China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO
Previously one of the least connected states in the world, China is taking on a considerable role as a leading global power. It has participated and benefited from international organizations (IOs) while also influencing their institutional behavior, but it has also demonstrated limited compliance at times. China's behavior has shifted from following the rules to a desire to make and set the rules. China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO: Understanding Trends in Global Governance Behavior explores 40 years of China's participation within these organizations, drawing on in-depth interviews and analysis of annual reports, meeting minutes, consultations, and transcripts obtained from archived records to argue how China views its behavior can achieve its desired interests. James Frick paints a detailed picture to illustrate that in the context of relative shifts in power, variation in China's IO behaviors is predicated by the extent to which IOs conform to China's national interests. This rational behavior approach (RBA) outlines four strategies: rule-taking, rule-breaking, rule-changing, and rulemaking. As China's relative power increases over time, so does its bargaining power, leading to a more assertive rule-changing behavior as it attempts to adapt the organization to allow its ascendancy as a rule-maker.
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948-2025
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948 - 2025: Origins, Developments, and Consequences focuses on Israeli democracy, its deep historical origins, development over seven decades, long-term consequences, and possible resolutions. While most commentaries on Israel's crisis focus on the proposals for judicial reform by the Netanyahu government, this study focuses on what it identifies as the fundamental problems of the Israeli regime-its ethnonational (rather than liberal-democratic) form, its lack of a written constitution undermines the country's deeply divided society, the greatly dysfunctional relations between the secular majority and the sizeable Orthodox minority, and above all the seemingly permanent occupation of the Palestinian-inhabited West Bank. Peleg and Amir offer a broad perspective on these causes, covering the historical failures of the country's founders, an analysis of Israel's constitutional order and regime type, commentary on sociopolitical cleavages and the dominant social psychology of Israelis, and analysis of the charismatic populism of longtime Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The volume concludes with analyzing future scenarios and possible solutions for Israel's democratic crisis. The Crisis of Israel's Democracy offers the most comprehensive analysis of Israel's democratic backsliding to date, comparing it to similar worldwide processes.
The European Union in the Horn of Africa
The EU's new security strategy, articulated in the 2004 Barcelona Report, adopts the human security model as the centerpiece to achieving security in Europe and abroad. The EU and African Union are partnering to implement the human security paradigm on the African continent. The EU's securitry strategy, however, does not provide a very coherent mechanism to handle the persistent conflict that exists in Africa. This paper argues that military force is underemphasized in the EU's proposed implementation of human security. And accordingly, that the EU should employ the United States Army's doctrine for "full spectrum operations" to ensure that the military component of the EU's civil-military force is capable of achieving the environmental stability necessary to carry-out the human security mission.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Jerusalem
Although there are several stumbling blocks to peace, Jerusalem is the most central, critical and contentious issue that divides Arabs and Israelis. Spiritually, demographically and politically Jerusalem is at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Both sides have made it clear that any two-state solution must include Jerusalem as the capital and seat of government for both parties. Religion and history make sharing bitterly difficult. The world has invented a multitude of peace plans, but none has stuck. A viable plan must be developed and agreed to by both sides to make any real lasting progress towards peace. The problem-solving methodology was used to conduct this research. First, research into the history of Palestine and Jerusalem and its role in Judaism, Christianity and Islam was conducted to determine how history lends legitimacy to the claims made by both parties to the land of Palestine. Similarly, research into the Zionist movement and the resulting Arab nationalist movement was conducted to understand why both people want Jerusalem as their national capital, why the hatred is so strong and how these movements make solving Jerusalem difficult.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The US, Turkey, Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan
The intent of this paper is to provide a general framework to be used as a road map by the US to successfully navigate the hazardous divide between the Kurds and the Turks, and the various ethnic groups of northeastern Iraq thereby guaranteeing a stable northern Iraq.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conflict Termination and Regime Change
Many US military operations since the end of the Cold War have ended improperly; the failure has not been due to a flaw in doctrine. Instead, senior civilian and military leaders have chosen to ignore or have neglected the complexities of termination. The US seemingly began Operating Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom with no apparent exit strategy. Senior US civilian and military leaders in the Bush Administration erroneously presumed that some other entity would assume responsibility for termination. Their decision was in direct conflict with doctrine, which clearly outlined the responsibility to plan for termination. Consequently, the United States was forced to assume responsibility for nation building. The research sought to explain why senior military or civilian leaders have neglected the specification of termination criteria. To provide the answer, it was necessary to explore four possible explanations. The first possible explanation is simply that military doctrine never addressed termination or that military theory neglected war termination. A second possible explanation was that both civilian and military leaders did not see termination as a responsibility of the US military. The next possibility was that the US did not intend to create a long-term commitment to the stability of a particular government. Lastly, the failure to define termination may have been simply a consequence of unforeseen unique circumstances. The research assessed US doctrine and operations in the pre-September 11, 2001 environment with post September 11, 2001 operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The object of the study was to review the lessons learned from earlier operations and determine if they were applied to planning for Operation Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994 were chosen because both operations focused on regime change. Termination for operations in Panama, although executed poorly, ended successfully. TThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Implications of Chinese Influence in the Latin America Region
Chinese engagement and influence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region has increased rapidly over the past several years. As China's search for energy resources and raw material has expanded into the LAC region, the United States can not ignore the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the region. Regional experts disagree over the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the LAC region. Some experts believe China's influence in the LAC region is not an immediate threat to the United States and actually provides economic benefits to the United States in the near term. Others believe that China's influence may be malignant in the long term, especially when viewed from a Chinese strategic perspective. The consensus expressed by General Bantz J. Craddock, former Commander, United States Southern Command provides the truest realist view: "An increasing presence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the region is an emerging dynamic that must not be ignored."1 Ramifications of Chinese economic influence in the LAC region go beyond the near term effects of securing resources. It is part of the Chinese grand strategy for securing the Chinese homeland and returning China's global preeminence. This paper compares Chinese relations in Africa and Latin America to assess potential strategic implications to China's economic, political, and military involvements in the LAC region. The United States should increase engagements in the LAC region to deal with the growing Chinese influence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failing and Failed States
Since the end of the Cold War, Global security has been threatened more by weak nations than by dominant ones. This post 9/11 change in understanding mandates a change in strategic thinking of threats, and therefore engagement of failing states. Failing states present many threats to the international security arena and have recently come to the fore of international security circles. States which have failed require a greater level of effort in terms of intervention to contain their global effects versus those states which are failing. The United States is the only nation with the Military and Economic resources capable of independently engaging both failed and failing states. Unfortunately, U.S. interests, national will and domestic politics all guide whether or not the U.S. intervenes in certain failing states and prevents the U.S. from engagement in others. Engaging failing states with a global perspective requires an organization that is committed to the betterment of states, regions, and the global community as a whole, and is prepared to intervene in state domestic issues in order to ensure regional and global security. To engage failing states, the world needs a globally focused organization capable of engaging a policy of prevention. This work seeks to define the threat failed and failing states present to the global security arena, and postulate that failing states can be more effectively engaged through prevention efforts thereby conserving manpower, time, and resources.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Seasons of Change
The Arab Spring is an event that has radically shifted the geopolitical landscape in one of the most volatile regions of the world. Many experts and policy makers were caught off guard by the speed and organizational ability of disparate citizens that orchestrated and executed these revolutions. As the dust settles and the United States begins to reassess the new environment, this monograph asserts that certain indicators can assist planners in predicting both the nature of potential revolutions and the likelihood of stability following revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East. The purpose of this monograph is to analyze which variables played a significant role in the nature of the Arab Spring revolutions. This study hypothesizes that the civil-military relationship in the affected countries is that primary variable. This monograph uses the case study method by analyzing civil-military relationships, economics, and political pluralism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In conclusion, the constant indicator for less violent revolutions, as well as the attainment of revolutionary goals, was a universally accepted civil-military relationship. The findings of this monograph support the hypothesis of the primary impact that the civil-military relationships had in the affected countries. Each of the countries had disparate economic conditions as well as vastly different levels of political pluralism amongst their populations. These findings do not support a uniform grievance of the people, be economic or in the form of civil society enfranchisement and these variables offer little in future analysis of potential problem areas for military planners. However, the data clearly demonstrated that the civil-military relationship amongst the elites, the military, and the population was a reliable indicator as to the nature and violence level that would be characteristic of each revolution. This monograph also provides a framework for planners to approach potentially unstableThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Resurgent Russia and America's Vital Interests
This research paper addresses the relevance of Russia's resurgence as an economic, political and military actor on the world scene focusing on the implications for current US policy and objectives. It considers the changing nature of the threat to Europe and questions, not only the appropriate role for NATO in response to that threat, but the course of action the US should pursue with regard to NATO and in light of US national security interests in Europe. The paper considers the following: 1). Russia's post-Cold War decline as well as its impressive recovery over the past decade. Focusing on Russia's growing economic and regional clout, rising nationalism, increasing great power rhetoric and return to autocratic policies, the paper looks at the decline in US " Russian relations during the second term of Russian president Vladimir Putin and questions the appropriate balance the US should strike between conciliation and defending its own strategic objectives, 2). the effects of numerous issues on US " Russian relations to include: the changing role of NATO and its eastward expansion, disagreement on ethnic break-away regions to include Kosovo in Serbia and South Ossetia in Georgia, Iranian nuclear ambitions, and the US Anti-Ballistic Missile proposal for Eastern Europe, 3). a recommendation for strategic-level policy to which the US should adhere concerning its role with NATO and its need for balance on issues within Russia's geo-political sphere of influence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century
This Document was developed to explore the various aspects of security for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which includes Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. A short review of the history of the area provides some guidance toward understanding the culture, beliefs and governing basics that apply today. The recent events in the Gulf, Iraq invading Kuwait and the US invading Iraq, requires the development and implementation of a strategic security plan that meets the needs of all countries of the area. This document addresses this situation and provides some starting recommendations which will move the countries forward toward a safe and secure future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africa Command
On February 6, 2007, the Bush Administration announced its intention to create a new unified combatant command, U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, to promote U.S. national security objectives in Africa and its surrounding waters. U.S. military involvement on the continent has been divided among three commands: U.S. European Command (EUCOM), U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), and U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). The new command's area of responsibility (AOR) will include all African countries except Egypt. AFRICOM was officially launched as a sub-unified command under EUCOM on October 1, 2007, and is expected to become a stand-alone command by September 30, 2008.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Domestic Economy and Post 9/11 National Security
The American domestic economy is the backbone of US national strength. It funds the national instruments of power that enable the United States to project influence all over the globe. However, the post 9/11 National Security Strategy (NSS) does not emphasize a domestic economic strategy or address elements of the domestic economy that relate to national security. While the current NSS provides guidance to promote global economic freedom and expansion, it seems to omit domestic economic issues and undervalue the importance of a strong domestic US economy. Presidents Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and William Clinton all included guidance for domestic economic issues in their security strategies. In fact, all three emphasized the importance of US leadership in technology along with the importance of a well educated American labor force. This domestic guidance is absent for the current NSS. President Bush's post 9/11 strategy to promote freedom and democracy all around the globe will be funded by a strong American economy. Therefore, the NSS needs guidance with regard to domestic economic issues that relate to national security. In addition, the National Economic Council (NEC) and the President's economic advisors need to assume an equal role with the National Security Council (NSC) with regards to economic issues as they apply to national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Defense of Taiwan
Recently, due to the growing economic power and political influence of China, many have speculated the threat of Chinese military action towards the reunification of China and Taiwan has diminished. As the largest developing nation in the world, China has sustained a growth rate of 7% or better since 1980.1 According to Richard Bush, Director of the Brookings Institute Northeast Asia Policy Studies, Taiwanese and Chinese economies are intertwined and becoming more so each day with Taiwanese products manufactured in China maintaining Taiwanese profitability while supporting Chinese industry.2 Indeed, the growing economic interdependence of the two governments substantially supports the premise of a peaceful resolution. Additionally, the People's Republic of China (PRC) evolution as an emerging world superpower dictates responsible behavior including supporting a peaceful solution to the "Taiwan issue." In April 2004, during his testimony to the U.S. House International Relations Committee, James A. Kelly, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs commented, "China would gain nothing from a conflict. It would undermine a historic transformation through which China has become a respected member of the international community."3 Yet, for the PRC, control of Taiwan runs deeper than mere economics.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The China-Taiwan Conundrum
United States relations with the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC) have been tainted by the long-standing dispute between the PRC and Taiwan. US involvement began with support of Taiwan after World War II as an effort to stop the spread of Communism in Asia. In the ensuing 50-plus years, US ties to both the PRC and Taiwan have grown into a tremendously different, extremely complex state. The world threat of Communism does not exist now-eliminating the main reason we supported Taiwan in 1950. Conversely, the PRC is a growing influence in both the Asia-Pacific Region and the world-especially with its expanding economic strength. The more the PRC grows in international prowess, the more motivation the United States has to improve bi-lateral relations with the PRC, but it does not seem the United States is taking advantage of the opportunity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Regionally Integrated Air and Missile Defense
Regionally Integrated Air and Missile Defense between the United States and its Gulf Cooperation Council allies is a feasible and desirable. The United States in an attempt to bolster air and missile defense in the Middle East, is embarking on a Regionally Integrated Air and Missile Defense (RIAMD) system of systems. To describe this effort as anything but ambitious and complex would be oversimplifying the situation. Once fully realized RIAMD will produce a framework that synchronizes regional missile defense by linking existing national air operations centers. This linkage will enhance the overall decision making process and significantly improve interoperability including tactics and rules of engagement between the US and the GCC. Regionally Integrated Air and Missile Defense in the Middle East is the future of defense and deterrence in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Relations With Ukraine
The two fold purpose of the paper is to discuss the reasons for the current status of relations with Ukraine and to explore ways and topics that could be used to move Ukraine forward in its relations with both the U.S. and NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Recognizing and Adapting to Unrestricted Warfare Practices by China
In 1999, two Chinese Colonels published a concept paper which advocated that China adopt an #65533;Unrestricted Warfare#65533; (URW) strategy to respond to U.S. power and military superiority. Over the last 10 years, the Chinese government seems to have implemented elements of this strategy to erode U.S. world power and influence. Due to its cultural, doctrinal, and legal biases and constraints, the United States has experienced difficulty in recognizing and responding effectively to URW practices. If the U.S. hopes to deter, prevent, and/or respond to all forms of current and future URW threats, it must make policy and organizational changes within its government and the military. A primary reason why the U.S. is experiencing difficulty in adapting to URW practices is the difference in the thoughts and approach to warfare by the U.S. and the Chinese. The American way of conducting warfare has been greatly influenced by European authors and militaries that advocate that warfare as a physically violent action to compel an enemy to bend to your will and agree to your terms. Therefore, America fights wars of attrition and annihilation against its opponents and is best prepared for combat against symmetrical, regular enemy forces rather than asymmetrical ones. As with America and the West, the Chinese way of war is greatly influenced by its history and culture. The teachings of Confucius and Sun Zi, are of particular significance. These men taught obedience to the state, the primacy of relationships over law, and the importance of deception and surprise in warfare and the affairs of state. As a result, Chinese military and civilian leaders often prefer an indirect approach in warfare and in its dealings with other nations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foreign Policy and a State's Hierarchy of Needs
The last 60 years saw a great change in United States involvement in the world. From an isolationist position before World War II, the United States moved to world leadership as underwriter of European security and balancer of Soviet expansionism. The reason this country bore the brunt of that huge undertaking was clear. It was in our "Vital National Interests." First, fascist aggression sought world domination, and war resulted. Then, the security of the United States was clearly tied to blocking the spread of communism through a national policy of containment. In November 1989, the Berlin Wall came tumbling down and with it Churchill's famous Iron Curtain. Just two years later, in December of 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics died. The rapid fall of the Soviet Communist regime did two drastic things to international politics. First, it ended the communist threat to the US and free world. Second, the fall ended the Cold War and with it, bipolarity. Now turbulence worldwide generates as ethnic and nationalistic sentiments surface and cause civil and regional conflicts. Previously, these sentiments were buried under the mantel of communism. These conflicts present new challenges for the world and those concerned with maintenance of its order. The United States has not determined how to define these problems and the interests of this country, nor what the proper response to these events should be. The old bipolar paradigm is inadequate and a new one must be developed. This paper proposes a new model for United States involvement around the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defending the Homeland
Fall of 2009 five Al Qa'ida operatives were arrested by federal authorities while in the final stages of separate operational plans to conduct attacks within the United States. Clearly, law enforcement was aware of their activities. Others within the United States intelligence community were aware of who some of the individuals were and of their relationships with Al Qa'ida, but they had no knowledge of the specific plots that were underway. Alarmingly, The Adjutants General (TAGs) of the states where the plots were unfolding were unaware of these activities until the individuals were arrested and the stories hit the press. This is significant because the National Guard plays a key role in the American Homeland Security (HLS) enterprise, principally in response to a chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear or explosive (CBRNE) event. Yet, they typically lack sufficient access to potentially vital information that is available via other channels until after it hits the press or has become operationally irrelevant.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The United States and ASEAN-China Relations
While the overall security situation in Southeast Asia is something of a mixed bag, with grounds for both optimism and pessimism, one of the most encouraging trends in recent years has been the development of ASEAN's relations with major external powers. Relations between China and ASEAN in particular have demonstrated a marked improvement over the past decade, thanks to a combination of burgeoning economic ties, perceptions of China as a more constructive and responsible player in regional politics, and Beijing's "charm offensive" toward Southeast Asia. Overall, the development of ASEAN-China relations poses few security challenges to the United States today: good relations between China and ASEAN enhance regional stability, and a stable Southeast Asia is clearly in America's interests, especially with Washington focused on events in the Middle East. However, although ASEAN-China relations are very positive, this does not necessarily mean the United States is losing influence in Southeast Asia, or that ASEAN members are "bandwagoning" with China--in fact, they are hedging by keeping America engaged and facilitating a continued U.S. military presence. While ASEAN-China relations are relatively benign today, in the future several sources of potential friction could create problems in Sino-U.S. relations: these are Taiwan, Burma, and the South China Sea dispute. This monograph examines each of these scenarios in turn.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Enlargement
This paper analyzes NATO enlargement and explores the dichotomy between Articles 5 and 10 of the Washington Treaty. Drawing from previous studies on NATO enlargement (Szayna, Cox and Kendall), it introduces a dual-axis model using democratic and strategic values to predict which nations NATO will invite into the Alliance in the future. It then applies the model to the first two rounds of post Cold-War NATO enlargement, and explains anomalies. Finally, this paper attempts to predict which nations NATO will consider for the next round of enlargement, as well as applying the model to predict which nations NATO will admit to the Alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Peacekeeping Operations in West Africa
West Africa has one of the most efficient regional organizations on the continent. The Economic Community of Western African States or ECOWAS includes 16 countries that speak English, French and Portuguese. This language diversity seems to be a handicap for the unity of this area of Africa. However, these language differences related to the colonial history, West Africa did organize its peacekeeping operations to guarantee the security of the people of Liberia and later on, restore the regime of the democratically elected president, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, of Sierra-Leone on 10 March 1998. The aim of this study is to show how West Africa solved the security problem despite some scarcities regarding logistics and financial resources. Some political problems did evolve because of cultural differences between its members and also the existing alliances between some of them and the warring factions. The major lesson learned is that these operations can be successfully conducted provided the countries have the will to do it and then put together their assets and focus on the high interest of this region rather than on their traditional rivalries. The future of these operations seems to be bright and they will be more professionally conducted.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defeating a Genocide
"Using the Rwandan genocide as a backdrop, this paper will show how genocide intervention requires a new way of planning, training, organizing and executing. It will attempt to provide a lens that will help government, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors more effectively view options so the horrors of 1994 Rwanda are truly experienced never again."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Requirements and Challenges Facing the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center
Since September 11, 2001, both the United States (US) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have undergone transformation to improve intelligence collection, analysis, production and dissemination in support of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act passed by Congress in 2004 provided guidance to the US Intelligence Community on the establishment of an integrated intelligence network.1 Similarly, NATO's Allied Command Transformation (ACT) determined that NATO's intelligence architecture must transform to meet future operational intelligence needs and proposed establishment of the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center (IFC). Officially opened by NATO on October 16, 2006, the IFC's ultimate goal is to provide a mechanism by which NATO's 26 member states can collaboratively develop and share information and intelligence in support of the common goal of winning the GWOT and promoting global peace and stability. NATO intends for the IFC "to provide the full spectrum of military production and analysis at the operational level." 2 Support to NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan will be the IFC's first major test.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Guantanamo Bay
This paper compares the costs of detention operations at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba against the benefits derived from holding suspected terrorists there. When Operation Enduring Freedom began, the Bush Administration needed a place to detain enemy fighters captured on the battlefield that the US deemed to be a high threat while also possessing a high intelligence value. The Administration issued policy guidance concerning detainees and the detention center at Guantanamo Bay opened soon thereafter. In the following six years, there has been a great deal of legal analysis and ongoing litigation concerning the legality of the detentions at Guantanamo Bay, including the application of the Geneva Convention to detainees and the permissibility of the pending military commissions. These continue to be contentious issues as the US forges ahead in its efforts in the Global War on Terror (GWOT). Putting the legal questions aside, it is possible to analyze the issues at Guantanamo Bay from a purely cost-benefit standpoint. This paper seeks to conduct this analysis by comparing costs, including monetary, personnel, negative public relations, investigative and Congressional costs against the benefits of operations, including intelligence, positive public relations and deterrence benefits realized by the continued detention of enemy fighters.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Avoiding the Rush
This paper proposes that NATO expansion into East Central Europe is ill advised at this pivotal period in Russian history and should be delayed until two events occur. First, the issue should be debated in the American public arena. Second, the Russian democratic government must stabilize. Recognizing the centrality of the international nuclear threshold and associated arms control agreements, this paper argues the West should present no impediments of any sort to struggling Russian democrats and their fledgling pro- western reforms. As relevant background, it first provides a cursory review of NATO history and an analysis of the chain of events leading to today's expansion issue. It also reviews pertinent portions of the 1997 National Security Strategy and highlights three domestic and international concerns, outside of Russia's interests, that likewise argue for delaying NATO expansion. This paper offers the European Union as a more appropriate vehicle for long term political and economic stability in East Central Europe. It concludes that admitting Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to NATO is likely to foster mutual insecurity while feeding defensive nationalism and opposition to arms control exactly the opposite of the enhanced European security framework that both NATO and Russia seek. Should NATO expansion hasten Russia's estrangement and a commensurate redivision of Europe, five decades of incredible geopolitical success would be crowned with abject failure. NATO would deserve a better eulogy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Study of Central Asia to Identify Future Threats to Regional Stability
The breakup of the former Soviet Union led to the independence of 11 states called the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). With all the positive attributes associated with this monumental event there are several challenges that threaten the security of the region. This paper will attempt to answer the question: what are the salient challenges to USCENTCOM inherent within the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Open source material provided the background information necessary to write this paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Does Your Dragon Bite?
China is one of the major actors in Asia with which the United States will have to deal in the next few decades. One especially charged topic of late has been the stated US intention to field some form of Theater Missile Defense (TMD). China has strongly opposed US deployment of such a system or systems to US Asia-Pacific allies such as Taiwan, Japan and South Korea. What is the likelihood of an arms race between China and the United States as a result of US deployment of TMD? What form might such a race take? What are the best courses of action for the United States over the next ten years? This paper addresses these questions by first briefly outlining the history of TMD development. Then it describes the considerations each country must take into account in addressing the issue of US TMD deployment into the region. This discussion includes the diplomatic or political arena, including policy statements, possible treaty implications, diplomatic relations between and among the regional actors, and relevant domestic political concerns. Next the paper addresses each country`s regional security goals, Chinese modernization efforts, and possible countermeasures to TMD; the discussion concludes with likely regional conflict scenarios in which the United States and China might become involved, and a few relevant economic considerations. After briefly analyzing the likelihood and probable nature of an arms race in light of these factors, the paper presents recommended US courses of action regarding development and deployment of TMD in the region. These courses include continuing to aggressively develop TMD; deploying TMD initially for force protection only; negotiating a TMD treaty with China; negotiating a moratorium on actions related to Taiwan; publishing a protocol outlining the specific purposes of TMD; and pursuing confidence and security building measures with China regionally as well as bilaterally.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Quest for Peace
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was formed sixty years ago as a defensive alliance, in response to the threat the Soviet Union and, eventually, the Warsaw Pact in general posed to Western Europe. Today, neither of those entities exists, yet NATO stands supreme as the institution most able to guarantee the security of its members, and the stability of the greater Euro-Atlantic area as a whole. With looming demographic challenges in Europe and a resurgent Russia asserting itself once more, many European nations are seeking NATO membership as a means of enhancing their security. For the United States (US), these developments present two primary policy options: disengage from the alliance and allow European institutions to cope with European issues; or maintain active US involvement and enlarge the alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Virtual State
As is the case with many academic arguments, it is all but impossible to unequivocally prove the existence of the virtual state. That said, the evidence certainly indicates that a new breed of transnational actor is having a profound impact on the policies and behaviors of traditional states as they cope with a rapidly changing world. In reality, as the world changes, states are changing too. Consider the observations of Rosecrance. "The nation-state is becoming a tighter, more vigorous unit capable of sustaining the pressures of worldwide competition and they are downsizing--in function, if not in geographic form."21 "The world has embarked on a progressive emancipation from the land as a determinant of production and power."22 If it is true that states are streamlining by placing less emphasis on the importance of territory, they are in effect obviating one of the key structural components of the traditional state. With this in mind, the rise of a significant, completely borderless political actor, the virtual state, seems quite plausible if not inevitable. In this author's view, they are already among us and are likely to proliferate and grow in strength as the forces of globalization and rapidly advancing technology continue to shape the geopolitical landscape.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
UN Security Council Enlargement
The United Nations Security Council has had in its history a single flash of true international relevance. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) signed up for Security Council relevance with the publication by Mikhail Gorbachev of Reality and Safeguards for a Secure World. That document heralded the USSR's preference that the United Nations fill the power vacuum left by its contracting empire rather than the United States, which was the other obvious choice then as now. Owing to this entirely unique, and relatively peaceful implosion of the USSR's global empire, the USSR consciously, if temporarily, reinvigorated the United Nations and sought to re-join the ranks of Roosevelt's "four policemen." A few years later for the United States, President George H.W. Bush, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, took the USSR up on its offer and announced that, "Out of these troubled times and a new world order can emerge and built upon a United Nations that performs as envisaged by its founders."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Anticipating Failure
"In the absence of significant internal reform, Pakistan faces a host of internal problems and external tensions that make the emergence of a failed, radical Islamist, nuclear-armed state a possible worst case scenario within 10 to 15 years. This potential emergence of a rogue Pakistan threatens several vital US interests. The U.S. relies on a stable, moderate Pakistan as a key partner in US counter-terrorism efforts and is a key player in maintaining stability in the highly volatile region. In addition, a failed Pakistan threatens nuclear non-proliferation efforts, promises a destabilizing regional nuclear arms race, and increases the chances of nuclear weapons or materials falling into the hands of radical Islamists with an expressed desire to both acquire and use WMD. While US policy should aim to prevent this catastrophe, this paper examines how US strategy must also prepare for a rogue Pakistan in the event prevention fails. This paper examines the potency of the Pakistans trend towards failure, the significance of a failed Pakistan to US interests in the region, and assesses US regional policy options in preparing for its failure. This assessment concludes that military options offer little utility in countering this threat except in rare and unlikely circumstances, and that limits to US power will lead to a US strategy of management and containment of a rogue Pakistan aimed at minimizing the effects of its failure. As a result, US regional policy in preparing for a possible failed Pakistani state should focus on five areas: first, increasing nuclear safety and security in the region; second, increasing our diplomatic and economic development efforts and influence in the region to include a strong alliance with India and diplomatic engagement with Iran; third, accelerating stabilization and nation building efforts in Afghanistan; and fourth, synchronizing all of our efforts by expanding our "soft" instrument of power. "This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Air Force Public Affairs
Air Force information operations doctrine includes public affairs among the various components of influence operations, which is one of the three major elements of information operations. In contrast, joint doctrine segregates public affairs and information operations, with the former serving as a related capability to the latter. Due to the inherent conflict between the core purposes of public affairs and influence operations, the Air Force approach poses a risk to the effectiveness of public affairs programs and activities, and may ultimately undermine the fundamental principle of civilian control of the military. Therefore, the Air Force should amend its doctrine to explicitly separate public affairs and influence operations, and ensure its operational concepts draw clear distinctions between these similar but separate spheres of military communication. This paper argues in favor of this course of action by summarizing the changes in the global information and security environment that have prompted the need to reexamine operational concepts involved in public affairs and influence operations, then identifying the essential purpose of the public affairs and influence operations, respectively, and the contradictions created by forcing public affairs into the influence operations yoke. Based on those contradictions, it advocates erecting clear and doctrinal boundaries between these distinct albeit related missions in order to better accomplish them, as well as to better honor and preserve the values underlying the civilian-military relationship fundamental to American democracy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Air Policing
"There are numerous options to consider in meeting NATO requirements regarding air policing. This paper will address options with respect to political and economical considerations. Additionally, this paper will analyze key factors which could affect the development of air policing capabilities, such as budget restraints, operational requirements, the required air command and control system, and infrastructure."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Engaging African Sub-Regional Organizations to Improve Continental Stability and Security
Abstract The United States has been engaged on the African continent for one reason or another for many decades and despite the recent change in presidential administrations, it is likely that Africa will remain in the national security consciousness for the foreseeable future. Africa is a socially complex area of the world, with a diverse demographic, expanding population, and vast, untapped resources. The continent is important to U.S. national security objectives not only because of the threat of terrorism, but for economic and humanitarian reasons, as well. While there are several programs and initiatives to further the interests of both Africans and the United States, perhaps one of the best ways in which to engage Africa is through sub-regional organizations like ECOWAS. While engagement is important, the type of engagement and how the U.S. presents itself are equally important. Thus, an effective way to capitalize on sub-regional engagement and obtain the most benefit is to emulate the NATO Strategic Airlift Capability program. This program is a visible, viable means in which to improve ECOWAS's ability to support itself and its member states' stability and interests in the long term.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Military Modernization
As China's power rises and its national interests expand, China will seek to maintain its own "freedom of action" in controlling threats to Chinese sovereignty and economic lines of communication. China's long-term military aims will support its vision as a regional power. With a ring of influence in the Western Pacific, China's military will have sufficient power to prevent outside efforts to intervene in China's affairs. Taiwan will remain the most likely near-term source of China-U.S. conflict, but the probability of conflict over Taiwan will diminish by 2030 as peaceful reconciliation progresses. As China's interests expand globally, protecting lines of commerce and access to natural resources may also prompt China to flex its newly developed military powers. If current economic trends continue, Chinese national power may rival or even exceed that of the United States by 2030. The lack of Chinese transparency makes it difficult to precisely assess their current strength and ascertain future intentions. However, it is plausible that the current economic trends will enable military growth to continue at a remarkable pace, and that at least regionally, China will be a dangerous military peer to the United States in 2030. As a military peer, China will create different challenges for the United States than any previous potential adversary. China's military is a complex combination of old and new-from Sun Tzu to cyberspace-but the spoils of economic success have combined with a unique military culture to produce, at least by 2030, a capable, regional military peer to the United States with particular emphasis on anti-access capabilities and asymmetric effects. This paper begins with a look at China's past and how the military evolved to what it is today. It then examines current Chinese military organization and discusses China's distinctive military strategy and culture. It then provides and overview of current Chinese military capabilities. Lastly, itanalyzes ChiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The European Theater Missile Defense Program
"One of the primary impacts of the Gulf War on Western opinion was to underline the reality of a ballistic missile threat. The USA subsequently gave top priority to the development of a system against tactical ballistic missiles as part of the National Missile Defense program. NATO and the WEU has agreed it needs capabilities to defend the entire spectrum of air threats including tactical ballistic missiles (TBMs), tactical aerodynamic missiles (TAMs), and manned aircraft (MA) through an extension of the existing Integrated Air Defense System (IADS). This research concentrates on Theater Missile Defense, compares the US program and the European approaches in NATO and WEU and analyzes the current European dependence on US assets, especially on space assets for early warning and reconnaissance, and the current limited capabilities of the European NATO allies in active ballistic missile defense issues. Furthermore it looks for fields of equal and fair multinational cooperation as a way to reduce costs and to optimize limited resources by sharing technology and capabilities. It shows that the European industries are capable to develop military space assets and able to participate in multinational cooperation's. It also shows, that it is very difficult in Europe and NATO to bring all nations together for the developing of an European Ballistic Missile Defense architecture and to provide the necessary funding."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ignoring the Present
Combat is no longer an idea of massed armies marching off to face a fielded foe. This conclusion causes generals grief all over the world, no more so than within the United States' Pentagon. Watching the swiftness of the American modern Army move into Afghanistan and Iraq, Iran took note. Despite Iran's conventional military win against Iraq in the 1980s, another way had to exist to combat the technologically superior American military. Iran's solution to combat the American military was to remove them from the fight. Iran is in the midst of waging an awesome asymmetric campaign to roll back American superiority the world over. Lead by their president and clerics, Iran is amassing global support and not military might to defeat the Americans. The United States is faced with a daunting challenge in dealing with Iran, either face the country militarily or find a more peaceful solution. Careful analysis needs to determine Iran's true intentions and the correct Western response.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The End of Hegemony
The era of US global hegemony is drawing to a close. Within the next quarter century, revolutionary technological developments and new military capabilities will fracture the geopolitical strategic landscape, propelling today's near peer states into a parity position with the US. A shift to an information-centric globe will see ongoing conflict over the control of information through the new global commons of space and cyberspace. Technological advances in these areas coupled with the deterrent value of nuclear weapons will reduce the effectiveness of US conventional forces, and US interests will be challenged on a global scale. A new reality of continuous conflict over information will emerge in space and cyberspace where it will not be possible for a single state to maintain dominance. Through a deliberate focus on information and space control technologies, China and Russia are positioned to gain strategic military parity with the United States, resulting in the emergence of a new tri-polar world. Three examples of technologies critical to the conflict over information control are explored: information warfare, space operations, and nuclear weapons. The Chinese have embarked on a campaign of "Informationization"; to attain mastery of both the electromagnetic spectrum and the global cyber sphere. This approach includes the attempted dominance of air, space, and cyber mediums, through cyber operations, information operations, electronic attack, and kinetic attack.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vetting the Forces We Train
The trainers and advisors of foreign forces routinely face the infiltration of insurgents and terrorists into security forces and must assist in removing those that are already operating from within these organizations. Using techniques employed by the British military and by civilian companies coupled with emerging techniques in biometrics and micro-expressions, military trainers in Iraq can adapt simple methods that will reduce the number of insurgents and terrorists operating in the Iraqi Security Forces and similar forces trained by the U.S. in the future. The method used to conduct this research included case studies of the Malayan Emergency, the civilian hiring and firing process, and the domestic police force use of micro expressions. The British experience during the Malaya Emergency demonstrated the use of wholesale firings of large numbers of security forces, transition programs, ethnic group incorporation, and high pay and benefits. The civilian sector also fires criminal employees. To do this, they normally conduct a detailed internal investigation. Civilian companies maintain good performance by providing feedback on the effects of the employee's performance, by retraining on little used tasks, and by changing the outcome for an employee if he or she attains the employers outcome. Biometrics provide a technological edge for improving vetting, but caution should be used to prevent future technologically empowered sectarian violence. Finally, micro expressions, the study of tiny facial movements, empower civilian police agencies and the FBI during interrogations by providing clues to potential lies and the emotions of suspects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran's Strategic Culture and Weapons of Mass Destruction
The Maxwell Papers, the Air War College's occasional papers series, focus oncurrent and future issues of interest to the Air Force and US Department of Defense.The first Maxwell Papers was published in May of 1996 with the Air UniversityCommander's signature on the foreword. Maxwell Papers are open to all interestedauthors, particularly Air War College faculty and students, but also to other officersand analysts. Maxwell Papers have been distributed to over 400 addresses includingall senior Air Force and US Department of Defense decision makers, ProfessionalMilitary Education (PME) schools, contractors, and other US agencies, and morethan 40 foreign air forces and institutions. This document is a Air War CollegeMaxwell Paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Weakness of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons and Recommendations for Change
The end of World War II was the dawn of a new age, the nuclear age. The destructive power delivered by America upon Japan successfully brought an end to the Pacific campaign but a beginning to nuclear power and nations seeking it. Technological advances and the ability to harness nuclear energy spurred a new industry and a global desire for it. The ability to export such an advanced technology and potentially dangerous capability created serious international security concerns. Controlling fissile material and the technology for proliferation became the job of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) (full treaty in Appendix B). Despite valiant efforts of the treaty and numerous other checks and balances put in place, there currently exists a present danger of nuclear proliferation to terrorist organizations and rogue states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How is MS-13 a Threat to US National Security?
Street gangs have been a regional problem in the United States for a long time, but today's gangs seem more violent and organized than ever. Some even seem to be growing and evolving into transnational threats. The most widely recognized and publicized of these evolving gangs is Mara Salvatrucha (aka MS-13). This paper looks at the international threat from MS-13 by examining the gang's history and identifying the characteristics that make MS-13 an international problem. Building on this analysis, the paper identifies immediate and developing areas of concern and recommends how the US should mitigate the resulting threats.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Response Forces a True First-in Capability or Just a "Toothless Tiger璽€?
At the Prague Summit in 2002, NATO Heads of State announced the creation of the NATO Response Force (NRF), a relative small expeditionary force for spearheading operations in out-of area conflicts to meet the security threats of the 21st century. The NRF is a joint force comprised of air, land, and maritime forces designed to conduct operations across the full spectrum of conflict, including a first-in capability in high-intensity operations against either a conventional or irregular adversary. An ambitious task for a small force, which is not only militarily and logistically supported by 26 different NATO nations, but also requires the political consensus of the NATO Council prior to any activation - a formality which seems easy to reach, but previously NATO involvements has proven otherwise. As such, the NRF's reliability and credibility as a rapidly first-in response force has yet to be proven. Because of the political, military, and logistical constraints, restraints, and limitations of the force each NRF member deploy with, the NRF operational capability and lethality is limited and heavily dependent of U.S. assistance, especially with "high demand/low density" air assets. This paper will describe and analyze the impact of political, military, and logistical limitations on the NRF's task as a first-in force, and conclude whether the NRF is a true first-in capability that can encounter future security threats and challenges or just a "toothless tiger".This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Piracy or Maritime Terrorism? Developing a Comprehensive U.S. Counter-Piracy Policy
In this post-9/11 world, maritime security has taken on a much greater importance than in the past. No longer can the U.S. rely on vast ocean expanses to protect its homeland from seaborne attack or think of maritime violence as a law enforcement problem. Modern piracy is as ruthless and violent as it has ever been, only nowadays the stakes are substantially higher and its instruments far deadlier. Global piracy and violence at sea are now national security threats and must be dealt with as such. Piracy and international terrorism are no longer mutually exclusive; one supports the other. To protect its national interests and provide for maritime security, the U.S. must develop a comprehensive counter-piracy policy that utilizes a multi-faceted approach in order to combat the global threat that modern piracy brings. With the U.S. deeply integrated into the global economy, it is imperative that security on our oceans remains undeniable in order to provide uninterrupted trade routes and secure access to U.S. shores. The U.S. is a key actor in supporting international efforts to repress piracy and must continue to lead the fight. However, the U.S. can not do it alone. Constant budgetary constraints, expanding international trade, and the oceans' vast expanse won't allow it. By looking at current terrorist ties to piracy, potential maritime threats, international law considerations, and current U.S. counter-piracy efforts, five recommendations are offered for developing a comprehensive U.S. counter-piracy policy. Only through international and inter-agency cooperation can we maximize our ability to provide global maritime security and repress piracy on the high seas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
