on Terror (GWOT) based upon the flawed strategy of countering a tactic, terrorism, as opposed to a strategy built on understanding and identifying its enemy. By focusing exclusively on terrorist organizations, the US failed to recognize the broader-based movement of establishing a dominant Islamic world power. Analysis should have been conducted encompassing the ways, means and ends of a known adversary, such as Islamic fundamentalists. Using this group as a source of comparison, this monograph demonstrates how other diverse groups, operating with different ideological ways but using similar means of technology, are attempting to achieve a common ends; the reestablishment of the Caliphate. There is no "one thing" that causes, allows or facilitates the situation. It is the relationship between the various actors, agents and artifacts that contributes to understanding the system and creates the environment where conflict is probable. Germane to this article is the assemblage of Western culture based on a liberal-democratic politics and an Islamic culture based on the Qur'an, Shari'a and the Sunnah. Where these two cultures meet there is, to quote Huntington, a "Clash of Civilizations". Where GWOT focuses on countering a tactic, terrorism, it fails to address the ideology which draws upon Islam for its legitimacy. It requires critically analyzing how Islam is able to give some form of legitimacy to those who would do Western nations harm, and how groups not normally seen as adversaries hold to the same theocratic ideology. The internet provides a forum for loosely interconnected, semi-independent groups to maintain contact with one another and with members of other terrorist groups, providing dispersed organizational actors the ability to communicate swiftly and coordinate effectively. Where once insurgencies were forced to rely on bank robberies, blackmail, ransoming hostages and pThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Using Strategic Communications to Address Critical Threats to Border Security
Abstract Border security improvements have certainly been made since the tragic events of 9/11, but there are still critical areas that threaten United States' borders and continue to leave the country open to future terrorist attacks. Some of the critical areas include: lack of information and intelligence sharing, sheer size of the borders and number of entry points, number of people looking to cross into the United States, weak inspection systems at customs and ports of entry, and a lack of synchronization between the federal government and local communities most directly affected by border security issues. Considering all the threats and security challenges that currently face the United States and its borders, an effective communications strategy must be implemented to earn the public's support and understanding of the initiatives needed to solve the border security problems. The purpose of this paper is to discuss those critical areas that threaten U.S. borders and make recommendations on what can be done to improve them. Additionally, the paper will help show how an effective communications strategy can influence public opinion and put pressure on government agencies to make the changes necessary to improve the country's overall border security situation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
USAF Force Protection
This paper will discuss the past, present and future of Force Protection in the United States Air Force. Force Protection Past will be defined as the period immediately following the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing through the beginnings of the Expeditionary Air Force in 1999. The ultimate success of the Air Force's force protection program will depend a great deal upon how well the Air Force is able to instill in its personnel the concept that force protection is everyone's responsibility. Without this understanding the Air Force will needlessly increase the risk to U.S. airpower.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Global Counterinsurgency
With the attacks of September 11th, by a transnational, global, terrorist network, the full danger of this new security threat was revealed. The initial response of the United States Government to this threat resulted in the birth of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). Since its birth the GWOT has taken center stage as the default Foreign Policy and National Security Strategy of the United States. In the execution of this strategic construct the United States has deployed its military instrument of power to two regional conflicts-Afghanistan and Iraq-and numerous other low level, special operations throughout the globe. After more than six years of implementation, this monograph examines the effectiveness of GWOT and its current relevancy as a strategic concept. The monograph addresses the background and origins of GWOT to include the arguments for and against its usefulness and its strengths and weaknesses as a strategic construct. The monograph specifically examines the current security environment in which the GWOT is being applied and finds it to be insufficient. The monograph proposes that the security environment is more accurately defined as a global insurgency conducted by a transnational terror network with global reach. Further, the best way to address this security environment is to replace the construct of GWOT with a global counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic framework. In doing so, the monograph replaces the primacy of "terror or terrorism" as the overarching threat with a clear identification of the enemy-al Qaeda and associated groups and movements. The research delves into the strategic goals and operational objectives of al Qaeda and assess its effectiveness as a global insurgency using the criteria established by contemporary and historical insurgency theorists, such as David Galula, Bard O'Neill, Steven Metz, Raymond Millen, Bruce Hoffman and many others. The findings offer insight into a way ahead that provides a more relevant expression of theThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Energy Independence
The world's oil reserve is a finite resource which is rapidly being depleted; inevitably we will run out. It is the United States Governments fundamental responsibility to ensure we are prepared to face an oil-constrained, and eventually, an oil-free world. Currently, the US imports 2/3 of its oil from other nations, many of which are unstable and openly hostile to us. This leaves the US vulnerable to the whims of these nations and their leaders. To eliminate this threat, the US needs to commit sufficient resources to the development of technologies which are sustainable and will allow us to reduce and eventually eliminate the need for petroleum. The sooner we begin developing alternatives to oil, the less costly and painful it will be. This paper suggests that we simultaneously undertake a two prong approach, one that focuses on the near term activities which can be implemented in the 5-10 year timeframe and the second looks at technologies which may be implemented in the next 15-30 years.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Finding Weakness in Jihadist Propaganda
The Global War on Terror is an ideological war being fought in the environment indicative of fourth generation warfare. Propaganda bypasses traditional defenses and strikes right at the center of gravity - popular support. In a modern war of ideologies, communication is decisive; propaganda is cleverly designed, influential communication that compels associated populations to support the cause or leave the battlefield. The Jihadists seek social revolution and rely on propaganda to communicate the cause. Propaganda is especially effective because of the nature of globalized communications - a picture, a video, or a statement quickly consumes the attention of the world media and is spread instantaneously. Communist China successfully completed a social revolution during the 20th Century. Their revolution has striking similarities to the current Jihadist social revolution. China had a significant capability the Jihadists do not; the Chinese government could control nearly all aspects of information within their country. Despite the advantages of globalized communications, the Jihadists do not "own" the battlefield. They are effectively using the battleground (television, internet, satellite TV) but pale in comparison to America's potential. Today, America does little to compete with the Jihadists in the realm of information operations. America can win the war of ideology on the information battlefield should it ever decide to compete.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Oriented Toward Superiority
Given the nature of terrorist networks today and the focus of The National Strategy for Combating Terrorism, dated February 2003, it is necessary to consider counterspace operations as a critical element in the fight against transnational terrorist networks. This paper examines three essential areas necessary for the effective employment of counterspace operations in combating terrorism: the significance of the medium to the counterterrorism fight; articulating and assessing counterspace effects; and the value of consistent and realistic training.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategy White Paper
This paper proceeds from the premise that the 2003 invasion of Iraq can only be seen as part of a broader history of American engagement throughout the Middle East and the so-called Muslim world. Among other events, that history harkens back to the role that the United States played in helping to create the modern Saudi state, the tortured tale of U.S. engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the clandestine U.S. support of the Islamic revolutionary Mujahideen in Afghanistan in their fight against the Soviets, and the more recent U.S. involvement in the 1991 and 2003 Gulf wars. The evolution of American strategy throughout the region cannot be viewed disconnectedly through the lens of individual administrations or policy decisions. Previous decisions have given birth to unintended consequences because policy makers failed to consider the long-term or strategic impact of their response to the crises of the day.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defining the Air Force Contribution to CENTCOM Operations
Defining the Air Force Contribution to CENTCOM Operations--An Exercise In Strategic Communication America is a nation at war and suffering economic woes. It is necessary for the Air Force to successfully articulate its value to the Nation if it is to achieve its stated long-term goal to remain the "guardian of America's freedom, security and prosperity--the Nation's force of first and last resort.". The ongoing war in Central Command's (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR) has raged over 6 years. The United States has successfully engage terrorist organizations in Afghanistan, Iraq, Horn of Africa, Philippines and deterred aggression in other parts of the world, but the war in CENTCOM's AOR is rightly where the nation focuses its attention.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How to Save the Internet
The global, open internet is fragmenting. As democracies seek to rein in the power of Big Tech, as Silicon Valley pivots to an America-first agenda, as authoritarian regimes such as China and Russia segregate their populations from the rest of the internet, the most powerful tool ever created for bringing the world together risks being dismantled. Taking us behind the scenes at Meta and his interactions with world leaders, Nick Clegg, Meta's former President, Global Affairs, sets out where Big Tech has gone wrong, how Silicon Valley's insularity has blinded it to its missteps, and the radical reforms of the global platforms that are now needed if they are to secure a long-term future. But he also makes the case that many of the charges against them - including that their algorithms polarize, manipulate and harm - are vastly overstated or simply untrue. And while new laws that regulate these corporations are essential, imposing national borders on the internet cannot be the answer. That will fatally undermine its capacity for knowledge-sharing, collaboration, education, trade, medical and scientific research, and ultimately for the improvement and empowerment of billions of lives. Radical, reasonable, deeply felt and disarmingly honest, How To Save the Internet sets out a blueprint for the global cooperation we need in order to reform Big Tech while preserving the fundamental openness of the internet on which our future so depends.
Are Issues Keeping the Air National Guard From Being Effective?
After being a member of the Air National Guard for almost twenty years, this is an issue that has been brought up over and over again. Every time we have a crisis, every time the National Guard is needed, the controversy starts again. Is the Air National Guard effective? When can Air National Guard members be used? Why can we not just use the Active Duty? This paper will attempt to answer those questions and more. I will focus primarily on their response to natural disasters, since this is when these issues come up most often. I feel that one of the biggest issues is lack of knowledge of the part of Commanders, Governors (or their staff), and others involved in the process of activating or mobilizing Air National Guard members. Another big issue is miscommunication, not only while the disaster is happening but afterwards as well. What I mean by this is that the Guard will get bad press, things will get reported that are not true, or the story will get reported without all the information.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense Support of Civil Authorities
This paper researches DoD policy regarding employing military forces and capabilities in support of civil authorities. Defense Support of Civil Authorities (DSCA) is well codified as a DoD mission. However, only DoD policy allows DoD forces to be employed in support of civil authorities when requested, approved by the President or SecDef, and if available. DoD policy restricts the services from attaining any forces or capabilities solely for the purpose of DSCA. Forces for DSCA missions must come from any combat forces available at the time of request. This paper highlights the fricition DoD policy creates in DSCA mission execution and offers potential recommendations for improvements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ethics, Counterinsurgency, and Perceptions in the Information Era
From antiquity to the present there has been cultural tension over different views of what is right and what is wrong, and every culture desires to apply their values universally to the rest of the world. When a nation chooses to go to war and exercises its sovereign right to use military force, it must act in a way that is ethically acceptable and morally justifiable in the eyes of its people. When one is perceived to act ethically one is acting in accordance with the perceiver's values. Defining what these values are and determining, in the broader sense, whether they are right or wrong is not the issue of this paper. The central issue of this paper is analyzing the affects caused by the perception that actions do not support stated values when that perception is created in the information environment. No country in the world today can act autonomously; each must justify its actions or inevitably face failure. Especially challenged is the country that justifies its choice to go to war based upon universally stated values and then in the conduct of that war consistently act in ways that do not support those values. The thesis of this study is that when physical actions that are not consistent with a nation's stated values are introduced into the information environment, they can be strategically adverse to that nation. Stated another way, in the present Information Era, it is very difficult for a government, especially a foreign, democratic government, to win a counterinsurgent war when the actions of their soldiers do not consistently support stated values. What is the importance of the relationship between ethics and counterinsurgency? In a single word, the answer is perception. The case of a Western, democratic government conducting a counterinsurgency in a foreign country is perhaps the best scenario with which to test this thesis, because of the stated Western values of freedom of speech and human rights. However, this thesis does not just apply to counterinsThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ethanol
The 2006 US National Security Strategy contains three tenets that appear to be at odds with US ethanol policies--free trade and open markets, "energy independence," and decreased carbon emissions. This paper analyzes the relationship of ethanol to the economic, energy, and environmental security realms, with the objective of assessing their compatibility with the current NSS. In terms of economic security, the research addresses both sides of the ethanol import tariff, the creation of domestic and foreign jobs, and the alleged link of ethanol to rising food prices. In reference to energy security, the paper discusses the misunderstood term "energy independence" and the sustainability of ethanol production. In regard to environmental security, it analyzes both greenhouse gases and land use concerns. The paper concludes that US ethanol policy is consistent with energy and environmental security concerns, but drastically opposes economic security issues. It recommends the removal of the ethanol import tariff once a target price is reached, to help stimulate competition and consumer ethanol demand. Further, it suggests government incentives for cellulose biomass sourcing, in order to continue the trends of energy efficiency and minimal environmental impact. It concludes with stricter legislative recommendations, and advocates a new NSS to reflect ethanol‟s corrected relationship with US national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
