A Five Year Peace Plan
"A Five Year Peace Plan," written by Edward J. Byng, presents a vision for establishing lasting peace in a world embroiled in conflict. Published during a critical period, this book offers a strategic framework for international relations and conflict resolution. Byng's work explores the potential pathways to de-escalation and cooperation, providing insights relevant to both historical and contemporary discussions on global peace and security. This book remains a valuable resource for understanding the complexities of international diplomacy and the enduring quest for a more peaceful world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy
This volume contains the hearings before the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives during the First Session of the One Hundred Third Congress regarding "The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy." This document provides a detailed record of discussions and testimonies concerning the direction of American foreign policy in a rapidly changing world, offering insights into the legislative and executive considerations shaping the nation's approach to international relations at the close of the 20th century.Essential reading for scholars, policymakers, and anyone interested in the evolution of American foreign policy, this historical record captures the critical debates and perspectives that defined a pivotal era in global affairs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asia's Aging Security
Major demographic transitions are underway in Asia and the Pacific. The populations of China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Russia are aging and shrinking, while India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia, among others, continue to grow. How will these striking changes affect regional security dynamics and the United States-led alliance structure in the Indo-Pacific? Andrew L. Oros offers an expert analysis of how rapid aging and population shifts are transforming the military strategies and capabilities of regional powers in Asia. Examining sixteen states, he provides a comparative view of the developing landscape and explores ways to address the consequences. Oros demonstrates that, contrary to what many have claimed, states with shrinking populations will continue to be formidable military powers. He develops a novel theoretical and empirical argument for why rapid aging does not necessarily dampen security competition. Nonetheless, demographic shifts in the coming decades will fundamentally alter the security challenges facing the United States and its allies. Oros considers how technological change and health care advances are mitigating the drawbacks of aging populations as well as how factors such as autonomous defense systems and artificial intelligence present new challenges. Rigorous and timely, Asia's Aging Security makes a forceful case that adjustment to demographic change is a necessity for twenty-first-century foreign policy.
Order and Agency in the Indo-Pacific
This book offers several European perspectives on Indo-Pacific dynamics by a set of internationally recognized experts who have collaborated in the Franco-German Observatory of the Indo-Pacific. The observatory was established in 2021 by the Centre for International Studies (CERI) at Sciences Po, Paris and the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg and has since come to include many scholars and institutions from both countries. The book speaks to and updates existing scholarly discussions on Indo-Pacific dynamics, investigating the nexus of order(ing) and agency in that strategic space. The authors take US-China strategic competition as a contextual given and explore the Indo-Pacific as an interregnum, in terms of institutional dynamics and in terms of geo-narratives. The book also offers several case studies of middle and small power agency in the Indo-Pacific, examining the cases of Australia and Japan, India, the Philippines and Vietnam, and of Pacific Island Countries. A final chapter explores the perspectives of Chinese scholars on the Indo-Pacific as a strategic space.
Indian Diaspora in the Persian Gulf States
Indian Diaspora in the Persian Gulf States focuses on the historical as well as the contemporary aspects of the Indian diaspora of the region where small Indian merchant communities called Banians already existed for centuries. Persian Gulf countries emerged as rentier states since the 1970s, mainly due to the development of the oil industry, which transformed the region from subsistence to globalized capitalist economies. In these economies, the role of sponsored Indian expatriate immigrants numbering at least 20 million during the past half century was vitally important. Taking the rentier state as the theoretical perspective, the author argues that the sponsorship (kafala) system tended to have a different impact on the Indian expatriates: incorporation and promotion of the entrepreneurs and professionals as business elites and the perpetual exploitation of the working classes. The book is not only the first-ever definitive and comprehensive work on the Indian diaspora in the nine countries of the Gulf region, it also stands as the author's final statement on his three-odd decades of research and writing on the subject. Besides highlighting the role of Indian diaspora, the book also profiles all the Gulf-based recipients of the Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards. Bilateral trade, investment and political relations between India and individual Persian Gulf states constitute another focus area of the volume. The volume will be an interesting read for teachers, researchers and policy-makers connected with migration and diaspora studies, labour studies, political economy, international relations and geopolitics.
Cybersecurity in Latvia
Drawing on expertise from professionals, government officials, and academics, this book uncovers the proactive measures taken by Latvia to build resilient cybersecurity capabilities.The work offers a comprehensive exploration of Latvia's cyber domain, structured around three overarching themes: the ecosystem, its processes, and future perspectives. In doing so, it takes readers through the intricacies of Latvia's cybersecurity landscape and provides a nuanced understanding of its strengths, challenges, strategic considerations, and broader implications. One of the key contributions of the work lies in its exploration of Latvia's cybersecurity strategies and resilience. By delving into the nation's policies, collaborations, and technological advancements, this book uncovers how Latvia has proactively addressed cyber threats, emphasising the importance of tailored approaches for smaller countries in building robust cybersecurity defences. Highlighting the importance of studying cybersecurity in smaller nations, this book stresses Latvia's contributions to global cybersecurity efforts as an EU and NATO member. The volume advocates for innovation and collaboration, emphasising their crucial role in securing a digital future for nations worldwide.This book will be of much interest to student of cybersecurity, Baltic politics, EU politics, global governance, and International Relations.The Open Access version of this book, available at http: //www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-Share Alike (CC-BY-NC-SA) 4.0 license.
States Against Nations
In States Against Nations, Nicholas Kuipers questions the virtues of meritocratic recruitment as the ideal method of bureaucratic selection. Kuipers argues that while civil service reform is often seen as an admirable act of state-building, it can actually undermine nation-building. Throughout the book, he shows that in countries with high levels of group-based inequality, privileged groups tend to outperform marginalized groups on entrance exams, leading to disproportionate representation in government positions. This dynamic exacerbates intergroup tensions and undermines efforts towards nation-building. Drawing on large-scale surveys, experiments, and archival documents, States Against Nations provides a thought-provoking perspective on the challenges of bureaucratic recruitment and unearths an overlooked tension between state- and nation-building.
Right Sizing the People's Liberation Army
This volume addresses how the leadership of China and the PLA view what size of PLA best meets China's requirements. Among other things, this analytical process makes important new contributions on the question of PLA transparency, long an issue among PLA watchers. A great deal of emphasis has been put on understanding not only how, but also why a military modernizes itself. Some of the determining factors are national policies and strategy, doctrine, organizational structure, missions, and service cultures. While this list is not exhaustive, it does begin to paint a picture of just how broad and deep military interests run. It is important when we look at the structure and strategy for growth within the Chinese military that we see the world as China sees it. We need to see a world in which the "Taiwan issue" as well as that of North Korea and others are not viewed as short-term concerns, but fit into how China sees itself in a long-term leadership role in the region and in the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asia's Aging Security
Major demographic transitions are underway in Asia and the Pacific. The populations of China, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Russia are aging and shrinking, while India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Australia, among others, continue to grow. How will these striking changes affect regional security dynamics and the United States-led alliance structure in the Indo-Pacific? Andrew L. Oros offers an expert analysis of how rapid aging and population shifts are transforming the military strategies and capabilities of regional powers in Asia. Examining sixteen states, he provides a comparative view of the developing landscape and explores ways to address the consequences. Oros demonstrates that, contrary to what many have claimed, states with shrinking populations will continue to be formidable military powers. He develops a novel theoretical and empirical argument for why rapid aging does not necessarily dampen security competition. Nonetheless, demographic shifts in the coming decades will fundamentally alter the security challenges facing the United States and its allies. Oros considers how technological change and health care advances are mitigating the drawbacks of aging populations as well as how factors such as autonomous defense systems and artificial intelligence present new challenges. Rigorous and timely, Asia's Aging Security makes a forceful case that adjustment to demographic change is a necessity for twenty-first-century foreign policy.
The Chinese Diaspora
This study argues that if the PRC cannot hope for a massive mobilization of its Southeast Asian diaspora, it has nevertheless the potential to turn a fringe of its diaspora into an effective instrument of power. On a broad scale, it shows that the potential for a massive mobilization of the Chinese diaspora by the PRC is nonexistent because more often than not only the host nations and the PRC see significant economic and stability advantages in the harnessing of its diaspora by the PRC. The majority within Chinese communities, however, have little incentive in cooperating with the PRC. Informed by history, the bulk of ethnic Chinese are wary of China's traditional -blood allegiance rhetoric and they probably do not want to take the risk of losing the benefits of their accomplishments by infuriating their host communities. If Beijing cannot expect to -levee-en-masse shadowy armies of ethnic Chinese to further its strategic interests, there is still the disturbing potential for the PRC to leverage the active cooperation of growing numbers of influential ethnic Chinese individuals, organizations, and communities. There are two main reasons that lead to this claim. First, the PRC's growing economic and military power allows it to better convince that it is genuinely concerned about protecting its blood overseas, therefore dampening the negative effect that pressure by hostile host communities has on the willingness of ethnic Chinese to openly cooperate with the PRC. Second, Beijing actively endeavors to build a worldwide network of influential individuals and organizations which already allows it to expand practices with which it is already familiar, such as: leveraging of powerful personages to influence the policy of foreign countries, enticing Overseas Chinese organizations to defend or actively further Beijing's political agenda, and appealing to them to voice their support of China's domestic and foreign policies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Strait of Hormuz Gambit
"The Strait of Hormuz Gambit" analyses global energy security in light of escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, with a specific focus on the fragile balance concerning the Strait of Hormuz. It outlines three potential future scenarios: a limited conflict between 2025 and 2026; a prolonged partial disruption from 2026 to 2028 leading to an energy crisis; and a complete strategic transformation of the global energy landscape from 2028 to 2035. The economic stability of regional powers and global energy markets is heavily dependent on the uninterrupted flow of oil and gas through the strait. Any disruption threatens to cause significant price volatility and supply insecurity, necessitating urgent energy diversification and mitigation strategies. Enhancing the resilience of offshore infrastructure and ensuring maritime security through international cooperation are critical to managing these risks.Beyond the immediate geopolitical risks, the book explores the broader shift towards a new energy paradigm. The rise of renewable energy, technological innovations, and the development of new energy corridors in Africa and the Americas are reshaping the global map. Hydrogen is identified as a crucial future energy carrier, with China and India expected to become major players. Concurrently, Europe is transitioning towards sustainable energy leadership, with energy diplomacy playing a key role in this process.The report concludes by reflecting on the end of the oil age and the emergence of a new geopolitical order. It stresses that international cooperation and a shared, forward-looking vision are essential for navigating this transition to a secure and sustainable future.The Strait of Hormuz Gambit* is an essential read for anyone interested in the interconnection between regional strife, global economics, and the evolving landscape of international energy security.
Russian-American Security Cooperation After St. Petersburg
Until Russia and the United States experience a change on government in 2008, the prospects for additional strategic arms control agreements, limits on destabilizing military operations, and joint ballistic missile defense programs appear unlikely. Yet, near-term opportunities for collaboration in the areas of cooperative threat reduction, third-party proliferation, and bilateral military engagement do exist.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Full Steam Ahead
This research paper analyzes the international political factors associated with deploying a ballistic missile defense system (BMDS) in Eastern Europe. The analysis focuses on potential benefits to US national security, domestic considerations in the countries involved, Russia's viewpoint and objections to the plan, and a scrutiny of the threat. Due to the currency of this topic, most of the research relied on current event documents, including both pro- and anti-BMDS perspectives. Additional resources included official US, Polish, Czech, Russian, and Iranian publications. Ultimately the research supports the paper's thesis, which is that deploying BMDS to Eastern Europe will enhance US security interests. The United States proposed a deployment of ten interceptor missiles to Poland and a tracking radar system to the Czech Republic to counter the proliferation of ballistic missile technology throughout the world. Iran is working to enhance its missile capabilities and may be able to target Europe and the United States with long-range missiles by 2015. Other potentially hostile nations are likely to follow in Iran's footsteps as such technology becomes available. Poland and the Czech Republic are ideally positioned so that BMDS can effectively counter long-range missiles launched from the Middle East and destined for Europe or the United States. Both countries endorsed the proposal at the NATO Summit in April 2008, but neither country has actually granted final approval. Although the governments of Poland and the Czech Republic are generally in favor of BMDS, their citizens are less supportive.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
What Drives Pakistan's Interest in Afghanistan?
Due to its haphazard partition from British Colonial India and a series of internal and external destabilizing events throughout the last six decades, Pakistan has been plagued with varying degrees of instability that leave it today on the edge of becoming either a failed state or a regional power. This instability has led to a laundry list of detrimental effects, which include increased regional tensions with its neighbors, an Al Qaeda sanctuary, and homegrown terrorism that are contributing to the derailment of the Pakistani central government's rule. Many of the challenges that Pakistan faces are deeply rooted in her relationship with Afghanistan. To understand Pakistan's complex challenges in this volatile region, an observer must not only analyze Pakistan but also their historical relationship with Afghanistan to intrinsically understand the root causes associated with Pakistani motivations and concerns. Additionally, the causal impacts that other regional nations and sub-national actors have in either providing a positive or negative effect on the natural state of stability between these two nation-states must be incorporated into the analysis. Rarely will any major strategic action from an outside actor directed towards Pakistan not have participative impact on Afghanistan or vice versa. This monograph provides a deep historical study to determine the contextual facts that have evolved the current environmental dynamics that faces Pakistan. With Pakistan's security, political behavior, and portions of its economy extricably linked with its western neighbor, this research examines what is driving Pakistan's interest in Afghanistan. The research finds that Pakistan's external and internal security interests, internal political function, and economy are all inter-woven and influence her relationship with Afghanistan. However, based on the research, it uncovers historical events that have generated the current regional dynamics to determine that security is fundThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Iran Foreign Sanctions Act--S. 1228
This is a transcript of the hearing before the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the United States Senate, held on October 11, 1995, during the One Hundred Fourth Congress, First Session. The hearing focuses on S. 1228, the "Iran Foreign Sanctions Act." This document provides a detailed record of the discussions and testimonies related to the proposed legislation aimed at imposing sanctions on foreign companies investing in Iran's oil and gas industry. The hearing explores the potential impact of such sanctions on international relations, trade, and economic policy. It offers valuable insights into the legislative process and the considerations of the U.S. Senate regarding foreign policy during this period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crisis in the Taiwan Strait
This is the official record of a hearing before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on International Relations, held by the House of Representatives on March 14, 1996. The hearing, titled "Crisis in the Taiwan Strait: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy," addressed the escalating tensions between China and Taiwan and the potential impact on the United States.The document provides insights into the perspectives of members of Congress and expert witnesses on the complex geopolitical situation in the region. It covers topics such as China's military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, the U.S. commitment to Taiwan's security, and the broader implications for U.S.-China relations. This historical record offers valuable context for understanding the ongoing dynamics in the Taiwan Strait and the challenges facing U.S. foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africom
On 1 October, 2008, United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) is set to become the next fully operational geographic, unified command to promote, and if necessary enforce, U.S. government policy. Despite the necessity to increase international focus on developing the security and stability of the African region, the U.S. has witnessed a global backlash by showcasing the nation's propensity to militarize its presence in the world community. This paper presents a detailed case study of a broad spectrum of open-source documents to ascertain the general suspicious response to the United States' political and strategic move regarding Africa. It should be applauded that the U.S. has finally recognized the importance of this oft neglected continent, but the wrong message is getting out. Rather than focusing on the humanitarian and reconstruction efforts that the command is advertising, the global community cannot overcome the militaristic face the organization wears in light of pursuing strategic economic interests and countering an ever-present China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War on Terror
The aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US created a fundamental change in the global security environment as terrorism moved into the forefront of the challenge faced by the international community. At the same time, it became the primary driver for a reinvigorated RP-US defense relationship as the Philippines joined the fight against terrorism.President George W. Bush designated the Philippines as a US Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) in 2003 raising hopes that the AFP capability development and modernization be accelerated especially in the light of its active participation in counter-terror operations.The MNNA designation represents the best chance for the Philippines to accelerate its capability development and contribute in its current defense reform programs under the Philippine Defense Reform (PDR).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Diffusion of Military Technologies to Foreign Nations
The purpose of this work is to recommend the United States government maintain the defense technological and industrial base (DTIB) by aggressively supporting the US defense industry in the arms transfer process. Ironically, this recommendation is contrary to the position held at the onset of this research and analysis effort. It is written for the micro-level reader (the young pilot, tank operator, etc.), the macro-level reader (US government staffers and above in the State and Defense Departments), and senior government officials (Generals, Congressmen, and Senators) to inform and enhance their ability to understand the DTIB and how arms transfers can help in its preservation. To accomplish this purpose, this paper has three aims. First, this paper recognizes that the DTIB requires preservation. With the end of the Cold War and the continuing drawdown of US military forces and equipment, the DTIB is deteriorating. In this authors view, this decline can only be arrested with the help of the US government. Second, it describes arms transfers as an instrument of foreign policy based on US national security interests and the foreign policy challenges of the day. The history of arms transfers is broken down into four periods, between 1945 and the present, to demonstrate this assertion. It predicts arms transfers will continue to be an instrument of foreign policy and can be used to enhance our DTIB.Third, it focuses on the current arms transfer decisionmaking process and represents it as a "Labyrinth of Control." This section of the paper demonstrates the maze of controls used to adequately ensure that US military technologies are not diffused to foreign nations. A common, but misguided, view is that the US is selling its technological superiority through arms sales.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Norway's Security Challenges in the New World
Norway has over the past century developed its security policy based on how it, as a small state in a big world, has perceived its position and its best interests. What started with idealistic neutrality proceeded to membership in what arguably has become the most successful and long-lasting politico-military alliance in the modern world. Throughout the cold war Norway's geographic position ensured focus and attention from its larger allies, which also affected its security policy and its relations to Russia. The challenge Norway faced during that time was to balance the allied activity and its own security policy to avoid provocations and further militarization in the region. After the Cold War the picture has changed considerably. The issue of security has become increasingly complex, with aspects of economy, energy, resource management and human rights. Since NATO has gone global, and other issues have emerged as larger threats than the ideological battle between the East and the West, the regional and strategic importance of Norway and its surrounding areas have diminished.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Force and Restraint in Strategic Deterrence
A great power's use of its military forces may be rendered ineffective or even counterproductive when there are no clear internationally recognizable limits on this use of force. Professor Myerson derives this conclusion from the basic observation that our ability to influence potential rivals depends on a balanced mix of threats and promises. Potential adversaries should believe that aggression will be punished, but such threats will be useless unless they also believe our promises that good behavior will be better rewarded. A reputation for resolve makes threats credible, but a great power also needs a reputation for restraint, to make the promises credible as well. Thus, international restraints on a nation's use of military force may actually increase the effective influence of its military strength.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Comparison of the Security Strategies of the United States and the European Union
The comparison of both strategic documents shows that the analysis of the new threats of terrorism and proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction is similar, as well as the stated strategic goals/ ends. The great difference can be found in the ways/ concepts, how the United States on the one hand and the European Union on the other hand intend to counter these threats and to achieve the respective strategic goals/ends. The analyzed key differences are: Unilateralism versus multilateralism, preemption versus prevention and legitimacy of the use of force to achieve strategic objectives. The NSS tends to stress "hard power" and military solutions with the option of preemption and a unilateralist "go it alone approach," but is downplaying the role of the United Nations, the role of Islam, and possible options of civilian conflict prevention. While the ESS sees more the merit in effective multilateralism and "soft power" that combines economic, diplomatic as well as military assets. This approach will allow the European Union acting as "robust civilian power." But the EU credibility as a foreign policy actor will depend on translating its strategy into plans and operations. Despite all disagreements in the transatlantic relationship there is an urgent need, but also a common basis for cooperation in combating global terrorism. Complementarity, not conflict should be the new transatlantic watchword.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Third Temple's Holy of Holies
This paper is a history of the Israeli nuclear weapons program drawn from a review of unclassified sources. Israel began its search for nuclear weapons at the inception of the state in 1948. As payment for Israeli participation in the Suez Crisis of 1956, France provided nuclear expertise and constructed a reactor complex for Israel at Dimona capable of large-scale plutonium production and reprocessing. The United States discovered the facility by 1958 and it was a subject of continual discussions between American presidents and Israeli prime ministers. Israel used delay and deception to at first keep the United States at bay, and later used the nuclear option as a bargaining chip for a consistent American conventional arms supply. After French disengagement in the early 1960s, Israel progressed on its own, including through several covert operations, to project completion. Before the 1967 Six-Day War, they felt their nuclear facility threatened and reportedly assembled several nuclear devices. By the 1973 Yom Kippur War Israel had a number of sophisticated nuclear bombs, deployed them, and considered using them. The Arabs may have limited their war aims because of their knowledge of the Israeli nuclear weapons. Israel has most probably conducted several nuclear bomb tests. They have continued to modernize and vertically proliferate and are now one of the world's larger nuclear powers. Using "bomb in the basement" nuclear opacity, Israel has been able to use its arsenal as a deterrent to the Arab world while not technically violating American nonproliferation requirements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Transnational Insurgencies and the Escalation of Regional Conflict
Many insurgents groups benefit from sanctuaries in neighboring countries where they are relatively safe from state security forces. These transnational insurgencies complicate traditional counterinsurgency operations in significant ways. Most importantly, transnational insurgencies have the potential to spark conflicts between neighboring countries. This monograph examines several transnational insurgencies that have been active since the end of the Cold War. While many neighboring countries have experienced the escalation of conflict between them as the result of cross-border violence, other states have successfully cooperated in providing border security. In depth case studies of relations between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as India and its eastern neighbors are explored. The lessons learned from this research are applied to contemporary issues facing Iraq and Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in Africa
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Special Operations Forces Requirements for Africa Command
Africa holds growing geo-strategic importance and is a high priority of this Administration. It is a place of promise and opportunity, linked to the United States by history, culture, commerce, and strategic significance." In order assist the U.S. in meeting these growing promises and opportunities, President Bush directed the establishment of the United States Africa Command (USAFRICOM) on February 6, 2007 with the intent that it would be fully operational by the end of fiscal year 2008. Under this new command, a sub-unified command, Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAFRICA), will emerge with geographic responsibility for Special Operations Forces (SOF) and SOF missions in the USAFRICOM Area of Responsibility (AOR). Furthermore, under the umbrella of its global responsibility for planning, synchronizing, and executing global operations against terrorist networks, United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) will also conduct operations in this AOR. At issue is the best way for SOF, from both SOCAFRICA and USSOCOM, to be employed across Africa. Based upon a research method of literature search of current sources, particularly of open source news articles, press releases, reports, policy, directives, and doctrine, this paper is presented to provide key requirements and recommendations for SOF in Africa.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Treaty Between U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (the START II Treaty) Treaty doc. 103-1
This document contains the hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate regarding the "Treaty Between the U.S. and the Russian Federation on Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms," commonly known as the START II Treaty. Held during the One Hundred Third Congress, these hearings delve into the details and implications of the treaty, providing valuable insights into the political and strategic considerations of the time. The treaty aimed to further reduce and limit strategic offensive arms between the United States and the Russian Federation, continuing the efforts initiated by the original START treaty. This historical record offers a comprehensive look at the Senate's examination of the treaty, featuring testimonies, discussions, and analyses pertinent to national security and international relations during the post-Cold War era. It is an essential resource for researchers, historians, and anyone interested in understanding the complexities of arms control and U.S.-Russian relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Security Implications of Inexpensive Space Access
The government of the United States is now embarked on an ambitious enterprise. It is planning to make a significant leap forward in repeatable and economical access to space. Some believe that this routine access to orbit will give the United States a clear advantage in the ability to use near Earth space to serve national political, economic, and military interests. Those responsible for making national space policy and writing military space doctrine are, however, still doing so based upon infrequent and expensive access to space. This assumption may soon be made obsolete by new political, economic, and technological realities. Planning for a world in which access to space is relatively frequent and inexpensive may provide both short and long term opportunities for the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Programme of Peace. By a Democrat of the old School
The Programme of Peace, penned by a 'Democrat of the old School' and attributed to Elizur Wright, emerges as a significant voice from the tumultuous year of 1861. As the United States teetered on the brink of Civil War, this treatise offers a compelling vision for peace, advocating for democratic principles as the foundation for lasting reconciliation. Wright, a prominent abolitionist and reformer, brings his intellectual rigor to bear on the pressing issues of the day. The book provides valuable insights into the political and social landscape of a nation divided, offering a unique perspective from a 'Democrat of the old School' on the path toward unity and enduring peace. This work remains relevant for understanding the complexities of American political thought during a pivotal moment in history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three Disputes and Three Objectives
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Thinking About the Unthinkable
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS China Strategic Perspectives 1
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO
Previously one of the least connected states in the world, China is taking on a considerable role as a leading global power. It has participated and benefited from international organizations (IOs) while also influencing their institutional behavior, but it has also demonstrated limited compliance at times. China's behavior has shifted from following the rules to a desire to make and set the rules. China in the World Bank, IMF, and WIPO: Understanding Trends in Global Governance Behavior explores 40 years of China's participation within these organizations, drawing on in-depth interviews and analysis of annual reports, meeting minutes, consultations, and transcripts obtained from archived records to argue how China views its behavior can achieve its desired interests. James Frick paints a detailed picture to illustrate that in the context of relative shifts in power, variation in China's IO behaviors is predicated by the extent to which IOs conform to China's national interests. This rational behavior approach (RBA) outlines four strategies: rule-taking, rule-breaking, rule-changing, and rulemaking. As China's relative power increases over time, so does its bargaining power, leading to a more assertive rule-changing behavior as it attempts to adapt the organization to allow its ascendancy as a rule-maker.
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948-2025
The Crisis of Israel's Democracy, 1948 - 2025: Origins, Developments, and Consequences focuses on Israeli democracy, its deep historical origins, development over seven decades, long-term consequences, and possible resolutions. While most commentaries on Israel's crisis focus on the proposals for judicial reform by the Netanyahu government, this study focuses on what it identifies as the fundamental problems of the Israeli regime-its ethnonational (rather than liberal-democratic) form, its lack of a written constitution undermines the country's deeply divided society, the greatly dysfunctional relations between the secular majority and the sizeable Orthodox minority, and above all the seemingly permanent occupation of the Palestinian-inhabited West Bank. Peleg and Amir offer a broad perspective on these causes, covering the historical failures of the country's founders, an analysis of Israel's constitutional order and regime type, commentary on sociopolitical cleavages and the dominant social psychology of Israelis, and analysis of the charismatic populism of longtime Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The volume concludes with analyzing future scenarios and possible solutions for Israel's democratic crisis. The Crisis of Israel's Democracy offers the most comprehensive analysis of Israel's democratic backsliding to date, comparing it to similar worldwide processes.
Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO
NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself-that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists-is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Full Steam Ahead
This research paper analyzes the international political factors associated with deploying a ballistic missile defense system (BMDS) in Eastern Europe. The analysis focuses on potential benefits to US national security, domestic considerations in the countries involved, Russia's viewpoint and objections to the plan, and a scrutiny of the threat. Due to the currency of this topic, most of the research relied on current event documents, including both pro- and anti-BMDS perspectives. Additional resources included official US, Polish, Czech, Russian, and Iranian publications. Ultimately the research supports the paper's thesis, which is that deploying BMDS to Eastern Europe will enhance US security interests. The United States proposed a deployment of ten interceptor missiles to Poland and a tracking radar system to the Czech Republic to counter the proliferation of ballistic missile technology throughout the world. Iran is working to enhance its missile capabilities and may be able to target Europe and the United States with long-range missiles by 2015. Other potentially hostile nations are likely to follow in Iran's footsteps as such technology becomes available. Poland and the Czech Republic are ideally positioned so that BMDS can effectively counter long-range missiles launched from the Middle East and destined for Europe or the United States. Both countries endorsed the proposal at the NATO Summit in April 2008, but neither country has actually granted final approval. Although the governments of Poland and the Czech Republic are generally in favor of BMDS, their citizens are less supportive.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
US Power Dominance in the 21st Century
This study comprises an analysis on why the United States will remain the world's pre-eminent superpower through examination of case studies on the Roman and British Empires and the United States. Using patterns adopted from theoretical models on political change, the author assesses the technological, economic, and military factors that led to the rise and fall of the Roman and British Empires. The conclusion is that although dominance in these areas contributed to the empires' power, deficiencies in these same areas led to their respective fall. Next the author examines the United States rise to power and then draws out similarities with and differences between the Roman and British empires with respect to the areas of technology, economics, and military power. The results of this process show that the United States, through the sustainment of its technological advantage, economic strength, and military power, will continue its reign as the global hegemon for the foreseeable future. The final section of the study includes an examination of current issues that the United States must confront to secure its position of power along with lines of rationale for continued US power dominance and implications for political and military strategists.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Mechanism for Strategic Coercion
In the post-cold war environment of shrinking budgets and uncertain threats, America can no longer politically, nor economically, afford strategies that rely on our traditional military strategy of annihilation and exhaustion. Furthermore, America's position as the single remaining superpower virtually guarantees that our vital interests will not be directly challenged. This means that the use of military force is becoming even more politicized. Despite military leaders' apparent adherence to Clausewitz's maxim that war is an extension of policy, they usually approach strategic planning as if the application of force can be planned separately from the political effort. The traditional American military brute-force strategy does not always meet our national needs in this new world order.Strategic Coercion offers one alternative to this brute-force approach. Simply stated, strategic coercion is the act of inducing or compelling an adversary to do something to which he is averse. It involves using force and threatening action to compel an adversary to cease his current activity, or coerce him to reverse actions already taken. Two contemporary theories of strategic coercion seem to offer promising alternatives to brute force.First, Robert Pape's Denial Theory is based on the assumption that states make decisions as if they are rational, unitary actors attempting to maximize the utility of their choices. Essentially, nations perform a cost-benefit evaluation to determine the best course of action. Theoretically, one may be able to coerce a target nation by raising the expected costs to a prohibitive level, but Pape advocates that this is generally ineffective in conventional conflicts. Instead, coercion requires that the target nation be denied the probability of achieving the sought-after benefits. Denial Theory proposes that the specific means for coercion is the opponent's military vulnerability: defeating an opponent's military strategy denies him the probabilityThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Security in Afghanistan the Key First Ingredient to Building Peace in a "Failed State"
Operations in Afghanistan began less than 1-month after the horrific events of 11 September 2001. Although Operation Enduring Freedom enjoys the support of over 40 coalition partners, the eyes of the world remain focused on the U.S.' ability to effect real change in Afghanistan. For this reason, the United States' reputation as a reliable, dependable, and competent agent of democratic change, rests with the future success of Afghanistan. If the United States is willing to break nations like they have in Afghanistan, the US must be equally willing to rebuild these broken nations. To say that the US doesn't do nation building would be inaccurate. However, many argue that the U.S. doesn't do nation building very well. In order to re-focus political attention on improving peace building capabilities across all four instruments of national power, (diplomatic, information, military, and economic), twenty-five members of Congress, led by Democratic Lynn Woolsey and Republicans James Leach and Todd Russell--wrote a letter to Army Secretary Thomas White. The letter explained, "as our ongoing war in Afghanistan demonstrates, international issues today require civil-military partnerships as never before. Whether it is called peacekeeping, public security or nation-building, the fact is that our success in Afghanistan will depend in part on building social and political stability over the long-term."1 This research paper will dissect the nuances of building security in Afghanistan and will answer the question of why peace operations like Afghanistan are so difficult.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Countering Asymmetric Strategies
"This paper examines diversity as it relates to countering asymmetric security threats. It views diversity as more than equal opportunity. It attempts to describe how various pieces of diversity come together to serve as a force multiplier. It also asserts that the Force Development concept plays a large role in ensuring the right mix of people, are in the right place, at the right time. More importantly, it contends leadership is the most important aspect in fitting the pieces of the diversity puzzle together."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Enlargement
This paper analyzes NATO enlargement and explores the dichotomy between Articles 5 and 10 of the Washington Treaty. Drawing from previous studies on NATO enlargement (Szayna, Cox and Kendall), it introduces a dual-axis model using democratic and strategic values to predict which nations NATO will invite into the Alliance in the future. It then applies the model to the first two rounds of post Cold-War NATO enlargement, and explains anomalies. Finally, this paper attempts to predict which nations NATO will consider for the next round of enlargement, as well as applying the model to predict which nations NATO will admit to the Alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS Strategic Perspectives 1
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Does the NATO Decision Process Support the Rapid Response Capabilities of the NATO Response Force?
The end of the Cold War ushered in a new security environment, one that was more diverse, and more dynamic than the previous 50 years. In the years since the end of the Cold War, NATO has worked to transform its missions, streamline its military command and upgrade its capabilities. However, the political decision making process within NATO has stayed static, despite the changes and evolution in the security environment since the founding of the Alliance.The current decision-making process works well in clear-cut, controversy-free issues such as humanitarian efforts. While, NATO successfully activated the NATO Response Force (NRF) for the first time in response to the earthquake in Pakistan, it isn't clear that the decision process will work that well in a controversial crisis. While several proposals exist to transform the decision process, each has its weaknesses and there does not seem to be the political will to implement them. Additionally none of the proposals examined appear to decreases the process timeline.The speed with which NATO could respond to a crisis will remain dependent on political factors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Proliferation Security Initiative
This Air University research paper is an examination of the Proliferation Security Initiative. Through extensive research and review of academic journals, governmental sources, and press reporting, combined with interviews of relevant personnel in the Departments of Defense and State, the Proliferation Security Initiative is chronicled from its inception in early 2002 through the latest multinational exercises. Special attention is given to the guidelines governing participation in PSI and the key issues -- legal authorities and intelligence sharing -- relevant to PSI operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impacts of F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter Exports to the Middle East
In recent decades, stealth technology has provided the US with an unprecedented advantage in military conflict. F-117 stealth fielders, which proved practically invisible to Iraqi air defenses in Desert Storm, sparked a revolution in aircraft design. The US has committed billions of dollars toward this technology by demanding stealth to be a fundamental capability of current and future aircraft designs including the B-2 Stealth bomber, the F-22 Raptor and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). The US will likely never again purchase a non-stealthy aircraft.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
UN Security Council Enlargement
The United Nations Security Council has had in its history a single flash of true international relevance. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) signed up for Security Council relevance with the publication by Mikhail Gorbachev of Reality and Safeguards for a Secure World. That document heralded the USSR's preference that the United Nations fill the power vacuum left by its contracting empire rather than the United States, which was the other obvious choice then as now. Owing to this entirely unique, and relatively peaceful implosion of the USSR's global empire, the USSR consciously, if temporarily, reinvigorated the United Nations and sought to re-join the ranks of Roosevelt's "four policemen." A few years later for the United States, President George H.W. Bush, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, took the USSR up on its offer and announced that, "Out of these troubled times and a new world order can emerge and built upon a United Nations that performs as envisaged by its founders."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
