Other Clash of Civilizations
The quality of the relationship between military commanders, senior government officials, and the head of state greatly influences the effectiveness of military force employment. Samuel Huntington explored this phenomenon, among others, in his seminal work, The Soldier and the State, and in the fifty-five years since its publication, history has given numerous new examples with which to test his ideas about executive civil-military relations. This work examines three American civil-military relationships using two frameworks presented by Huntington. Huntington's frames illustrate more clearly how the relationships in these three presidential administrations--Wilson, Truman, and Johnson--functioned and how the level of functionality influenced the prosecution of a war. The first framework consists of the three types of civil military relationships - balanced pattern, coordinated scheme and vertical pattern. The second framework is the patterns of civil-military relations. He addresses five combinations of three variables to explain these patterns. The three variables are political ideology, level of military political power and level of military professionalism. Huntington does not explicitly detail a correlation between these two frameworks; however, this work will explore their association to determine why problems existed and what actions can establish a more effective civil-military relationship. Additionally, an exploration of the backgrounds and experiences of the individuals involved attempts to determine if there is any correlation between their past and the effectiveness of their executive-level relationships. Although Huntington considers the balanced type of civil-military relationship the most effective, the Constitution poorly positions military leaders to influence the construct directly. Military leaders can have the greatest influence, albeit indirectly, through the behaviors defining Huntington's patterns - political ideology, level of military poliThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration
Few insurgencies are resolved by military means alone. Insurgents, by definition, pursue political ends and resolve to accomplish those objectives by means of violence. Today the United States and her Allies are engaged in two distinct Counterinsurgency (COIN) Operations, Iraq and Afghanistan. In the case of Iraq, US forces are in the process of handing over the remaining responsibility for nationwide security and stability to the Iraqi government. Afghanistan, presently, does not offer such hope. This paper explores the construct of Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration (AR2) through case studies of three conflicts in Peru, Algeria and Iraq. Each case study examines the roots of conflict, the conduct of the conflict by insurgents and counterinsurgents alike and draws inference from the methods of AR2 used to bring about the termination of conflict. The study concludes with Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration is neither a process nor a prescription for peace and stability. There are no formulae that can be applied to a conflict that can resolve it, but AR2 does offer what the application of violence rarely can; the beginnings of a solution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maoist Insurgency in Nepal, 1996-2008
The purpose of this monograph is to show that US counterinsurgency doctrine would benefit from greater emphasis on social, cultural, and political aspects of the operating environment, using the case of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal as an example. The concept of fourth generation warfare provides context with its focus on the application of political, economic, and social networks in modern conflict. In approximately 12 years, from 1996 to 2008, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), or CPN(M), waged an insurgency against the Nepalese government and gained majority rule through free elections. The Maoists, following Mao Zedong's theory of people's war, achieved a military stalemate against the Nepalese Army and negotiated a political settlement with the parliamentary parties that effectively ended the monarchy and resulted in a major electoral victory. Despite training and material support from the US, UK, and India, the Nepalese Army was unable to prevail in its counterinsurgency campaign. The Nepalese government failed to wage a coherent strategy to address the root social and economic causes of the conflict. The government relied on military and law enforcement to solve a problem that was rooted in social and political tensions. Power struggles between the monarchy and the parliament as well as among the political parties undermined the legitimacy of the Nepalese government and allowed the Maoists to win the support of the populace. The CPN(M) won the most seats in the April 2008 elections and took control of a coalition government, with the former Maoist leader, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, as Prime Minister. The new government faces challenges in integrating former combatants with the Nepalese Army and in satisfying former insurgent allies who still have unfulfilled agendas. The implications of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal for US counter-insurgency doctrine pertain to emphasis on certain ideas rather than requiring anything new. The primary lesson of the conflict isThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense or Deterrence? The Future of Missile Defense
This study seeks to determine whether it is time to pursue a new defense strategy that incorporates ballistic missile defense. It reviews the historical milestones in the missile defense debate using four major factors that influenced decisions on strategic defense: the threat, the technology, the international environment, and the domestic environment. The nature and magnitude of the threats that US leaders have sought to counter with missile defenses are determined from official assessments, such as the Central Intelligence Agency's National Intelligence Estimates. The technological feasibility assessment considers each prospective system's ability to counter those threats and the cost of doing so. The author's analysis of the international environment considers the international community's reaction to various American attempts to develop and field missile defenses. Finally, the domestic environment analysis focuses on the importance of players such as Congress, public opinion, the role of scientists, and the role of the President and his administration in missile defense decisions. The author assesses how those actors have supported proposed efforts to field missile defenses in various periods. Finally, this analysis examines what factors persuaded policy makers that missile defenses were unnecessary, undesirable, or impossible in the past, then determines whether current circumstances have changed enough to suggest that such systems are now needed and within reach. This study finds that it is indeed time for the US to pursue a strategy that includes strategic defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Agriculture and Stability in Afghanistan
Afghanistan looms as the key foreign policy challenge for the Obama administration. Under the previous Bush administration, foreign policy was driven primarily by security considerations, and Afghanistan was viewed a frontline state in the Global War on Terror. The military had the key role in implementing the USG's foreign policy, and foreign assistance was integrated within the U.S. National Security Strategy. However, this approach may not be appropriate given Afghanistan's history, economic and social conditions. Afghanistan is an agrarian society and is one of the poorest countries in the world due to decades of conflict. In particular, the Soviet invasion and occupation from 1979-89 had a devastating impact on its rural economy. As a result, the country now cannot produce enough food to meet its needs, and farmers in insecure regions increasingly rely on opium as a cash crop to support their families. The exponential growth of opium has undermined the economy, government and social fabric of the country. While more than 80 percent of Afghanistan's population relies on agriculture, the USG's support to the sector has been provided primarily through the counter-narcotics program, which promotes alternatives to opium production. However, these efforts have had limited success. In order to promote conditions for long-term stability, a more balanced approach is needed. A key factor in Afghanistan's long-term stability is revitalization of the agriculture sector, which is the basis for food security, rural livelihoods, and growth of the national economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Tribal Influence on Middle East Political Stability
The words "tribe", "tribalism", and "tribal" produce wide ranging definitions and context when used in literature and research. The words are typically associated in a negative context to classify a society as "primitive." This paper does not classify whether tribal society is a positive, or a negative, aspect of Middle East society. Instead its purpose is to establish whether or not a causal link exists between the independent variable tribal influence (denoted as IVt), and the dependent variable political stability (denoted as DVps), in present day Middle East states. The paper is organized into six main sections. Section I defines tribe as used throughout the context of this paper. Section II describes why this paper is relevant to military leaders and planners. Section III defines the DVps, the research data sources used to determine DVps, the validity of the data source, and the limitations in data application. Section IV defines the IVt, research data resources used to assess the IVt, the validity of the data sources, and limitations in data application.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Rising Phoenix a Framework and Process of Democratization Applied to China
Will China democratize? To develop an answer to this burning question about the rising super power of the 21st century this study analyzes a framework of essential and favorable conditions of democratization and applied it to the current state in China. Then the study describes a process of democratization and applied it to China to determine if the process of democratization is underway in China today. An analysis of Chinese Confucianism to democracy is accomplished to understand how the cultural fabric of Chinese society impacts its potential to democratize. The study concludes that the conditions for democratization do exist in China and the process of democratization described is applicable to today's China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Securing Afghanistan's Future Against Opium
Since 2001, the United States and its NATO allies have been committed to helping the Afghani government build a stable and democratic country. However, the insurgency led by the Taliban and fueled by Afghanistan's illicit opium industry is unraveling these positive developments, undermining the central government and threatening to make Afghanistan once again, a safe haven for terrorists and their organizations. Efforts by coalition forces have been hampered due to a shortage of funding and manpower mostly attributed to the simultaneous operations and attention given to the operations in Iraq. The lack of troops and resources has resulted in a security vacuum which the Taliban has filled. Regaining and establishing security while simultaneously interdicting opium after it has been harvested are the coalition's best means of significantly reducing the Taliban's funding source and weakening the insurgency. In achieving the objectives of security and opium reduction, coalition forces must be keenly aware of both the desired and undesired effects that their military operations have on the Afghani peoples and how those effects contribute towards Afghanistan's strategic political end state of winning the support of the Afghani people and defeating the insurgency.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Promise and Pitfalls of Grand Strategy
What is "grand strategy," and why is it seemingly so important and so difficult? This monograph explores the concept of grand strategy as it has developed over the past several decades. It explains why the concept is so ubiquitous in discussions of present-day foreign policy, examines why American officials often find the formulation of a successful grand strategy to be such an exacting task, and explores the ways in which having a grand strategy can be both useful and problematic. It illustrates these points via an analysis of two key periods in modern American grand strategy-the Truman years at the outset of the Cold War, and the Nixon-Kissinger years in the late 1960s and 1970s-and provides several suggestions for how U.S. officials might approach the challenges of grand strategy in the 21st century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Building Host-Nation Police Forces
During the last 15 years, the United States dealt with the challenges of both developing and reestablishing police forces in numerous post-conflict environments. Although the U.S. Department of Defense would like other U.S. government departments and agencies to lead the effort to reestablish internal police forces, the military will always bear the initial responsibility for security absent a national government and a national police. The experience gained in these recent U.S. stability operations reveal certain principles that are central to establishing a reliable host nation police force. However, these principles were quickly forgotten following each intervention. Planners struggled to rediscover these principles during subsequent stability operations. This paper derives a set of principles that strategic military planners can use as a guide for planning the development of civilian police forces in stability operations. This paper assesses U.S. and international experiences in Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo to derive the principles for establishing post-conflict national police forces. The research shows that the tasks that consistently confront the planners include assessing the security requirements of the post-conflict environment, determining whether to reform or abolish the existing host nation police force, defining the authority and responsibilities of the police force, and building capacity within the police. These tasks occur sequentially. Although there is a common list of required tasks, each case must be examined individually to reveal the guiding principles and judgments that planners must make when assessing their own unique situation. The data extracted from the case studies of Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo suggest four key principles that should be observed while planning the restoration of public order in future post-conflict environments. First, understanding the security situation and assessing it correctly will shape the decision over whether to refThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States and Israeli Homeland Security
This paper will provide a comparative analysis of the United States (U.S.) Department of Homeland Security's Emergency Preparedness and Response directorate and the Israel Defense Forces Home Front Command. It will focus on the preparedness aspect of homeland security and will address similarities and differences of both organizations, recent initiatives within each organization, and collaborative efforts between the United States and Israel in support of homeland security. It will illustrate that both organizations have made great strides in their homeland security efforts but that there is still much that needs to be done.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Civilian Putsch of 2018
Does a dangerous rift actually exist between the United States' military and civil governmental leadership? A considerable group of influential/elite academias believe that such a gap exists and suggest that it pose a dangerous threat to our very Republic. The alleged rift resulted from the following: divergence of cultures, "republicanization" of the officer corps, increased military involvement in domestic affairs (i.e. drug interdiction, disaster relief), the cultural clash between the military leadership and the Clinton administration and the strengthening of the military via the Goldwater-Nichols Act, etc.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Meeting the Strategic Needs of the 21st Century With the Conventional Strike Missile
The intent of this paper is to assert that the concept of Global Prompt Conventional Strike (GPCS), specifically with the Conventional Strike Missile (CSM), offers capabilities that reach to the heart of our current challenges. It describes a future force that meets the requirements of both the 2002 NSS and the 2006 NSS; extraordinary preemptive attack capability and, as a result, increased deterrence. With the CSM, the President would have at his disposal a prompt global strike capability to preempt impending terrorist attacks, uses of WMD, and atrocities to humanity in cases where our traditional forces cannot be mobilized to offer the required short notice response. Strike could occur within minutes, not in hours or days that provide time for fleeting targets to evade. In addition to compressed response time, the threat of short notice strikes can be imposed regardless of relative positioning of US forces. These factors offer an exceptional means of deterrence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mercenarizing the US Government
The use of mercenaries to fight wars is an age-old concept. A new trend, however, is the evolution of the mercenary into the modern-day Private Military Company (PMC) which now provides not only peacetime-focused hardware and support services, but also wartime-focused combat training and lethal combat services. This paper explores the phenomenon of "mercenarizing" the USG, where USG increasingly relies on PMCs in scale (i.e value/number of resources), scope (i.e. range/type of services) and for their lethal combat services. Evaluated against the US's national security objectives, the paper finds that that, if left unregulated, the trend of relying on PMCs will enrich the private sector but will negatively impact the US's national security, by degrading the US's long-term and strategic warfighting capability, discrediting the US's stand on justice and human rights, as well as undermining the US's international credibility for democracy promotion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding and Confronting Islamofascism
This paper's thesis is: Understanding that the Global Salafi-Islam Jihad (GSIJ) ideology is not a distortion or perversion of Islam, rather a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation within mainstream Islam, provides the knowledge to effectively proceed in the "War on Terror", or more aptly, the "War on Islamofascism" by using the Information Instrument of Power (IOP) to address terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam. The paper used the Problem/Solution methodology. The problem included determining: whether Islamofascism is historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate within Islam; its position within mainstream Islam; and how to apply the Information IOP to combat Islamofascism based on a correct understanding of it. The research revealed Islamofascism is a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation of Islam that garners mainstream Islamic support and overlaps "moderate" Islam on numerous key Islamic concepts. The solution provided, given the aforementioned understanding, supports US policy to use the Information IOP as the primary way to combat Islamofascism, emphasizing terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam within the information arena. Terminology includes use of "Islamofascism" rather than current terms in use, "cultural progression" includes accepting the Islamofascist historical accuracy and doctrinal legitimacy to co-opt its foundation, and support to "moderate" Islam considers the challenge of determining "moderate" Islam and subsequently supporting it through various educational programs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Madison's Budget; James Madison's Special Uncle Sam Edition for Soldiers & Sailors ..
"Madison's Budget; James Madison's Special Uncle Sam Edition for Soldiers & Sailors .." offers a glimpse into early 20th-century American political discourse, potentially through a satirical or politically-charged lens. Attributed to James Madison, this special edition purportedly crafted for soldiers and sailors, suggests an intent to engage with the electorate and promote certain governmental ideals. The work provides insight into the political climate and rhetoric of the time, making it a valuable resource for understanding historical perspectives on governance and civic engagement. It may represent a unique form of political communication aimed at specific segments of the population during a pivotal era in American history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Military Integration
The American political system is that of liberal democracy. There is an inherent distrust of a large standing army by the American people. Because of this, there has been considerable friction between political and military leaders on how best to integrate the military in the national security decision making process during peace and war. Prior to WWII, the question was solved during peace by not having a standing army. Then during war, a successful balance was struck which integrated political and military viewpoints to form national security policy. However, the Cold War upset the balance as the political viewpoint expanded and eventually suffocated the military viewpoint from the national security policy making process. This political enlargement resulted in a military detached from the national security decision process during the Vietnam War. The outcome war a political-military integration failure and a debacle in Vietnam. In the two decades following the Vietnam War, both political and military policy making viewpoints acheived a unique balance. The balance was attained by several political and military corrections to make sure there was "never again" another Vietnam. The manifestation of military-political balance was the 1991 Persian Gulf War. With the end of the Cold War, the changed political viewpoint, the US must again find the appropriate balance of political-military viewpoints in the national security policy making process. To find the right balance a glance at past failure and success can give insight into how the appropriate military-political balance can be realized and maintained.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Test of U.S. Civil-Military Relations
This study seeks to understand the influence of U.S. military reform on U.S. civil-military relations functioning within a zone of cooperation or conflict between political and military realms during times of war. It seeks to demonstrate how various efforts at organizational military reform have influenced the structural relations between the president and his senior military leaders, and how these structural reforms were not always designed to prevent civil-military relations from functioning in the zone of conflict. The conflict that structural reforms cannot prevent is typically based on policy differences between a president and his senior military commanders during times of war. The conflict is inherent in the nature of war as a political instrument. It often leads to the removal of the senior military commander due to a disconnect between the political objectives the president desires, and the military strategy designed to achieve those objectives. The national security structure established by reform does not guarantee cooperation, nor has it consistently prevented conflict in civil-military relations. Although military reform establishes the framework for key actors to function, it has not always been able to overcome the personalities of the individuals involved, or ensure policy agreements between the president and his senior military commander. The study uses a comparative case study methodology based on secondary sources to analyze the influence of national security structure on civil-military relations in the United States. It begins by outlining a broad theory of civil-military relations, and goes on to explain the national security structure at the time of three particular conflicts, the Civil War, the Korean War, and the Kosovo War. The three case studies selected for review are the Calhoun reform influences on President Abraham Lincoln and Major General George B. McClellan, the Root reform and National Security Act of 1947 influences on President HThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams and Good Governance
The United States has witnessed a change in its approach to warfare. The former approach focused on breaking the enemy's will to fight while leaving the governing process intact. The new approach focuses on replacing the standing government with a new democratic model. The US military created multiple Provincial Reconstructions Teams (PRTs) to assist in the process of building the new model. Several years later, the US Military developed doctrine describing how to accomplish the task. As PRTs formed prior to doctrine for building governance, the study asks, "Do US PRT models contain the structure necessary for building good governance?" This study examines the military's and other governmental agencies'; definitions and methods for building good governance. It then evaluates Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models to determine if they contain the structure necessary for building good governance while minimizing financial and force structure costs for the US Military. The analysis finds that both the Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models lack the necessary structure to complete their mission of building governance. As both PRT contain different strengths, the study recommends combining those strengths to generate an organization more capable of building governance. It also recommends a more comprehensive definition for governance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Doing Things That Can't Be Done
The current DoD organization has served our nation well. It is the most capable military the world has ever known. However, it is based on a Cold War mindset that does not efficiently respond to the rapid changes in today's global environment. There are several defects: the organization bureaucracy has become inefficient; service parochialism has become an Achilles' heel; and the structure is ill equipped to respond to joint, interagency, and coalition partners. To develop a future force structure to (1) support emerging missions that are (2) within fiscal constraints, while striving to (3) improve "jointness" and achieve the objectives outlines in national security guidance, the U.S. needs a major restructuring of the Department of Defense. This paper provides the background and explores new concepts that lead to a proposed DoD reorganization. It overviews the past, present, and future of the U.S. military to get a better understanding of the size and scope of the issue. Next, it looks at various organization concepts and creative thinking to help brainstorm new possibilities. This leads up to the six steps of a proposed reorganization: (1) Step One: Streamline overhead. Eliminate the three service secretary staffs and transfer their functions up to OSD and realign down to the military departments. (2) Step Two: Reduce layers. Transition and consolidate service-specific three-star level commands into standing joint task forces. (3) Step Three: Change mindset. Establish a joint promotion system. (4) Step Four: Reduce duplication. Consolidate the numerous defense and service support agencies performing similar functions into single agencies. (5) Step Five: Increase flexibility. Transform the current military departments that contain both "tooth" and "tail" to smaller, more flexible "corps" focused on core competencies (tooth), and establish a joint support force (tail) to augment these warfighting corps. (6) Step Six: Adapt concepts. Modify the combatant comma concThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Irregular Warfare Czar
While there have been numerous successes related to the current war on terrorism, the United States' momentum seems to be waning as we have moved from a traditional World War Two method of engagement to one of irregular warfare (IW). This paper concerns itself with, not how to successfully fight an IW campaign, but who should lead these efforts in a whole of government approach. Presidents have used czars within their administrations for a myriad of reasons but the underlying basis has been to have a focal point to direct a whole-of-government approach respective to their assignment. To confront the challenges before us, we must strengthen the capacity of the other elements of national power, leveraging the full potential of the interagency and have a single person responsible to the president for leading these efforts and with the authority to implement them - the IW Czar.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Westernization or Modernization
The purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: Does the generation of Iranians born after the 1979 revolution wish to continue living under the system established by Ayatollah Khomeini, or do they wish to modernize (or perhaps westernize) their current political, social, and economic systems? This group is significant because 70% of the population of Iran is under the age of 30, and an amazing 50% is under the age of 21. Research for this paper to consisted of published material, including Internet sources and Iranian Web log sites, all written in English. This paper uses three broad frameworks to examine the attitudes and desires of the post-Khomeini generation in Iran. The three frameworks used are political, economic and social policies. To distinguish between attitudes and desires, the following definitions are used. Attitude defines how the young Iranians feel and desire describes what the young Iranians want. Iran's history, its political structure and the importance of the clerical class in Iran are also examined as background information, necessary to critically examine the issue of attitudes and desires. This paper has four major conclusions. The first is that young Iranians have subordinated their immediate desire for political change for changes in the economic and social policies of Iran. The second conclusion is that any eventual change in the Iranian political system will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The third conclusion is that the United States government has little ability to directly influence the attitudes and desires of these young Iranians directly. However, the last conclusion proposes that the United States government can effectively influence these groups indirectly, through the use of three identified leverage points. The leverage points fall into the general groupings of media, economics, and education. Finally, the paper assesses as low the probability that the under-30 generation in Iran will attempt to effeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mitigating the Tyranny, a Moral Responsibility
Mitigating the tyranny, a moral responsibility" takes basis in Michael Walzer's description of "The Tyranny of War," where the political decision makers are the tyrants who send soldiers into the tyranny. When given the power to make such decisions, they also have a moral responsibility to mitigate the tyranny. The first part of the essay explains why the decision makers have this responsibility, by referring to Michael Walzer's Just War Theory and the threefold responsibility decision makers have in justifying their decisions towards the international community - jus ad bellum, in bello and post bellum. Decision makers should also have the same responsibility towards their soldiers who are the victims of their decisions. This Just War Theory is further used to underscore the complexity of the tyranny and to explain what the mitigation of this encompasses. Although the military itself has a responsibility to mitigate the tyranny, the decision makers' responsibility lies in their awareness of, interest in and focus on the military and the reality of the tyranny. Their role in the mitigation of the tyranny is also to ensure the nation's support and backing of their soldiers, their awareness and acknowledgement of the soldiers effort and struggles in the threefold tyranny. The second part of the essay discusses how the contemporary Norwegian decision makers have allowed this sense of responsibility to decline, thus not contributing to the mitigation of the tyranny. Even though Norway is a nation in "deep peace" after the end of the Cold War, the tyranny for the soldiers are still present through numerous force commitments in UN and NATO operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Future of Insurgency
Security professionals and strategists are discovering the post-cold war world is as rife with persistent, low-level violence as its predecessors. In fact, many regions are experiencing a rise in the amount of conflict in the absence of restraints previously imposed by the superpowers. Since frustration in many parts of the Third World is actually increasing, insurgency--the use of low-level, protracted violence to overthrow a political system or force some sort of fundamental change in the political and economic status quo--will be an enduring security problem. Unfortunately, most existing doctrine and strategy for dealing with insurgency are based on old forms of the phenomenon, especially rural, protracted, "people's war." But as this type of insurgency becomes obsolete, new forms will emerge. It is important to speculate on these future forms in order to assist in the evolution of counterinsurgency strategy and doctrine. Dr. Steven Metz uses a psychological method of analysis to argue that two forms of insurgency, which he calls the "spiritual" and the "commercial," will pose the greatest intellectual challenges to security professionals, military leaders, and strategists. The specific nature of such challenges will vary from region to region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Two is Better Than None
By the summer of 2003, the dust had settled on the US invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein's brutal regime. Academicians, politicians, and pundits then began characterizing the US strategy for stabilizing Iraq as an uninformed afterthought that was doomed to failure. Some commentators advocated partitioning Iraq into three states: a Kurdish north, a Sunni Arab center, and a Shi'a Arab south. The calls for partition continue today as Iraq struggles with seemingly intractable sectarian bloodshed, with advocates contending separation is the only way to remedy US and colonial blunders and quell the violence. Meanwhile, the US policy is to maintain Iraq as a unitary state.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Convergence of Catastrophes
The modern world races towards ruin, blinded by illusions of progress and paralysed by cowardice. In this incendiary manifesto, Guillaume Faye unites the fault lines of collapse - ecological devastation, ethnic fragmentation, economic decay, spiritual void, global fanaticism, and Islamic resurgence - into one overarching storm. From demographic implosion to mass immigration, from the exhaustion of fossil fuels to the proliferation of nuclear arms, from the disintegration of family and education to the rise of tribal violence in postmodern cities, each crisis interlocks with the others. The myth of perpetual growth cracks under the weight of reality; the liberal faith in technocracy, solidarity, and multicultural harmony withers.Convergence of Catastrophes is both diagnosis and prophecy: a brutal reckoning with the end of the world as we know it and a call to formation for those who would endure beyond the rubble. As the Kali Yuga enters its final spiral, history turns apocalyptic, not in death but in transfiguration. Forget utopia. Prepare for the new Middle Ages. A civilisation dies; another struggles to be born.
Fourth Generation Warfare and the Cultural Divide
The world is in tension. Global conflict rages along cultural lines. The events of 9/11, the war in Iraq, and the undercurrent fear of terrorism lie close to the heart of democracies and, yet, America's shining light to the rest of the world has been dimmed. While America's exported culture becomes more prolific, many watch in disgust as their traditions, politics, and religion change to suit the influx of Western influences. Some feel that America is a rotting egg -- bright and clean on the outside, decaying on the inside. This perception is not exclusive to non-Western citizens; many in America feel that we have lost our guiding principles and have lost the vision of the Founders. Multiculturalism, humanism, and political correctness have drowned the truth, but in a dichotomy of perceptions, those who espouse "progressive" ideas feel that America is a victim of her own socio-political agenda. While the West exports its brand of democracy, Islamists concurrently export their incompatible ideology to the West. Fourth Generation Warfare is not restricted to combat zones, but rages in time and dimension foreign to Westerners. The divisions in society that arise, whether in Iraq or America, will give way to a isolating cultural divide. Islam is not incompatible with democracy, but the free speech protected under democracy must not give way to extremist ideologies. A divided democracy can stand on principle, but once the torch is dimmed, it is only a matter of time before it is extinguished. The West will survive the invasion of cultural barbarians, but only if it recognizes the invasion and takes action.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Dual Status of the National Guard and the Total Force
The National Guard and Reserves are organized and funded to supplement active forces when needed. In peacetime, however, National Guard units belong to states, and state governors are the commanders in chief. Unless federalized, Guard members are not subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and Guard units fall outside of the formal Department of Defense (DoD) command structure. Under the law, the National Guard is composed of individual, but nationally funded and regulated state militias that can be federalized and used as a reserve force. In 1947, a board appointed by Secretary of Defense James Forrestal recommended permanently federalizing the National Guard by making it part of the Reserves. The National Guard Association, a lobbying group representing Guard interests, appealed to Congress, and Secretary Forrestal's recommendation was rejected. In 1964, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara recommended streamlining the Guard and Reserves by merging the Reserves into the Guard. The Reserve Officer's Association intervened and Congress again rejected the DoD's reserve component reorganization plan. Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird coined the phrase "Total Force" in a memorandum issued on August 21, 1971. Secretary Laird believed that placing more emphasis on the National Guard and Reserves as part of a "Total Force" was the most feasible way to achieve national defense objectives with limited funding.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Military Forces and Police Assistance in Stability Operations
Establishing an effective local police force is one of the most critical elements of successful counterinsurgency and stability operations, but is a task for which the U.S. government is poorly prepared and lacks capacity. This monograph retraces the recent history of U.S. foreign police training, from the well-coordinated effort by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) from 1961 to 1974, the U.S. congressional prohibition of the use of foreign assistance funds for police training which ended the USAID police training role in 1974, and the subsequent evolution of a patchwork approach to U.S. foreign police training involving up to 30 departments and agencies, a variety of private police contractors, and multiple fund appropriations. Despite this bureaucratic complexity, the key principles for developing effective local police in stability operations remain the same. There must be a distinction between stability policing and community based policing, with a transition from the former to the latter at the appropriate phase of stability operations. Normative standards are critical for effective community based policing, and must be established by shaping police organizational subculture in the context of local societal culture. This monograph explores the way ahead to achieve these goals for effective local police in stability operations in the current complex and challenging operational environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Narco-Crime in Mexico
The increasing volume and manner of violent deaths in Mexico nearly doubled in 2009 to just over seven thousand. Mexico appears capable of devolving into a failed state status where an insurgency threat could potentially thrive. These indices depict Mexico as potentially very near collapse. This monograph examines the contradiction among experts of Mexico and Latin America to determine whether the increased cross-border criminal violence reflects "an unintended side effect of democratization and economic globalization," or a signal for the eventual failure of Mexico as a nation-state. The monograph determines that Mexico will not fail. The violence along the US-Mexico border and within Mexico reflects a reaction by criminal organizations to the aggressive counter-narcotic policies enacted by President Calder?3n. President Calder?3n, having run for election as an anti-corruption conservative candidate, continues to pursue an aggressive policy as representative of the will of the people as expressed in free and fair elections after nearly 7 decades of single-party rule. Despite significant economic challenges and a deteriorating security situation in localized areas, the empirical evidence indicates that Mexico as a nation-state demonstrates clear national durability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Organizational Civilizations
Despite numerous attempts from terrorist organizations to use a radiological dispersal device (RDD) against the United States, our nation has never identified a lead agency to address RDDs nor established a center of excellence to capitalize on the science and technology efforts of our nation's best scientists and engineers. While the DOD certainly has a part to play in the RDD arena, identifying one of the national laboratories to oversee the collaborative efforts of all the federal agencies involved is perhaps the best way to capitalize on the investments made to ensure our nation and its citizens remain safe following a potential RDD attack. The results would be catastrophic if a terrorist organization were able to get a nuclear weapon to use, but it is much more likely that our nation will experience a RDD attack rather than a nuclear attack due to the commercial availability of radioactive materials throughout the world. The lack of a lead agency to oversee a consolidated approach in RDD research has left our nation unfocused in its research efforts delaying sound consequence management efforts. Argonne National Laboratory provides a unique advantage to serve as a national center of excellence due to its subject matter expertise and current R and D projects across the RDD spectrum. Establishing a national RDD center of excellence and locating it at Argonne refocuses our nation's attention on RDDs and the best method to focus future R and D efforts to meet those challenges. This paper first addresses the credibility of the threat of terrorist organizations attempting to acquire and employ a RDD against the U.S. and its allies. This drives the second part of the paper, which discusses whether a legitimate need exists to establish a national center of excellence for RDDs. Not only will the benefits of having a national center of excellence be presented, but also the current research efforts that are occurring at Argonne National Laboratory and its collaborativeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Economic Development in Counterinsurgency
To be victorious against an insurgency, counterinsurgents must build host-nation government legitimacy within the population by providing effective security, responsive governance, and sufficient economic development. When the United States (US) decides that it is in its interest to assist other nations battle insurgencies, it should consider how best to accomplish these three objectives. Within the security mission, US Army and Marine Corps leaders have codified the US approach in a an official publication, but US economic development experts have not yet put forth a similar strategy to guide development activities or inform their security and governance counterparts. To fill the gap, this paper lays out five key economic development principles that should be used to form the basis of any development COIN strategy: host-nation government legitimacy, mission synchronization, simultaneous tactical and operational development, HN capacity building, and responsiveness to local input. It also proposes the use of a four-phase development model composed of Shape, Stabilize, Build, and Transition phases to increase the probability that economic development in COIN will have its intended effect with regard to building government legitimacy and increasing security and governance cooperation. COIN is a difficult task, the success of which relies on a number of complex factors that often fall outside the counterinsurgents#65533; control. While these development principles and corresponding model do not guarantee success, they do increase the probability of a favorable outcome if employed consistently.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Icbms
Intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) have had and continue to have a variety of impacts on the United State Air Force. National security guidance, including a recent nuclear policy review, make clear the expected existence of ICBMs for the foreseeable future. At the same time, the relevance of ICBMs to the nation is not wholly clear. The numbers and types of nuclear arms continue to be negotiated away, and there is some academic discussion on the continued need for the traditional strategic force posture--the nuclear triad. The Air Force is articulating requirements for a new land-based strategic nuclear deterrent as well as conducting studies for long-range strike capabilities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Civilian Response Corps
In 2004, in response to the dismal reconstruction situation in the aftermath of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) was created, with the State Department tasked to take the lead. However, the creation of S/CRS included little or no funding for the office or its mission. Gaps in staffing, a lack of training, and the absence of support rendered the first years of this fledgling organization difficult and trying. Support for the organization, at least in rhetoric, spans the range of politics and government. From the White House to the Congress to the interagency community, political and government leaders are speaking out in support of S/CRS and its mission. The future of this organization remains in questions. Although the S/CRS has made progress and won small victories, huge challenges must be met before it and its expeditionary component, the Civilian Response Corps (CRC), can become the organization envisioned by its founders. S/CRS has the potential to meet some of the most important challenges the US will face in the years to come. However, it will require transforming the political speeches into actionable direction and support before S/CRS will reach its full potential. With the new Administration's mantra of diplomacy first and Congress' newly allocated funds for S/CRS, the time is right to seize this opportunity and build this organization so that the US can initiate a new era of coordination and cooperation in the area that truly wins a war--as opposed to a battle--stability and reconstruction operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Domestic Challenges to the Oath of Office
Noting that the military oath of office requires defense of the Constitution against enemies foreign and domestic this paper examines the concept of a domestic enemy and assesses the implication of that domestic threat for the military officer called to the Constitution's defense. The author proposes that there are two legitimate challenges to the oath taken by the commissioned officer. The first arises from the proposition that constitutional law is secondary to natural law. Since the officer is morally obligated to support natural law over constitutional law and the two have historically conflicted, a clash with the officer's sworn oath is inevitable. The second challenge occurs when known constitutional issues remain unresolved; it may also be brought about simply by accepting the position of those who argue that the living nature of Constitution allows its re-interpretation in light of a changing culture. The resulting constitutional ambiguity has the potential to leave the officer without moorings on which to interpret his responsibilities under the oath.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Narcotics Counterinsurgency Dilemma
The purpose of this monograph is to investigate the relationship and linkages between insurgencies and the illicit narcotics trade in general; to examine the specific root causes and influences on the drug trade and insurgencies in Colombia and Afghanistan; to examine the historic background, strategic theory, and viability of the Plan Colombia model for application in Afghanistan; and to propose an alternate strategy for Afghanistan based on the significant differences in culture and governance between the two countries. Plan Colombia commenced in 1999 when the stability of the Colombian government reached a crisis level from the dual threats of an insurgency and the illegal drug trade. While the Marxist-inspired insurgency has been in existence and a significant problem for nearly the past fifty years, it originally focused on building its support base through ideological means. The nexus between illicit narcotics and the insurgency increased over the past forty years due to a symbiotic relationship that provides sustained funding for the insurgency and sustained sanctuary and resources for the illicit narcotics industry. The primary assumption behind Plan Colombia was that a disruption in the revenue base from illicit narcotics would reduce the ability of the insurgents to conduct operations and for a opportunity for successful engagement and negotiated settlement. Plan Colombia focuses on four specific lines of effort, which are the fight against illicit narcotics and organized crime, economic and social revitalization within Colombia, strengthening democratic institutions, and the disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration of the insurgent and guerilla organizations into Colombian society. In Afghanistan, the nascent government is also dealing with an insurgency that derives economic and social support from illicit narcotics, although the root of the narcotics issue is significantly different than in Colombia due to a history of warlordism, lack of a natiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams
Over the past 6 years, provincial reconstruction teams (PRTs) have played a growing role in the U.S. counterinsurgency effort in Afghanistan. PRTs are one of several organizations working on reconstruction there, along with civilian development agencies, including the U.S. Agency for International Development, numerous nongovernmental organizations, and the Afghan government's National Solidarity Program. Perhaps unsurprisingly, something of a debate has emerged over whether PRTs are needed. The authors argue that civilian reconstruction agencies cannot do the same job as the PRTs. While these agencies remain essential for long-term economic and political development, the PRTs conduct reconstruction in ways that help create stability in the short term. Absent the PRTs, the "build" in clear-hold-build efforts deemed essential to effective counterinsurgency would fall flat. Based on over 2 months of field research in 2007 and 2 months in 2008 by a CNA team with 4 different PRTs-Khost, Kunar, Ghazni, and Nuristan-plus interviews with the leadership of 10 others, the authors recommend that the United States give the PRTs the lead role in reconstruction activities that accompany any surge of military forces into Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs)
In an effort to prevent Iraq from sliding further into civil conflict, one of President Bush's most significant initiatives has been to double the number of Provincial Reconstruction Teams in order to expand the reach of the fledgling central government.1 Short of sending a large contingent of forces to secure and run a country, which is impractical considering the simultaneous conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, PRTs - small, joint civil-military teams - attempt to fill the post-conflict void in the areas of stability, reconstruction, and governance. Given the current administration's emphasis, some observers wonder if the US government considers PRTs to be a panacea for the ethnic and sectarian struggle in Iraq.While most experts agree that PRTs have been somewhat successful in bringing stability to the Afghan provinces, the model has yet to prove itself as an effective long-term vehicle for stabilization and reconstruction.2 Furthermore, by undertaking reconstruction and assistance missions, these teams have incurred the wrath of international aid organizations by infringing upon the "neutrality" they seek to associate with aid and development. Considering the experiences of United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces in Afghanistan, this paper offers tactical, operational, and strategic recommendations for optimizing the PRT construct as a tool for stability and reconstruction operations in Iraq and future conflicts, while alleviating many of the concerns of international aid agencies working in the same region.In the final analysis, the success of the PRT construct, regardless of how effective it can be made, hinges upon one significant precondition - sufficient security must exist to allow the program to take root. Given success in the area of security, PRTs could prove to be the deciding factor in encouraging reconstruction and facilitating good governance in a post-conflict environment and, ultimately, nurturing the seeds of a stable democratThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When Race Trumps Merit
Does your workplace have too few black people in top jobs? It's racist. Does the advanced math and science high school in your city have too many Asians? It's racist. Does your local museum employ too many white women? It's racist, too. After the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, prestigious American institutions, from the medical profession to the fine arts, pleaded guilty to "systemic racism." How else explain why blacks are overrepresented in prisons and underrepresented in C-suites and faculty lounges, their leaders asked? The official answer for those disparities is "disparate impact," a once obscure legal theory that is now transforming our world. Any traditional standard of behavior or achievement that impedes exact racial proportionality in any enterprise is now presumed racist. Medical school admissions tests, expectations of scientific accomplishment in the award of research grants, the enforcement of the criminal law--all are under assault, because they have a "disparate impact" on underrepresented minorities. When Race Trumps Merit provides an alternative explanation for those racial disparities. It is large academic skills gaps that cause the lack of proportional representation in our most meritocratic organizations and large differences in criminal offending that account for the racially disproportionate prison population. The administration of Donald Trump has taken aim at disparate impact doctrine, following a roadmap laid out by When Race Trumps Merit. The book's analysis remains as urgent as ever. As long as alleged racism remains the only allowable explanation for racial differences, we will continue tearing down excellence and putting lives, as well as civilizational achievement, at risk.
U.S. Military Assistance to Philippine Ground Forces
This study examines the suitability of current U.S. military assistance to Philippine ground forces. The research hypothesis is that the scope and form of current military assistance to the Philippines is not optimum and that more, or different, aid is warranted. The study profiles the communist insurgency, the Aquino administration's counterinsurgency policies, and the composition of AFP ground forces and their counterinsurgency programs. It investigates and analyzes the extent of U.S. military aid, both direct and indirect. The study concludes that the insurgency presents a real and immediate threat to the Aquino administration, and that the Aquino administration has no clear national COIN strategy integrating civil and military efforts. It further concludes that both the U.S. and the AFP may optimize U.S. aid by adopting several initiatives; and that the use of U.S. advisors is appropriate only in a limited "train-the-trainer" role.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stabilization and Democratization of Iraq
The National Security Strategy of the United States of America of September 2002 (NSS) aims "to help make the world not just safer but better." In order to achieve this ambitious challenge, The NSS defines the following goals on the path to progress: political and economic freedom, peaceful relationships with other states, and respect for human dignity. Operation Iraqi Freedom succeeded to free the Iraqi people of Saddam Hussein's totalitarian regime. The next challenge for the US-led coalition is to stabilize the country and to implement a durable democracy. The latter tasks seem to be the most difficult ones because Iraq has never known democracy. It is a mosaic of multiple sectarian and ethnic groups. Furthermore, it lies within the area of strategic-political, economic, and religious influence of its neighboring countries. This thesis analyses Iraq's Islamic, sectarian, and ethnic factors. Next, it examines the historical case studies of Iraq's former republican constitutions and the Afghani constitution, adopted on 3 January 2004. Finally, this thesis recommends the US administration bolster a Federal Republic of Iraq by assisting the Iraqi people, diplomatically, militarily, economically, and judicially, to constitute a freely elected government, and to draft a constitution that respects Muslim values, democracy, protection of minorities, and human dignity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Security Sector Reform
The authors explore the definition of SSR as it has emerged in the international community. The makeup of the security sector is examined, emergent principles are identified for implementing SSR in the community of practice, and the outcomes that SSR is designed to produce are specified. The supporting case studies of Haiti, Liberia, and Kosovo assess the impact of SSR programs on host nation security sectors. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs so as to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. Intermediate objectives required in support of this transition also articulate what is good enough and fair enough at various stages in the transformational process. State actors must acknowledge and often accommodate nonstate security actors more effectively in SSR planning and implementation, while recognizing both the advantages and the risks of collaborating with such actors. The authors also identify a need for rebalancing resources committed to SSR, especially given that justice and civil law enforcement typically are badly under-resourced as elements of SSR programs. Finally, the authors note the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes to support SSR activities within the U.S. Government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Machinery of Government Needs A Tune-Up
This study examines the history, likes and differences of the US National Security Council system and its organizational prototype, the pre-World War II British Committee of Imperial Defence, their structures, purposes, functions, leadership, and the significant changes each experienced their origins, the historical contexts leading to their creation, their organizational over time. Then, each organization is compared, contrasted, and subjectively examined, while bringing historical evidence to bear. The study concludes with insights that form the underlying bases for recommending modest changes to the NSC system. These recommendations include appropriately sizing the NSC staff and emphasizing the importance of strategic planning, and others.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Implications of Religiously Motivated Insurgencies for Psychological Operations
This thesis analyzes the implications for psychological operations (PSYOP) of religiously motivated insurgencies. The difficulties faced by US troops since the invasion of Iraq in 2003 have many questioning the effectiveness of the PSYOP message used there. This concern raises two questions: do PSYOP methods and messages have to be modified when the insurgency has a motivation in which religion is a significant component? The second question is if so, how? To answer these questions required the examination of two cases without religious motivation and the ongoing conflict in Iraq. The Malayan Emergency and the Hukbalahap Rebellion were two cases that provided evidence for non-religiously motivated insurgencies. Several principles for effective PSYOP were derived from these two historical examples. The ongoing hostilities in Iraq were then studied to determine what differences, if any, exist in the general principles governing PSYOP in an insurgency in which religion constitutes a portion of the underlying motivation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Power of CREATIVE REASONING The Ideas and Vision of John Garang
The 2nd edition: The Power of Creative Reasoning Beyond the creation of a new nation, Dr. John Garang's vision played a crucial role in instigating political change across the old Sudan. His strategic vision has, as a result, led to the emergence of two distinct nation-states-South Sudan and Sudan-at least for the time being. We contend that the formation of the new nation of South Sudan would not have materialized within our lifetime without the robust conceptual framework proposed by Dr. John Garang aimed at addressing the multifaceted Sudanese dilemma.This assertion will be explicated in greater detail as the discussion progresses. Furthermore, we wish to underscore the critical role that creative and visionary leadership plays in shaping a collective destiny and mobilizing them toward a common purpose. Dr. John Garang adeptly employed a path-goal approach that ultimately contributed to resolving the protracted Sudanese conflict, underpinned by the identity crisis. This shows how strategic foresight can drive positive change in a divided society.Since 2013, the political landscapes of Sudan and South Sudan have been marked by significant turmoil and conflict, which have profoundly influenced the stability and governance of both nations. The legacy of John Garang, whose vision contributed to the eventual independence of South Sudan, continues to resonate amidst ongoing struggles for power and peace.
Modeling and Analysis of Post-Conflict Reconstruction
The forces at play in reconstruction operations are a complex system of time phased interlocking cause and effect relationships that are not thoroughly understood. A model capable of capturing the general dynamics involved in post-conflict reconstruction would provide insight to decision makers regarding potential policy alternatives. This research effort demonstrates the viability of using systems dynamics modeling techniques to simulate the establishment of public order and safety in a post-conflict reconstruction operation (Phase IV operations). A high level generic framework is developed that can be used as a general template for modeling post-conflict reconstruction. It is then demonstrated with a notional test case based on the OIF AOR.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stabilization and Democratization of Iraq
The National Security Strategy of the United States of America of September 2002 (NSS) aims "to help make the world not just safer but better." In order to achieve this ambitious challenge, The NSS defines the following goals on the path to progress: political and economic freedom, peaceful relationships with other states, and respect for human dignity. Operation Iraqi Freedom succeeded to free the Iraqi people of Saddam Hussein's totalitarian regime. The next challenge for the US-led coalition is to stabilize the country and to implement a durable democracy. The latter tasks seem to be the most difficult ones because Iraq has never known democracy. It is a mosaic of multiple sectarian and ethnic groups. Furthermore, it lies within the area of strategic-political, economic, and religious influence of its neighboring countries. This thesis analyses Iraq's Islamic, sectarian, and ethnic factors. Next, it examines the historical case studies of Iraq's former republican constitutions and the Afghani constitution, adopted on 3 January 2004. Finally, this thesis recommends the US administration bolster a Federal Republic of Iraq by assisting the Iraqi people, diplomatically, militarily, economically, and judicially, to constitute a freely elected government, and to draft a constitution that respects Muslim values, democracy, protection of minorities, and human dignity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Influence of Politics, Technology, and Asia on the Future of US Missile Defense
This work presents an overview of ballistic missile defense (BMD) initiatives and their attendant technologies with a careful analysis of their existing capabilities and potentialities to make recommendations as to the BMD initiatives that are most likely to provide realistic expectations of useful defense capabilities in the near to mid-term. There is also an extended discussion of the implications of BMD in the relationships of the United States and the nations of Asia, particularly Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, North Korea, and Japan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
