Guatemala, its Economic, Political, Sociological and Military Aspects
This student paper gives a general picture of Guatemala, describing its characteristics such as its political, economic, sociological and military situation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Tribal Influence on Middle East Political Stability
The words "tribe", "tribalism", and "tribal" produce wide ranging definitions and context when used in literature and research. The words are typically associated in a negative context to classify a society as "primitive." This paper does not classify whether tribal society is a positive, or a negative, aspect of Middle East society. Instead its purpose is to establish whether or not a causal link exists between the independent variable tribal influence (denoted as IVt), and the dependent variable political stability (denoted as DVps), in present day Middle East states. The paper is organized into six main sections. Section I defines tribe as used throughout the context of this paper. Section II describes why this paper is relevant to military leaders and planners. Section III defines the DVps, the research data sources used to determine DVps, the validity of the data source, and the limitations in data application. Section IV defines the IVt, research data resources used to assess the IVt, the validity of the data sources, and limitations in data application.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
President Mckinley and American Imperialism
William McKinley actively sought territorial expansion during his tenure as President of the United States as a means to stimulate the domesticeconomy and increase American international prestige. This expansion was critical to the continued economic growth of the United States andits emergence as a world power. This report looks at McKinley's expansionist foreign policy and asserts it was tied directly to attainingeconomic markets and prosperity for the United States and not, as is commonly believed, a moral duty to help our ?little brown brothers.?1This foreign policy designed to achieve economic growth conflicted with what many believed were the very foundations of our Constitution, the belief that no man should be ruled by another without consent. America had gained its independence from Great Britain because of thewidespread acceptance of this belief and now, a little more than a hundred years later, the country was contemplating colonialism because itwas sound business.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sub-State Actors and Leadership in the Evolution of the African State
This study investigates the role of sub-state actors and leadership in the stabilization, the collapse or the renewal of the African state. Understanding the root causes of the mutations occurring in today's African states will help to build legitimacy for future Internal Security Assistance Programs and Military Operations Other Than War. The study explains how the emergence or the empowerment of traditional, civil society, and religious leaders loosens the states' authority, by atomizing the centers of decision. Then, to promote stability in the continent, shape a better environment, prevent conflicts or respond to crisis will always depend on how sub-state actors are managed in order to empower leadership at national level. This thesis advocates to implement long term strategies designed to progressively erode the influence of traditional and religious leaders while using them in focused areas and at limited levels to fulfill intermediate objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Department of State, Diplomatic Security Service, Career Development Program
The United States (U.S.) Department of State's (DOS) Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) is tasked with ensuring the safety and security of all U.S. diplomatic missions around the world. Domestically, DSS Special Agents investigate Passport and Visa fraud, as well as protect visiting foreign dignitaries. DSS today faces the unprecedented challenge of staffing a large number of Special Agents in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan (AIP) in order to maintain the security needs for U.S. personnel working in those locations. As an incentive to serve in these less desirable locations, DSS Special Agents serving in AIP are given priority for their follow-on assignment. It is becoming increasingly difficult for a DSS Special Agent serving domestically to obtain an overseas assignment, which is a requirement for promotion under the current DSS career development program. This thesis addresses the question, "what changes are needed to the current DSS career development program?" Utilizing open-source data from the DOS, as well as past Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports, it was determined that the current DSS assignment process is not sustainable; thus a change in the DSS career development program is necessary. This will require a change of culture within DOS. Suggestions are made based on the Kotter Model for how to best make the needed changes.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Agriculture and Stability in Afghanistan
Afghanistan looms as the key foreign policy challenge for the Obama administration. Under the previous Bush administration, foreign policy was driven primarily by security considerations, and Afghanistan was viewed a frontline state in the Global War on Terror. The military had the key role in implementing the USG's foreign policy, and foreign assistance was integrated within the U.S. National Security Strategy. However, this approach may not be appropriate given Afghanistan's history, economic and social conditions. Afghanistan is an agrarian society and is one of the poorest countries in the world due to decades of conflict. In particular, the Soviet invasion and occupation from 1979-89 had a devastating impact on its rural economy. As a result, the country now cannot produce enough food to meet its needs, and farmers in insecure regions increasingly rely on opium as a cash crop to support their families. The exponential growth of opium has undermined the economy, government and social fabric of the country. While more than 80 percent of Afghanistan's population relies on agriculture, the USG's support to the sector has been provided primarily through the counter-narcotics program, which promotes alternatives to opium production. However, these efforts have had limited success. In order to promote conditions for long-term stability, a more balanced approach is needed. A key factor in Afghanistan's long-term stability is revitalization of the agriculture sector, which is the basis for food security, rural livelihoods, and growth of the national economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Interagency Goldwater-Nichols Act is Needed for a Truly Effective Whole-of-Government Approach
In an increasingly interdependent world, America will continue to be stretched in many directions and the pace of government commitments is likely to increase. The US security enterprise needs transformation to meet these challenges. The time is now for the country to confront these challenges if there is any chance of remaining a superpower. An interagency Goldwater-Nichols Act (GNA) is needed for a truly effective whole-of-government approach. After an overview of how security and defense decisions are made at the highest levels of government, the research examines current statutory and non-statutory interagency guidance. The research further identifies a need for interagency reform by bringing to light security failures since passage of the original GNA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Drug Trafficking, Violence, and Instability
Although challenges posed by various kinds of violent armed groups initially appear highly diverse and unrelated to one another, in fact they all reflect the increasing connections between security and governance and, in particular, the relationship between poor governance and violent armed groups. In many cases, these groups are overtly challenging the state; in others they are cooperating and colluding with state structures while subtly undermining them; in yet others, the state is a passive bystander while violent armed groups are fighting one another. The mix is different, the combinations vary, and the perpetrators of violence have different motives, methods, and targets. In spite of their divergent forms, violent nonstate actors (VNSAs) share certain qualities and characteristics. These violent armed groups represent a common challenge to national and international security, a challenge that is far greater than the sum of the individual groups, and that is likely to grow rather than diminish over the next several decades. This monograph focuses on the complex relationship between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement. It also seeks to disentangle the linkages between insurgency on the one hand and drug trafficking and organized crime on the other, suggesting that criminal activities help sustain an insurgency, but also carry certain risks for the insurgency.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The War Powers Resolution
America has always had public and congressional support as a vulnerable center of gravity. The War Powers Resolution (WPR), enacted in 1973, has the effect of magnifying the vulnerability of this American center of gravity. This is particularly true in operations short of war, such as our recent deployments to Lebanon, Somalia, and Haiti. Although many have called for the repeal of the WPR because of its alleged constitutional defects and its impractical implementation, these calls have not led to any action. More importantly, these calls have not retarded the magnifying effect which the WPR has on America's public and congressional support center of gravity in operations short of war. Based on this last reason, the author contends the WPR should be repealed as proposed on January 4, 1995, by Senator Robert Dole.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Military Integration
The American political system is that of liberal democracy. There is an inherent distrust of a large standing army by the American people. Because of this, there has been considerable friction between political and military leaders on how best to integrate the military in the national security decision making process during peace and war. Prior to WWII, the question was solved during peace by not having a standing army. Then during war, a successful balance was struck which integrated political and military viewpoints to form national security policy. However, the Cold War upset the balance as the political viewpoint expanded and eventually suffocated the military viewpoint from the national security policy making process. This political enlargement resulted in a military detached from the national security decision process during the Vietnam War. The outcome war a political-military integration failure and a debacle in Vietnam. In the two decades following the Vietnam War, both political and military policy making viewpoints acheived a unique balance. The balance was attained by several political and military corrections to make sure there was "never again" another Vietnam. The manifestation of military-political balance was the 1991 Persian Gulf War. With the end of the Cold War, the changed political viewpoint, the US must again find the appropriate balance of political-military viewpoints in the national security policy making process. To find the right balance a glance at past failure and success can give insight into how the appropriate military-political balance can be realized and maintained.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crisis in Burma
Since 1962, the state of Burma (or Myanmar) has fallen victim to defunct military rule that has driven the country into economic crisis aggravated by widespread poverty and disease, reliance on the illicit drug trade, massive corruption, and grave human rights violations. In 1988, the crisis manifested in large-scale internal protests for democratic reform resulting in the killing of over 3,000 civilians at the hands of the junta-led military. Since then, the democratic opposition party in Burma has struggled to overcome extreme measures of isolation and suppression by the junta to stimulate a transition to democratic governance. As the world's superpower and "beacon of light" for democratic processes and ideals, the US has an important leadership role to play in this political drama. Aside from its moral obligations, however, US strategic interests are at stake as they are increasingly compromised by the economic and political instability caused by rogue governments. Therefore, it is not enough to limit the promotion of freedom that has yielded stability and prosperity within US borders alone. So, how should the US respond to the crisis in Burma? For the past two decades, US foreign policy has relied heavily on economic pressure to coerce political change. In light of worsening conditions in Burma and significant changes in global power politics since the turn of the millennia, a change in strategy is needed. Using the Problem/Solution method of research, this paper examines the full spectrum of strategic options and recommends a course of action that respects the current dynamics of the geopolitical environment as well as current US capabilities and limitations. This paper contends that to protect its national security interests, the US should implement a strategic blend of all four major instruments of power--economic, military, information, and diplomacy--placing the greatest emphasis on diplomacy in the Southeast Asia region and with China to promote politicalThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams and Good Governance
The United States has witnessed a change in its approach to warfare. The former approach focused on breaking the enemy's will to fight while leaving the governing process intact. The new approach focuses on replacing the standing government with a new democratic model. The US military created multiple Provincial Reconstructions Teams (PRTs) to assist in the process of building the new model. Several years later, the US Military developed doctrine describing how to accomplish the task. As PRTs formed prior to doctrine for building governance, the study asks, "Do US PRT models contain the structure necessary for building good governance?" This study examines the military's and other governmental agencies'; definitions and methods for building good governance. It then evaluates Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models to determine if they contain the structure necessary for building good governance while minimizing financial and force structure costs for the US Military. The analysis finds that both the Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models lack the necessary structure to complete their mission of building governance. As both PRT contain different strengths, the study recommends combining those strengths to generate an organization more capable of building governance. It also recommends a more comprehensive definition for governance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Rising Phoenix a Framework and Process of Democratization Applied to China
Will China democratize? To develop an answer to this burning question about the rising super power of the 21st century this study analyzes a framework of essential and favorable conditions of democratization and applied it to the current state in China. Then the study describes a process of democratization and applied it to China to determine if the process of democratization is underway in China today. An analysis of Chinese Confucianism to democracy is accomplished to understand how the cultural fabric of Chinese society impacts its potential to democratize. The study concludes that the conditions for democratization do exist in China and the process of democratization described is applicable to today's China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Two is Better Than None
By the summer of 2003, the dust had settled on the US invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein's brutal regime. Academicians, politicians, and pundits then began characterizing the US strategy for stabilizing Iraq as an uninformed afterthought that was doomed to failure. Some commentators advocated partitioning Iraq into three states: a Kurdish north, a Sunni Arab center, and a Shi'a Arab south. The calls for partition continue today as Iraq struggles with seemingly intractable sectarian bloodshed, with advocates contending separation is the only way to remedy US and colonial blunders and quell the violence. Meanwhile, the US policy is to maintain Iraq as a unitary state.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams
Over the past 6 years, provincial reconstruction teams (PRTs) have played a growing role in the U.S. counterinsurgency effort in Afghanistan. PRTs are one of several organizations working on reconstruction there, along with civilian development agencies, including the U.S. Agency for International Development, numerous nongovernmental organizations, and the Afghan government's National Solidarity Program. Perhaps unsurprisingly, something of a debate has emerged over whether PRTs are needed. The authors argue that civilian reconstruction agencies cannot do the same job as the PRTs. While these agencies remain essential for long-term economic and political development, the PRTs conduct reconstruction in ways that help create stability in the short term. Absent the PRTs, the "build" in clear-hold-build efforts deemed essential to effective counterinsurgency would fall flat. Based on over 2 months of field research in 2007 and 2 months in 2008 by a CNA team with 4 different PRTs-Khost, Kunar, Ghazni, and Nuristan-plus interviews with the leadership of 10 others, the authors recommend that the United States give the PRTs the lead role in reconstruction activities that accompany any surge of military forces into Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cyberpower as a Coercive Instrument
This thesis aims to help bridge the gap between existing knowledge of cyberspace and the practical use of cyberpower as a coercive instrument. This knowledge will assist leaders at all levels to properly integrate cyberpower into a well-crafted strategy. This analysis demonstrates that although cyberpower has potential as an effective coercive instrument, it requires further evolution to be a persistent and powerful force by itself. This study examined the details of nine separate cyber attacks against the United States, Estonia, and Georgia. Cyberpower failed to deter or compel in the cases examined. The research question of this study is, Can cyberpower coerce adversarial states and non-state actors? This study concludes that used alone, cyberpower has yet to show coercive ability. Used in a combined campaign with other instruments, it also has yet to prove its coercive ability. However, cyberpower can be effective in brute force actions, both alone and when combined with other instruments.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration
Few insurgencies are resolved by military means alone. Insurgents, by definition, pursue political ends and resolve to accomplish those objectives by means of violence. Today the United States and her Allies are engaged in two distinct Counterinsurgency (COIN) Operations, Iraq and Afghanistan. In the case of Iraq, US forces are in the process of handing over the remaining responsibility for nationwide security and stability to the Iraqi government. Afghanistan, presently, does not offer such hope. This paper explores the construct of Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration (AR2) through case studies of three conflicts in Peru, Algeria and Iraq. Each case study examines the roots of conflict, the conduct of the conflict by insurgents and counterinsurgents alike and draws inference from the methods of AR2 used to bring about the termination of conflict. The study concludes with Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration is neither a process nor a prescription for peace and stability. There are no formulae that can be applied to a conflict that can resolve it, but AR2 does offer what the application of violence rarely can; the beginnings of a solution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding and Confronting Islamofascism
This paper's thesis is: Understanding that the Global Salafi-Islam Jihad (GSIJ) ideology is not a distortion or perversion of Islam, rather a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation within mainstream Islam, provides the knowledge to effectively proceed in the "War on Terror", or more aptly, the "War on Islamofascism" by using the Information Instrument of Power (IOP) to address terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam. The paper used the Problem/Solution methodology. The problem included determining: whether Islamofascism is historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate within Islam; its position within mainstream Islam; and how to apply the Information IOP to combat Islamofascism based on a correct understanding of it. The research revealed Islamofascism is a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation of Islam that garners mainstream Islamic support and overlaps "moderate" Islam on numerous key Islamic concepts. The solution provided, given the aforementioned understanding, supports US policy to use the Information IOP as the primary way to combat Islamofascism, emphasizing terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam within the information arena. Terminology includes use of "Islamofascism" rather than current terms in use, "cultural progression" includes accepting the Islamofascist historical accuracy and doctrinal legitimacy to co-opt its foundation, and support to "moderate" Islam considers the challenge of determining "moderate" Islam and subsequently supporting it through various educational programs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Doing Things That Can't Be Done
The current DoD organization has served our nation well. It is the most capable military the world has ever known. However, it is based on a Cold War mindset that does not efficiently respond to the rapid changes in today's global environment. There are several defects: the organization bureaucracy has become inefficient; service parochialism has become an Achilles' heel; and the structure is ill equipped to respond to joint, interagency, and coalition partners. To develop a future force structure to (1) support emerging missions that are (2) within fiscal constraints, while striving to (3) improve "jointness" and achieve the objectives outlines in national security guidance, the U.S. needs a major restructuring of the Department of Defense. This paper provides the background and explores new concepts that lead to a proposed DoD reorganization. It overviews the past, present, and future of the U.S. military to get a better understanding of the size and scope of the issue. Next, it looks at various organization concepts and creative thinking to help brainstorm new possibilities. This leads up to the six steps of a proposed reorganization: (1) Step One: Streamline overhead. Eliminate the three service secretary staffs and transfer their functions up to OSD and realign down to the military departments. (2) Step Two: Reduce layers. Transition and consolidate service-specific three-star level commands into standing joint task forces. (3) Step Three: Change mindset. Establish a joint promotion system. (4) Step Four: Reduce duplication. Consolidate the numerous defense and service support agencies performing similar functions into single agencies. (5) Step Five: Increase flexibility. Transform the current military departments that contain both "tooth" and "tail" to smaller, more flexible "corps" focused on core competencies (tooth), and establish a joint support force (tail) to augment these warfighting corps. (6) Step Six: Adapt concepts. Modify the combatant comma concThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Westernization or Modernization
The purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: Does the generation of Iranians born after the 1979 revolution wish to continue living under the system established by Ayatollah Khomeini, or do they wish to modernize (or perhaps westernize) their current political, social, and economic systems? This group is significant because 70% of the population of Iran is under the age of 30, and an amazing 50% is under the age of 21. Research for this paper to consisted of published material, including Internet sources and Iranian Web log sites, all written in English. This paper uses three broad frameworks to examine the attitudes and desires of the post-Khomeini generation in Iran. The three frameworks used are political, economic and social policies. To distinguish between attitudes and desires, the following definitions are used. Attitude defines how the young Iranians feel and desire describes what the young Iranians want. Iran's history, its political structure and the importance of the clerical class in Iran are also examined as background information, necessary to critically examine the issue of attitudes and desires. This paper has four major conclusions. The first is that young Iranians have subordinated their immediate desire for political change for changes in the economic and social policies of Iran. The second conclusion is that any eventual change in the Iranian political system will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The third conclusion is that the United States government has little ability to directly influence the attitudes and desires of these young Iranians directly. However, the last conclusion proposes that the United States government can effectively influence these groups indirectly, through the use of three identified leverage points. The leverage points fall into the general groupings of media, economics, and education. Finally, the paper assesses as low the probability that the under-30 generation in Iran will attempt to effeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Embargo on Cuba
The United States imposed an embargo on Cuba in 1959. Has the time come for the United States to lift the 44-year-old embargo? The embargo on Cuba was part of America's cold war strategy against the Soviet Union; imposed on the basis that Cuba was a threat to U.S. national security because of their alliance with the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro's support of revolutionary forces in Latin America and the expropriation of U.S. property. The cold war ended 12 years ago. Democracy and political stability in Latin America are at an all time high, with Cuba being the only non-democratic nation in Latin America. In 1998, the Defense Intelligence Agency concluded that Cuba no longer poses a significant threat to U.S. national security or other countries in the region. The expropriation of U.S. property will not be solved by an embargo and lastly, for the eleventh year in a row, the United Nations has called for the end to the embargo. The most recent vote of the General Assembly on 12 November 2002, overwhelmingly voted 173 in favor to 3 opposed. Yet America continues to endorse a policy of isolation with no intentions of removing the embargo now or any time in the near future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the Employment of Army the Only Solution for Solving the Naxal Problem in India?
The monograph provides an in-depth analysis of the structural and ideological causes of Naxalism in India. Naxalism besides being a socio-economic problem is also politico-ideological response to the growing inequality in the Indian society. India's growth since independence has been unequal and skewed, a fact aggravated further, by a volatile mix of old, degenerated beliefs and rising materialism. Though democracy is deeply entrenched, empowerment has been as caste and regional groups, who often place their narrow parochial interests over the interests of the society and nation. This not only encourages nepotism and corruption but also affects governance and implementation at all levels.While Naxalism, fuelled by genuine, but mostly local and personal grievances, has made impressive gains, government policy efforts aimed at treating symptoms have proved to be inadequate. With the pool of dissatisfied ever increasing an integrated and holistic response aimed at changing the ethos and attitude of governance and population is essential. Within this holistic response, the army as an element of state power can be a part of a solution but not "The" solution for Naxalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Democratic Partisanship
Political parties are caught in the crossfire of contemporary criticism. Some are accused of being excessively technocratic and removed from citizens' concerns, while others are attacked for their populist discourse and for pandering to the base instincts of constituents. But what ideal of partisanship do we have in mind when we blame parties for the ills of democracy? And how do real-world parties actually compare to this normative ideal? Democratic Partisanship bridges political theory and empirical study to answer these questions. It explores and compares how key democratic norms hailed by political theorists, such as good justification and respect for opponents, resonate with right-wing and left-wing party members in Hungary and France. Focusing on the partisan's perspective, the book explores how and why some party organisations reconcile the most contradictory democratic imperatives while others fail to uphold basic principles. Far from writing-off parties as intrinsically suspect, Democratic Partisanship makes an incisive case for a new partisan ethic in an age of democratic crises.
Utilizing the Elements of National Power to Predict Ungoverned Space
The greatest threat to stability in Africa is the increase in transnational terrorist groups and criminals that occupy the ungoverned spaces. African nations suffer from the inability of the African governments to secure their borders and protect their citizens. The situation creates problems not only for Africa but also for the remainder of the world. The way to mitigate the risk of transnational terrorists and other violent non-state actors is to take away the conditions that lead to ungoverned space. The United States must identify the African nations with the greatest potential for change. The way to identify these nations is by accessing the strength of their national powers. Enhancing the diplomatic, informational, economic, and law enforcement powers allows the nations to focus personnel and resources towards the goal of removing ungoverned space from the African continent. Once the sanctuary is removed, the transnational terrorist will be identified and eliminated. The result is a stable African continent whose nations are better established and able to connect to the remainder of the global community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Demanding Logic in Politics
Groups of logical youths skilled in public policy and dissemination of correct information is a terror to politicians and the few wealthy who control politicians. Reconstructed civics education could teach forcing politicians to address root causes to problems and present logical solutions. Civics education could be a curriculum beginning with critical thinking, engaging in logical tools and problem-solving steps, that becomes the subject of participatory politics later. This design shows students they are, in numbers, more powerful than politicians. This is how to reign in politicians with logic and student activism. Logic is a focus on ways to solve problems rather than temporary fixes of proximate problems. A step-by-step process applied to public policy is a means by which to solve problems. High school and college students may form local, state, or nationwide interest groups armed with logical public policy proposals to influence the public, the politicians, and government actors, while in school classes. Jason Krueger and Dianna Contreras Krueger herein focus on politics and government, with education as a recurring theme. This is a guide to implementing political and social changes to improve health, housing, transportation, and other infrastructure with the intent to support the pursuits of happiness. This proposes expanding the choices of ways of living and increasing competition with changes to government and its influences. Drastically increase your knowledge of political activism and public policy, and learn how to get the wrong politicians out of government.
Homa
This paper is written to answer a research question posed by the USAF's Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS). The desired general objective of the research is to discuss the strategic needs and military objectives in a particular region or country of how theater missile defense (TMD) supports or jeopardizes US National Missile Defense (NMD) strategy. This research examines, in detail, Israel's national missile defense program, called Homa (Hebrew for Fortress Wall). Chapter 1 discusses the fundamentals of missile defense and the reason why Israel's missile defense system affects US national security interests. Chapter 2 describes Israel's missile defense program, Homa, and explains why Israel's TMD program is, effectively, the first active two-tier National Missile Defense system. This description includes Israel's current, planned, and desired capabilities. Chapter 3 describes the confrontation (Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Libya) and potential confrontation states' (Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates) ballistic missile threats to Israel.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Security Sector Reform
The authors explore the definition of SSR as it has emerged in the international community. The makeup of the security sector is examined, emergent principles are identified for implementing SSR in the community of practice, and the outcomes that SSR is designed to produce are specified. The supporting case studies of Haiti, Liberia, and Kosovo assess the impact of SSR programs on host nation security sectors. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs so as to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. Intermediate objectives required in support of this transition also articulate what is good enough and fair enough at various stages in the transformational process. State actors must acknowledge and often accommodate nonstate security actors more effectively in SSR planning and implementation, while recognizing both the advantages and the risks of collaborating with such actors. The authors also identify a need for rebalancing resources committed to SSR, especially given that justice and civil law enforcement typically are badly under-resourced as elements of SSR programs. Finally, the authors note the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes to support SSR activities within the U.S. Government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Security Sector Reform
The authors explore the definition of SSR as it has emerged in the international community. The makeup of the security sector is examined, emergent principles are identified for implementing SSR in the community of practice, and the outcomes that SSR is designed to produce are specified. The supporting case studies of Haiti, Liberia, and Kosovo assess the impact of SSR programs on host nation security sectors. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs so as to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. Intermediate objectives required in support of this transition also articulate what is good enough and fair enough at various stages in the transformational process. State actors must acknowledge and often accommodate nonstate security actors more effectively in SSR planning and implementation, while recognizing both the advantages and the risks of collaborating with such actors. The authors also identify a need for rebalancing resources committed to SSR, especially given that justice and civil law enforcement typically are badly under-resourced as elements of SSR programs. Finally, the authors note the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes to support SSR activities within the U.S. Government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Urban and Rural Insurgencies
With global urbanization on the rise, especially in the developing world, it is reasonable to conclude that urban insurgencies will become more prevalent in the future. The new Army and Marine Corps counterinsurgency manual devotes only a single paragraph to this environmental change, noting that urban insurgencies are "difficult to counter because they require little or no popular support." This admission implies a need to study the dynamics of urban-based insurgencies in greater depth and suggests that the time has come for a systematic comparison between urban and rural-based insurgencies. This thesis historically analyzed two rural insurgencies and two urban insurgencies to determine the underlying similarities and differences between the two types of insurgencies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
![The Independent Whig [by J. Trenchard And T. Gordon]](https://cdn.kingstone.com.tw/english/images/product/2702/9781024352702m.webp?Q=06b8f "The Independent Whig [by J. Trenchard And T. Gordon]")
The Independent Whig [by J. Trenchard And T. Gordon]
"The Independent Whig" is a collection of essays by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, originally published in the early 18th century. These influential essays champion principles of liberty, freedom of speech, and limited government, advocating for individual rights and challenging corruption and tyranny. Written in clear and accessible language, "The Independent Whig" reflects the political and philosophical debates of its time, offering a powerful critique of arbitrary power and a defense of reasoned discourse. Its enduring relevance lies in its articulation of fundamental principles that continue to shape discussions about governance and individual autonomy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Drought Dilemma
Water policy in U.S. is one of the most complex topics in the field of public policy. This book provides for the first time a common framework for analysis to investigate how water scarcity and droughts have interacted with various state-level factors to produce a wide degree of variance in policy innovations.
Small States in EU Policy-Making
Small States in EU Policy-Making analyses how small states try to impact European Union policy-making through a range of strategies.
We're Number One!?
We're Number One!?: America's Uncertain Standing in the World compares the respective status of the United States to other countries across a wide variety social, political, and economic metrics.
Why States Matter in Economic Development
This book examines the underlying conditions that give rise to effective, efficient, and bureaucratically inclusive states. A key reading for advanced students and researchers in these areas, this book draws real-life policy lessons for practitioners and policy makers in the developing world.
Residential Capitalism
This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of political economy, as well as those engaged in crossover fields such as housing studies, urban geography, or financial geography.
Revolutionary Hope in a Time of Crisis
Revolutionary Hope in a Time of Crisis consists of new cutting-edge essays written by interdisciplinary scholars, bringing together a range of intellectual traditions and perspectives. The contributors confront the challenge of relearning hope by exploring the politically transformative potential of past disappointments and defeats.
Disabling Migration Controls
When people are prevented from meeting their needs, the impact is disabling, whether in the immigration system or in the wider population. Drawing on many years of research and activism, this book argues that insights from the disabled people's movement, particularly the original Social Model of Disability, can be usefully extended to focus resistance on the disabling restrictions imposed on people subject to asylum and immigration controls.While acknowledging the pain and discomfort of many impairments and of forced displacement, the book focuses on injustices that can be changed. It does not catalogue the hostility of the 'hostile environment'. Nor does it promote inclusive asylum restrictions. An unjust system is not transformed by including disabled people. Policies designed to deprive people of essential needs and to stoke hatred among the wider population are core elements of the rise of fascism. In this context, bringing together movements for disability and migrant justice could help build urgently needed solidarity and resistance with which to develop a society based on equity and common humanity.Quotations and images are used to convey the messages and priorities of disabled people seeking asylum, ensuring that the book is both engaging and grounded in the insights of lived experience. This book will interest people seeking to improve social justice, including scholars of disability, migration, sociology and politics.
Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe
This volume strengthens the dialogue between conceptual perspectives, approaches, and fields on deliberative and participatory forms of democratic innovation and offers novel insights, focusing on the Southeast European space.
Universities and Non-Governmental Organisations
Focusing on legal, cultural and socio-economic factors, this volume considers the reasons for which institutions of higher education and NGOs fail to cooperate as frequently and effectively as one might expect, comparing the Polish case with the landscape for collaboration in other European countries: Portugal, the UK, Slovakia and Austria.
Nationalism, Religious Violence, and Hate Speech in Nineteenth-Century Western Europe
Nationalism, Religious Violence, and Hate Speech in Nineteenth-Century Western Europe critically analyzes the role played by different memories of past religious violence in public debates in nineteenth-century Europe.
Political Species
Political Species expertly argues that evolutionary biology provides important insight for analyzing the proliferation of private actors/organizations in domestic and global politics. Ronit emphasizes that individuals are affected by and contribute to societal, cultural, and political evolution through a range of formal organizations.
Human Security and Epidemics in Africa
This book examines the impact of epidemics in Africa, exploring some of the adaptation and crisis management strategies adopted to tackle COVID-19, Ebola, and HIV-AIDS. This book will be a welcome addition for practitioners and researchers across the fields of security studies, health management, and African studies.
United Nations Sanctions Regimes and Selective Security
This book investigates the selective nature of UN sanctions regimes with a specific focus on the post-Cold War era. Legally binding on all members UN sanctions are the most effective and legitimate non-violent multilateral tools to respond to international security threats.
Used, Abused, and Sidelined
Since it was published in 1776, the Declaration of Independence has been used to advocate for social justice and to maintain inequitable social hierarchies; it has served as a model for justifying revolutions in other nations and for the Confederacy's secession from the US federal government. But as we approach its 250th anniversary, this book asks: Does the Declaration still matter?In this volume, leading scholars explore how this remarkably pliable document has been used for progressive and regressive politics alike and track its impact on independence movements across the globe. The essays begin with the Declaration's immediate reception and masculine style of prose and then move on to its central role in interpreting civic action between state and federal governments, most notably secession in the Antebellum era, questions of sovereignty between Indigenous nations in the United States, and the United States' relationship with Latin America. The next section focuses on the ways the Declaration was called upon to urge imperative moral action, especially in terms of human rights, in the US Civil Rights Movement and the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia and, in contrast, how it was cast aside in the Syrian Revolution. The final section teases out the tension between the needs reflected in the original document and the needs of the contemporary political world.Used, Abused, and Sidelined demonstrates how this foundational document prepares us to tolerate and to resist-and it points to how we might leverage the Declaration to create a different kind of political future.
The Art of Unification
What if the future of democracy depends not on political institutions, but on the character of its people? The Art of Unification: Democracy or Not confronts a stark truth: America is not simply divided-it appears on the brink of moral collapse, civic decay, and national fragmentation. With piercing clarity, Lorenzo Leonard identifies the deep fractures-eroded trust, weaponized language, moral confusion, and widespread civic disengagement-that have left its populace disoriented and dangerously detached from one another. This is not a book of partisan critique. It is a challenge set forth to each American. Leonard contends that democracy is sustained not by procedures or platforms, but through the education, development, and practice of principled character-reinforced daily by courage, moral imagination, and historical consciousness. He exposes the corrosive hunger for power, authority, and prominence without accountability, and insists that true unification begins with moral repair and shared responsibility. Yet The Art of Unification is ultimately a book about possibility-about rebuilding trust, reclaiming language, and reimagining democracy not just as a system, but as a way of being with one another. This is a book for citizens, leaders, educators, and truth-tellers who refuse to accept collapse as destiny. It is a guide for those willing to stay, to speak, and to build.
The Cultural Marxism Conspiracy
The definitive history of a dangerous right-wing conspiracy theory "Cultural Marxism" is one of the far right's favorite buzzwords. But despite its currency, the meaning and origins of the term are rarely investigated. This book uncovers the bizarre story of the cult leaders, right-wing intellectuals, and White House officials who believe a coterie of left-wing scholars and students is plotting to undermine Western civilization. Drawing on years of archival research and using the tools of critical theory, A.J.A. Woods reveals how a group of German thinkers known as the Frankfurt School was recast as the sinister orchestra-tors of a global conspiracy. Instead of simply debunking this conspiracy theory, Woods offers a sharp analysis and critique of the political movements that have declared war on all that passes for Cultural Marxism in the US, the UK, and Brazil. Only when we understand the practices and weaknesses of those reactionaries committed to fighting this illusory threat--a conflict causing real-world damage--can we effectively resist. This is an essential book for anyone seeking to understand the ideological currents shaping politics in the twenty-first century.
The English Prison System
Uncover the hidden truths of the English prison system in "The English Prison System," a powerful exploration that has been out of print for decades and is now reborn by Alpha Editions. This meticulously restored edition invites you to delve into the historical overview of prisons, revealing the stark realities of incarceration and the urgent need for criminal justice reform. With a compelling narrative that intertwines the plight of inmates' rights and the impact of imprisonment on society, this book serves as both a poignant reminder of the past and a call to action for future generations. Discover the evolution of the penal system through insightful analysis and thought-provoking commentary, shedding light on prison conditions and the movements advocating for rehabilitation. This edition is not merely a reprint; it is a collector s item and a cultural treasure, crafted for both casual readers and classic literature enthusiasts. Experience the rich tapestry of the justice system in England as you explore the themes of redemption and reform that resonate powerfully today. Join us in preserving this vital piece of literary history, now accessible and relevant for modern readers. "The English Prison System" is more than a book; it s an essential contribution to the ongoing dialogue about justice and humanity. Don t miss your chance to own this significant work, restored for today s and future generations.
RIPPLES FROM A Journey In Service
This is a thought-provoking and inspiring collection of articles on, "The memoir that chronicles the life and times of General Ibrahim Babangida, one of Nigeria's most influential leaders as written in his book: A JOURNEY IN SERVICE. In this book is a unique blend of history, politics, and personal reflection, offering readers a rare glimpse into the life of a man who has somewhat shaped the course of Nigerian history.General Babangida recounts his experiences as a soldier, statesman, and leader, sharing valuable insights into the complexities of Nigerian politics and the challenges of leadership. His story is one of courage, conviction, and service to his country but it's not without mistakes. This inspiring collection of Article Compendium on his book is a must-read.
