Muslim Brotherhood in America
The al Ikhwan al Muslimim, the Society of Muslim Brothers or Muslim Brotherhood, (MB) is an international Islamist organization with over fifty national branches. Its motto reflects its Salafi jihadist motives and methods: "Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur'an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope." Contrary to the American national narrative endorsed by the media and public leaders, jihad is part of orthodox Islam and a fundamental component of Islamic law. The MB's goals, strategy, doctrine, and tactics descended logically from the sources of Islamic law, Sharia, which include the "trilogy of Sharia" the Qur'an, Sira, and Hadith. MB writers are not radicals who have adopted an unusual interpretation of Islam. Rather, they carefully based their strategy for political action in America upon Sharia-compliant doctrines of jihad, holy war, and da'wa, invitation to Islam. The MB in North America built their goals and strategies upon the international strategies and implemented these strategies through various front groups established to maintain some secrecy for the MBs members. The goals, strategies, and nature of the relationships with the MB and its affiliate organizations in America all work to achieve the international MB's ultimate goal, which is to establish a global caliphate -- a single Islamic state where Sharia is enforced. The MB thus seeks to propagate Islam universally as a political, social, legal, financial, and religious system. These international goals, as well as the supporting goals sought by the MB in America represent a fundamental threat to the United States (US) and the American way of life. The Muslim Brotherhood in America bases its actions upon orthodox Salafi Islam and leverages funds from wealthy international Wahhabis to influence American Muslims, political leaders, and the media in favor of their Islamist agenda: obstruct counter terrorism activity by law enforcement agencies iThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Means of Effective Security Sector Reform
With continuing emphasis on building partner capacity to deal with internal and external security threats, the United States (US) Department of State and Department of Defense continue to increase partner nation security force capacity within Security Sector Reform (SSR). This monograph assesses whether US SSR programs, in concert with other contributor nations, fulfill US foreign policy better when implemented by US government agencies rather than by contractors. The intervening variables of transparency, effective oversight, and contractor misconduct were identified to help illustrate examples where policy outcomes are predictable based on the given method of SSR support. Several case studies test the theory and link the independent and dependent variables. Within six selected case studies, the analysis shows how the intervening variables of transparency, effective oversight, and contractor misconduct effect the outcome of the SSR effort. These case studies provide a qualitative comparison to test the theory by reviewing SSR performed by predominantly contracted, mixed, and predominantly military sources. The case studies include six countries with various types of support as well as policy intents. An examination of support to Ukraine in 2009, Georgia in 2008, and Senegal in 2009 provide examples of SSR programs utilizing a mix of contracted and US government support. A second examination of support to Croatia in 1995, Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2009 and South Sudan in 2009 provide examples of predominantly contracted support to the SSR programs. Examining the case studies with the three variables identified within the literature review resulted in an unclear connection between a specific policy and the overall outcome. US policy aims for SSR programs may result in unintended consequences, regardless of the type of support and overall unity of effort of the SSR program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three's Company
Does third party military intervention help or hurt an incumbent government during an insurgency? This study attempts to answer this question by testing prevailing military theories of counterinsurgency in the context of third party intervention using basic tests for statistical significance and bivariate contingency. The results show that intervention on behalf of a counterinsurgent decreases the likelihood of a successful government outcome, and specifically, interventions in general, interventions involving the deployment of combat forces, interventions involving military occupation, and interventions by democratic states decrease the likelihood of counterinsurgent success. Early intervention, meaning the commitment of third-party support within the first year of conflict, does not appear to have a significant effect on counterinsurgency success. Likewise, the decision to end an intervention early does not appear to significantly alter the chance of counterinsurgent failure. Interventions in support of an "indirect" approach to counterinsurgencies are the only cases that exhibit a significant improvement for the chances of successful outcome.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the Narco-Violence in Mexico an Insurgency?
Since Mexican President Felipe Calder?3n declared war on the drug cartels in December 2006, more than 35,000 Mexicans have died due to narco-violence. This monograph examines whether the various Mexican drug trafficking organizations are insurgents or organized criminal elements. Mexican narco-violence and its affiliated gang violence have spread across Mexico's southern border into Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Additionally, the narco-violence is already responsible for the deaths of American citizens on both sides of the United States -- Mexico border, and the potential for increased spillover violence is a major concern. This monograph argues that the Mexican drug cartels are transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) that pose a national security threat to the regional state actors; however, they are not an insurgency for four reasons. First, none of the cartels have the political aim or capability to overthrow the Mexican government. Second, the various TCOs are competing criminal organizations with approximately 90 percent of the violence being cartel on cartel. For example, the violence in the city of Ju獺rez is largely the result of the fighting between the local Ju獺rez cartel and the Sinaloa cartel for control of one of the primary smuggling routes into the United States. Third, the cartels'; use of violence and coercion has turned popular support against them thus denying them legitimacy. Fourth, although the cartels do control zones of impunity within their areas of influence, the Mexican government has captured, killed, and extradited kingpins from every major TCO. The monograph also examines the violence that has taken place in Colombia as a case study comparison for the current narco-violence in Mexico. The Colombian government battled and defeated both the Medell?-n and Cali drug cartels in the 1990s. It also has made significant progress against two leftist insurgent groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National LiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Test of U.S. Civil-Military Relations
This study seeks to understand the influence of U.S. military reform on U.S. civil-military relations functioning within a zone of cooperation or conflict between political and military realms during times of war. It seeks to demonstrate how various efforts at organizational military reform have influenced the structural relations between the president and his senior military leaders, and how these structural reforms were not always designed to prevent civil-military relations from functioning in the zone of conflict. The conflict that structural reforms cannot prevent is typically based on policy differences between a president and his senior military commanders during times of war. The conflict is inherent in the nature of war as a political instrument. It often leads to the removal of the senior military commander due to a disconnect between the political objectives the president desires, and the military strategy designed to achieve those objectives. The national security structure established by reform does not guarantee cooperation, nor has it consistently prevented conflict in civil-military relations. Although military reform establishes the framework for key actors to function, it has not always been able to overcome the personalities of the individuals involved, or ensure policy agreements between the president and his senior military commander. The study uses a comparative case study methodology based on secondary sources to analyze the influence of national security structure on civil-military relations in the United States. It begins by outlining a broad theory of civil-military relations, and goes on to explain the national security structure at the time of three particular conflicts, the Civil War, the Korean War, and the Kosovo War. The three case studies selected for review are the Calhoun reform influences on President Abraham Lincoln and Major General George B. McClellan, the Root reform and National Security Act of 1947 influences on President HThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Narcotics Counterinsurgency Dilemma
The purpose of this monograph is to investigate the relationship and linkages between insurgencies and the illicit narcotics trade in general; to examine the specific root causes and influences on the drug trade and insurgencies in Colombia and Afghanistan; to examine the historic background, strategic theory, and viability of the Plan Colombia model for application in Afghanistan; and to propose an alternate strategy for Afghanistan based on the significant differences in culture and governance between the two countries. Plan Colombia commenced in 1999 when the stability of the Colombian government reached a crisis level from the dual threats of an insurgency and the illegal drug trade. While the Marxist-inspired insurgency has been in existence and a significant problem for nearly the past fifty years, it originally focused on building its support base through ideological means. The nexus between illicit narcotics and the insurgency increased over the past forty years due to a symbiotic relationship that provides sustained funding for the insurgency and sustained sanctuary and resources for the illicit narcotics industry. The primary assumption behind Plan Colombia was that a disruption in the revenue base from illicit narcotics would reduce the ability of the insurgents to conduct operations and for a opportunity for successful engagement and negotiated settlement. Plan Colombia focuses on four specific lines of effort, which are the fight against illicit narcotics and organized crime, economic and social revitalization within Colombia, strengthening democratic institutions, and the disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration of the insurgent and guerilla organizations into Colombian society. In Afghanistan, the nascent government is also dealing with an insurgency that derives economic and social support from illicit narcotics, although the root of the narcotics issue is significantly different than in Colombia due to a history of warlordism, lack of a natiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy Resources
The author examines the energy context of the simmering Baloch separatist insurgency that has surfaced in recent years in Pakistan's sprawling Balochistan province. In particular, he looks at how Pakistan's mounting energy insecurity--a product of rapid increase in demand coupled with rising scarcity and the region's intensified energy rivalry--has both magnified the economic and strategic importance of this province while at the same time complicating Pakistan's efforts to cope with the province's resurgent tribal separatism. The author concludes that Pakistan's government needs to overhaul its counterinsurgent policies to avoid protracted conflict and to enlist the Baloch as partners in energy development, not antagonists of it.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Blurred Strategy
The premise for this study evolved during Operation IRAQI FREEDOM (OIF). It stems from a perception that the combat plan for the Coalition force invasion worked brilliantly but noticeably absent was a detailed plan for transitioning to peace. This study conducts a thorough review of the current joint military doctrine and the interagency policy and guidance relevant to post-conflict operations, complex contingency and Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW). It includes a case study of the formal USG civil-military interagency planning effort for OIF's post-conflict operations. It creatively employs a gap analysis research strategy in concert with a case study methodology, the research addresses its primary research question: Is joint military doctrine sufficiently robust to be adopted by the USG civil-military planning community as the framework for developing a single integrated doctrine for planning complex contingency and post-conflict operations? Several factors are cited as contributing reasons for the lack of a robust post-conflict plan: strategical errors by the Bush Administration, poor coordination between USG civil-military interagency planners, and the lack of a solid planning framework for complex contingency and post-conflict operations. The research concluded that a fundamental impediment to planning is fact that its departments and agencies do not focus and coordinate their activities effectively. There are a number of reasons degrading the integrated effort: unfamiliarity, ineffective coordination structures, incompatible approaches, under developed lines of responsibility, incompatible architecture, organizational dogmas, and resource constraints. This study recommends that civil-military planners establish a solid and well-resourced planning framework that includes well-defined lines of coordination, a collaborative architecture, a means for continuous professional education and training, and a single common integrated doctrine. The proposed fThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Doctrinal Lessons From Non-State Actors
The mode of warfare is changing. State on state conflict is no longer the primary approach to war. A phenomenon known as Gray Area War is on the rise. Gray Area War is defined as a conflict where at least one of the antagonists is a non-state entity and the method is combining elements of traditional war fighting with organized crime. This method of warfare is eclipsing state on state conflict. The world is changing at an alarming pace. Alvin and Heidi Toffler outline the cause of these changes and attribute them to the Third Wave. The Third Wave is built upon the information revolution and globalization. The shrinking world is causing fractures and divisions in many states throughout the world. Not only are states in decline, but so is the mode of warfare that states traditionally wage. Though state on state conflict is decline, warfare will continue. The new approach to warfare, Gray Area Warfare, has risen for many reasons. Fractured states are prime breeding ground for a disenfranchised population. The disenfranchised are susceptible to many messages of hope. The message becomes a rallying point for many followers to start a mass movement. The mass movement becomes the non-state actor who is prepared to wage Gray Area War. The non-state actor is changing the way western forces understand warfare. The mental and moral approach used by this entity is a radical departure from the state on state view of the recent past. The non-state actor is less accountable and more willing to violate current laws and conventions to achieve its aims. Without accountability the non-state actor maintains freedom of action in dislocating state military forces. The dislocation is accomplished by the manipulation of perceptions of the uncommitted, loyal followers and opponent. The ability to manipulate perceptions is the strength and effectiveness of the non-state actor. The non-state is more networked, non-linear and self- organizing. These characteristics give strength to the non-stThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Building Trust and Capacity
Governments attempting to counter insurgent threats often lack the authority, influence, and control to counter these threats, creating what some have described as 'ungoverned' spaces. A number of governments seek alliances with non-state armed groups that emerge from these conflicts. These groups have proved effective at reducing violence in some cases, most notably demonstrated by the Sunni 'Sons of Iraq'; movement. As governments consider forging alliances with non-state armed groups, they often focus on how to ally with these groups, what support they might gain from these relationships, and how to employ these groups to defeat a common threat. Typically, leaders give less thought to the eventual transition of these groups from war to peace. How then, can governments transition non-state armed groups from war to peace? The implementation of a Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program provides an effective method for building government trust and transitioning war-torn societies towards peace. The United Nations developed a model to assist countries with this process, which it described in the Integrated Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards (IDDRS). The application of the UN's IDDRS model to three case studies demonstrates its usefulness. The selected case studies encompass different eras, cultures, and continents including the UN intervention in Sierra Leone in the late 1990s, British support for the indigenous units during the Dhofar Rebellion in Oman in the 1960s and 1970s, and the Colombian government's demobilization of pro-government forces starting in 2003. The application of the UN's IDDRS model to the events in each of these case studies suggests the potential effectiveness in transitioning armed groups from war to peace. The challenges involved in implementing a DDR program also offer considerations for leaders as they evaluate and develop alliances with non-state armed groups.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Civil-Military Relations in Medvedev's Russia
The best recent scholarship on Russian civil-military relations explicitly addresses this issue's importance for both domestic and external security. An inquiry into the present state of those relations under conditions of defense reform and the current international situation is of immense analytical and policy relevance for both domestic and external security in Russia. While the Russian regime is serious about military reform, it is encountering severe objections from the uniformed military, and the military has successfully persuaded the government to accept its expansive concept of the threats to Russia, i.e., its threat assessment. Therefore, we must closely follow those developments to understand more clearly current tendencies in Russian politics and policy as a whole. Specifically, this chapter examines issues pertaining to civil-military relations in several areas of Russian national security policies that suggest some disturbing trends for the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Machinery of Government Needs a Tune-Up
This study examines the history, likes and differences of the U.S. National Security Council system and its organizational prototype, the pre-world War II British Committee of Imperial Defence. To comprehend the relationship between these organizations, the following questions will be posed: Given that the CID was an advisory and policy coordinating mechanism that was also the organizational prototype for the NSC, what are the similarities and differences between the two, and are there any substantive conclusions that can be drawn from such an examination? Assuming this latter question can be answered in the affirmative, what recommendations and implications, if any, pertain to these conclusions with respect to the ongoing performance and function of the NSC system? To answer the questions, this study establishes corresponding assessments of each organization by summarizing pertinent aspects of their origins, the historical contextual environment leading to their creation, organizational structures, purposes, functions, leadership, and the significant changes each experienced over time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Utilizing the Elements of National Power to Predict Ungoverned Space
The greatest threat to stability in Africa is the increase in transnational terrorist groups and criminals that occupy the ungoverned spaces. African nations suffer from the inability of the African governments to secure their borders and protect their citizens. The situation creates problems not only for Africa but also for the remainder of the world. The way to mitigate the risk of transnational terrorists and other violent non-state actors is to take away the conditions that lead to ungoverned space. The United States must identify the African nations with the greatest potential for change. The way to identify these nations is by accessing the strength of their national powers. Enhancing the diplomatic, informational, economic, and law enforcement powers allows the nations to focus personnel and resources towards the goal of removing ungoverned space from the African continent. Once the sanctuary is removed, the transnational terrorist will be identified and eliminated. The result is a stable African continent whose nations are better established and able to connect to the remainder of the global community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Homa
This paper is written to answer a research question posed by the USAF's Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS). The desired general objective of the research is to discuss the strategic needs and military objectives in a particular region or country of how theater missile defense (TMD) supports or jeopardizes US National Missile Defense (NMD) strategy. This research examines, in detail, Israel's national missile defense program, called Homa (Hebrew for Fortress Wall). Chapter 1 discusses the fundamentals of missile defense and the reason why Israel's missile defense system affects US national security interests. Chapter 2 describes Israel's missile defense program, Homa, and explains why Israel's TMD program is, effectively, the first active two-tier National Missile Defense system. This description includes Israel's current, planned, and desired capabilities. Chapter 3 describes the confrontation (Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Libya) and potential confrontation states' (Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates) ballistic missile threats to Israel.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Future State of Pakistan
What is the path leading to a stronger Pakistani state? After nearly 60 years of independence, Pakistan is not the nation its creators envisioned when British rule ended in 1947. In his first address to the Constituent Assembly, Muhammed Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's founding father, described his dreams for the new country: a secular state with freedom of religion and intolerant of corruption, nepotism, and black-marketeering (Jinnah 1947). Sadly, his dreams have not become a reality.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Dual Status of the National Guard and the Total Force
The National Guard and Reserves are organized and funded to supplement active forces when needed. In peacetime, however, National Guard units belong to states, and state governors are the commanders in chief. Unless federalized, Guard members are not subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and Guard units fall outside of the formal Department of Defense (DoD) command structure. Under the law, the National Guard is composed of individual, but nationally funded and regulated state militias that can be federalized and used as a reserve force. In 1947, a board appointed by Secretary of Defense James Forrestal recommended permanently federalizing the National Guard by making it part of the Reserves. The National Guard Association, a lobbying group representing Guard interests, appealed to Congress, and Secretary Forrestal's recommendation was rejected. In 1964, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara recommended streamlining the Guard and Reserves by merging the Reserves into the Guard. The Reserve Officer's Association intervened and Congress again rejected the DoD's reserve component reorganization plan. Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird coined the phrase "Total Force" in a memorandum issued on August 21, 1971. Secretary Laird believed that placing more emphasis on the National Guard and Reserves as part of a "Total Force" was the most feasible way to achieve national defense objectives with limited funding.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Cognitive Maps
Joint Publication 5-0, Joint Operation Planning, highlights the importance of the integration of the military actions with those of other instruments of national power to achieve the desired end state.1 The DOD planning process lacks a clearly defined to create a systematic approach to effectively integrate the diplomatic, information, military and economic national instruments of power. Department of Defense Joint Publication 1, Joint Warfare of the Armed Forces of the United States, states that "the United States relies for its security on the complementary application of the basic instruments of national power: diplomatic, economic, informational, and military." US involvement in recent conflicts has highlighted a need for a more clearly defined planning process between the Department of Defense (DOD) and the Department of State (DOS) that focuses all the instruments of power (IOP) on the desired end state. Currently there is no process in place to improve DOD and DOS interagency planning.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Liberal Reunion, An Open Letter
In "Liberal Reunion, An Open Letter," Andrew Carnegie presents a compelling argument for the revitalization of liberal principles in American society. Written with clarity and conviction, Carnegie's letter serves as a call to action for those who believe in individual liberty, limited government, and free markets. He addresses the challenges facing the nation and proposes solutions rooted in classical liberal thought. This work offers valuable insights into the political landscape of the late 19th century and provides a timeless perspective on the importance of civic engagement and responsible governance.Carnegie's analysis of the role of government and the responsibilities of citizens remains remarkably relevant today. This edition invites readers to engage with Carnegie's vision and consider its implications for contemporary political discourse.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Remarks
"Political Remarks" by Claudian Bird Northrop offers a compelling glimpse into the political discourse of 19th-century America. This collection of essays and speeches provides a window into the pressing issues and fervent debates that shaped the nation during a transformative period. Northrop's work captures the spirit and tenor of the times, offering insights into the political landscape through the eyes of a contemporary observer. Readers interested in American history, political science, and the art of rhetoric will find this volume to be a valuable resource. "Political Remarks" is not merely a historical artifact but a testament to the enduring power of political thought and its ability to inspire and influence generations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sex, Class, and Socialism
Women's lives today would be virtually unrecognisable to previous generations. Women have greater freedom to control their lives and their sexuality than ever before. Ideas about equality are accepted on a mass scale.Yet daily we are bombarded with images of women as sex objects, housewives and mothers. Women face a backlash from the far-right around the world, undermining the gains of the previous decades. In this classic text, Lindsey German explains the development of women's oppression under capitalism, and examines the various theories that try to explain women's lives. She critiques the theory of patriarchy, which has shaped much feminist thinking. She looks at the patterns of women at work, how the family affects women's lives, and how women have organised to fight for their liberation. With women under attack and the women's movement in disarray, Sex, Class, and Socialism is a crucial contribution to this fight.
On the Uses of Cultural Knowledge
The author explores the role that cultural knowledge must play in thinking about a new strategy for counterinsurgency. Although the importance of cultural awareness and understanding of adversary societies has been widely recognized as essential to operations and tactics on the battlefield, its significance has been largely ignored in formulating the broader strategic goals of counterinsurgency. The author highlights the importance of culture, and cultural awareness, in formulating a broad strategy for counterinsurgency which also has wide-ranging implication for U.S. foreign policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mercenarizing the US Government
The use of mercenaries to fight wars is an age-old concept. A new trend, however, is the evolution of the mercenary into the modern-day Private Military Company (PMC) which now provides not only peacetime-focused hardware and support services, but also wartime-focused combat training and lethal combat services. This paper explores the phenomenon of "mercenarizing" the USG, where USG increasingly relies on PMCs in scale (i.e value/number of resources), scope (i.e. range/type of services) and for their lethal combat services. Evaluated against the US's national security objectives, the paper finds that that, if left unregulated, the trend of relying on PMCs will enrich the private sector but will negatively impact the US's national security, by degrading the US's long-term and strategic warfighting capability, discrediting the US's stand on justice and human rights, as well as undermining the US's international credibility for democracy promotion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of the Militarization of US Foreign Policy Through Security Assistance
Building the capacity of foreign military forces to counter terrorism and conduct stability operations is DOD's strategy to promote the security of the United States. DOD's direct authority to train and equip military partners promotes US national security, but it risks moving the United States toward a more militarized US foreign policy. Risks are mitigated because the State Department's ability to implement US foreign policy remains strong through its close relationship with DOD and direct involvement in security assistance programs. Congress also remains engaged with yearly debate over the appropriate whole of government approach to promoting US security interests. Militarization of US foreign policy through security assistance exists but is managed through the continuous interaction and teamwork between DOD, the State Department, and Congress.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will Hindutva Cause Violence?
In terms of a global power, India is one of the most significant emerging nations in the world today. The traditional and influential powers of the United States, Russia, China, Japan, and the European Union (EU) have begun to recognize the potential of the Indian populous. This nuclear power has a thriving economy and the second largest population in the world. Although India is officially a secular democratic republic, the views of the Hindu majority play a significant role in the political decision making of the country. In fact, stability of the vast South Asian region (see Appendix A) is often dependent on the will of a people living in a dynamic religiously-focused environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Future of Insurgency
Security professionals and strategists are discovering the post-cold war world is as rife with persistent, low-level violence as its predecessors. In fact, many regions are experiencing a rise in the amount of conflict in the absence of restraints previously imposed by the superpowers. Since frustration in many parts of the Third World is actually increasing, insurgency--the use of low-level, protracted violence to overthrow a political system or force some sort of fundamental change in the political and economic status quo--will be an enduring security problem. Unfortunately, most existing doctrine and strategy for dealing with insurgency are based on old forms of the phenomenon, especially rural, protracted, "people's war." But as this type of insurgency becomes obsolete, new forms will emerge. It is important to speculate on these future forms in order to assist in the evolution of counterinsurgency strategy and doctrine. Dr. Steven Metz uses a psychological method of analysis to argue that two forms of insurgency, which he calls the "spiritual" and the "commercial," will pose the greatest intellectual challenges to security professionals, military leaders, and strategists. The specific nature of such challenges will vary from region to region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Connecting the Dots
Since the horrific attacks of September 11, 2001, the nation has seen the largest expansion and reorganization of government since the National Security Act of 1947, transforming the nation's homeland security system around, amongst other things, an information sharing environment. Nearly a decade later this study asks, what are the enduring challenges that continue to hinder stakeholders in the information sharing environment from effectively sharing terror-related information to prevent future catastrophes. This study posits that four enduring tensions continue to stymie relevant stakeholders from effectively sharing terrorism-related information. First, much needed fine-tuning of the nation's information sharing environment lost momentum in a transition year where policymakers where distracted by bitter partisan politics and competing domestic policy agenda items. Second, sub-optimization of the information sharing environment contributed to a failure to address emerging threats, especially those involving an increasing number of self-radicalized, "lone wolf" conspirators. Third, the current information sharing environment remains over saturated with too many incompatible information systems, frustrating efforts by stakeholders in the information sharing environment from effectively retrieving relevant, actionable information on looming terror plots. Finally, ad hoc agreements between federal agencies, specifically Defense and the Justice, are unclear, lack effective standards and are too informal to mandate action. Applying the U.S. Army's emerging design doctrine, this study explores the nature of the information sharing environment, defined here as both a complex adaptive supra-system and wicked problem. The study applies design's cognitive environmental, problem and solution frames as the lens for gleaning greater understanding of the true nature of the ill-structured problem. It then compares understanding of the homeland security system against two terror-This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Domestic Challenges to the Oath of Office
Noting that the military oath of office requires defense of the Constitution against enemies foreign and domestic this paper examines the concept of a domestic enemy and assesses the implication of that domestic threat for the military officer called to the Constitution's defense. The author proposes that there are two legitimate challenges to the oath taken by the commissioned officer. The first arises from the proposition that constitutional law is secondary to natural law. Since the officer is morally obligated to support natural law over constitutional law and the two have historically conflicted, a clash with the officer's sworn oath is inevitable. The second challenge occurs when known constitutional issues remain unresolved; it may also be brought about simply by accepting the position of those who argue that the living nature of Constitution allows its re-interpretation in light of a changing culture. The resulting constitutional ambiguity has the potential to leave the officer without moorings on which to interpret his responsibilities under the oath.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkish Islamism
This paper examines the Refah Party in Turkey and addresses the following questions: what does it stand for, who leads it, who belongs to it, where is it going? The paper presents some background information about the Turkish secular state, the founding of Refah, the rise of Islamic influence in Turkish politics, and the recent success of the Refah Party. It then discusses the ideology of Refah, specifically as it applies to issues regarding the democratic, secular state, society, economics, and foreign affairs. The paper also presents information regarding the leadership and organization of Refah, and concludes with comments about the future viability of the party. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the Refah Party, although not unique from other Islamist movements in its ideological goals, is a unique product of Turkish politics, and must therefore adapt and compromise in order to function and survive within those constraints.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maoist Insurgency in Nepal, 1996-2008
The purpose of this monograph is to show that US counterinsurgency doctrine would benefit from greater emphasis on social, cultural, and political aspects of the operating environment, using the case of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal as an example. The concept of fourth generation warfare provides context with its focus on the application of political, economic, and social networks in modern conflict. In approximately 12 years, from 1996 to 2008, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), or CPN(M), waged an insurgency against the Nepalese government and gained majority rule through free elections. The Maoists, following Mao Zedong's theory of people's war, achieved a military stalemate against the Nepalese Army and negotiated a political settlement with the parliamentary parties that effectively ended the monarchy and resulted in a major electoral victory. Despite training and material support from the US, UK, and India, the Nepalese Army was unable to prevail in its counterinsurgency campaign. The Nepalese government failed to wage a coherent strategy to address the root social and economic causes of the conflict. The government relied on military and law enforcement to solve a problem that was rooted in social and political tensions. Power struggles between the monarchy and the parliament as well as among the political parties undermined the legitimacy of the Nepalese government and allowed the Maoists to win the support of the populace. The CPN(M) won the most seats in the April 2008 elections and took control of a coalition government, with the former Maoist leader, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, as Prime Minister. The new government faces challenges in integrating former combatants with the Nepalese Army and in satisfying former insurgent allies who still have unfulfilled agendas. The implications of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal for US counter-insurgency doctrine pertain to emphasis on certain ideas rather than requiring anything new. The primary lesson of the conflict isThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Relationship Between Homeland Defense and Homeland Security
Since September 11, 2001, America has conducted sweeping executive branch changes and funneled vast economic and military resources toward lessening the opportunity for terrorists to strike within the borders of the United States. Two new bulwarks were added to the ramparts for securing and defending our nation, they were the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and U.S. Northern Command of the Department of Defense (DoD). With these additions, the spectrum between security and defense needs a new lens through which to focus the individual actions of each of these new Federal entities. The Departments of Homeland Security and Defense have the opportunity, the responsibility, and the challenge to confront the vulnerabilities and strengths that will assure the protection, prosperity, sovereignty, and freedom for which America stands. While there is no perfect national defense prescription, six modest proposals are presented for improving homeland defense and homeland security. The relationship between homeland defense and security requires some detailed understanding of each component. The author explains the conceptual background of each component, along with the functional Federal entities of DHS and DoD. The author also examines some of the legal limitations designed to insure civil control over military activities. These limitations are imposed upon the military when conducting operations within the U.S. By reviewing current threat analysis techniques used by the DoD, and examining three historical examples of foreign national struggles with terrorism and insurgency, the author proposes six ideas to enhance the DHS and the DoD relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Countering Propaganda in the Global War on Terrorism
The extensive use of propaganda by all belligerents during World War I created sensitivity to the relationship between modern communications technologies and the manipulation of public opinion. Government elites and academicians were so concerned with a perceived malleability of Americans that they initiated government and private institutions to protect the masses from anti-patriotic rhetoric. Many of these activities were challenged as the democratic system searched for a balance between first amendment rights and national security. The United States is once again fighting an adversary who challenges the legitimacy of its political system. The USG does not appear to have learned from WWI and the prelude to WWII. The USG should be careful to not assist the adversary in creating an alternate reality of signs and symbols with which to degrade the democratic political system.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986
The Goldwater-Nicholas Reorganization Act of 1986 was the most sweeping legislation related to DOD reform since the enabling legislation following World War II. Its de jure purpose, inter alia, was to enhance the legal authority of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and the unified commanders. Its practical purpose was to improve U.S. warfighting capability. As one might expect, implementation has been controversial in terms of shifting power from the Services to the Joint Staff and the CINCs, particularly as interpreted by the Joint Staff. It is worth noting the Joint Staff remained an organization which assists the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs vice transitioning to a "general" staff. Many point to the warfighting success of Desert Shield/Desert Storm as conclusive proof that Goldwater-Nicholas achieved its purpose. However, DOD is now entering a period of unsettled reshuffling of budget priorities as Congress and the President struggle with balancing the U.S. budget. This will undoubtedly mean far fewer resources, both dollars and people, for DOD as a whole. Goldwater-Nicholas was enacted under implicit assumptions about strategic threats and organizational needs of the U.S. military (e.g., the Soviet Union was still a viable political entity in 1986). This paper explores whether Goldwater-Nicholas went far enough in its reform efforts, particularly considering the increasing importance of military operations other than war and the inevitable pressures to further reduce the military budget. It focuses on relationships and divisions of labor between the Joint, Service, and CINC staffs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Lawfare
The terrorist groups in Colombia have applied Mao's theory of protracted people's war, seeking to use all available means of struggle to achieve their revolutionary goals by counteracting government policy. One way that Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and illegal paramilitaries confront the nation is the use of "lawfare," defined as the opposing force's use of the national and international judicial systems to achieve victory and legitimacy when they cannot challenge the government militarily. Terrorist groups have skillfully infiltrated the Colombian judicial system, and are utilizing the both national legal institutions and the international law system against the government. They have received support for their struggle from various agents and organizations within the society that, intentionally or unintentionally, are serving their interests. This monograph provides a holistic understanding of this complex situation currently taking place in Colombia, shows how FARC and ELN are using lawfare in the context of the protracted people's war as a tool to challenge the government, and offers an starting point to examine alternatives to deny the terrorist groups the ability to utilize the judicial system to achieve their political goals.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Extending the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front a Catalyst for Peace
The purpose of this monograph is to demonstrate the conflict between the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Government of the Philippines is territorial and not religious in nature. To understand this conflict the past four-hundred years from the spread of Islam through the Sulu Islands and Mindanao, Spanish occupation, American occupation, and the Government of the Philippines rule from 1946 must be understood to put this complex adaptive problem in context. Extending the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao serves a catalyst for peace in the region. The Memorandum of Agreement for Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) deals with territorial rights. The MILF wants the territory their ancestors used to own before being pushed out by Christian migration to the island of Mindanao. An extension of the ARMM would give more land, governance, socio-economic development, and peace to the Muslims and Christians of the Southern Philippines. MILF and the GRP are interdependent. The MILF needs to break linkages to terrorism, make amends with the MNLF, and come to peace with the GRP. The GRP is dependent upon the MILF for any possibility of peace in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Politics of Gun Control
Since its initial publication in 1995, this book has become the classic work on every important element of the tumultuous national gun debate in America. This new edition brings together the latest developments and research in gun politics, policy, law, history, and criminology to provide a comprehensive and accessible source widely used by scholars, journalists, and in classrooms. In this era of polarized politics, this book provides a unique window into how and why that polarization drives our politics. Among the new topics covered in this edition are the Supreme Court's new foray into applying history to evaluate modern gun laws, the effects of political whipsawing between Democratic and Republican control of government, and the consequences of that for gun laws, violence, and policy.New to the Tenth Edition Analysis of the Supreme Court's Rahimi decision that for the first time implemented its controversial history-based standard for judging the constitutionality of current gun laws Highlights the whiplash between the pro-gun policy actions of the Biden administration and the second Trump administration's about-face to roll back those initiatives Chronicles the rise and nearly cataclysmic implosion of the once-vaunted National Rifle Association as self-created problems brought it to the brink of disaster, and as legal actions against the NRA finally came to an end Elucidates the scramble of other gun rights groups to replace the NRA as the nation's foremost anti-gun law organization Presents new and updated statistical research on gun ownership in America, gun-related fatalities, public opinion support of 'red-flag' laws and other gun control measures. After a surge in gun violence and gun ownership, both have receded to pre-pandemic levels, and the murder rate continues its decline after a short upsurge Includes new pedagogical features of chapter summaries and discussion questions in each chapter
Citizen First
In a world where democratic rights often feel like distant theories and legal language serves as a barrier, this transformative guide brings the Indian Constitution to life-clear, powerful, and personal. With gripping real-life stories, bold reflection prompts, and practical tools for everyday citizens, this book redefines civic engagement in India and challenges readers to rethink what it means to truly belong in the world's largest democracy.Whether you're a student, an educator, a first-time voter, or someone simply tired of feeling powerless in the face of injustice, this book offers more than knowledge-it offers agency. From decoding constitutional rights in India to confronting everyday inequality, it breaks down intimidating systems into relatable insights, making concepts like freedom of speech, right to information, and citizen participation feel urgent and actionable.Rooted in India's rich philosophical traditions and brimming with relevance for today's social challenges, this is your guide to understanding democracy, not just as a form of government-but as a way of life. If you've ever wondered how to file an RTI, question state power without fear, or raise your voice in a meaningful, lawful way, this book will become your go-to companion.Perfect for readers interested in constitutional law simplified, grassroots activism, and the real power of citizenship in India, this isn't just a book-it's a call to reclaim what was always yours.
Global Organization and Function
After World War I and II, the global society recognized how an individual country or dictator could destroy the overall human community. To prevent such an inhuman tragedy, the UN was established to foster international peace and security. Nonetheless, the world has been filled with more complicated dilemmas impeding global development and prosperity. It initiates variable international organizations dedicated to resolving global agendas: nuclear weapons, economic growth, public health, and environmental security. Special Series for Global Organization and Function focus on how each organization impacts on leveraging global issues and promotes communal goals of the human society. The world can't exist without reciprocal relationships between countries or none resolves critical dilemmas by itself. Global organizations suggest the best solution whenever troubles come up and provide a prospective future with successful achievement.
Government Of The State Of Michigan,
"Government Of The State Of Michigan" offers an in-depth look at the structure and function of Michigan's government. Authored by CHARLES R. BROWN, this book provides valuable insights into the state's political system, laws, and historical development. It explores the various branches of government, their roles, and their impact on the citizens of Michigan. This book is an essential resource for students, researchers, and anyone interested in understanding the intricacies of state governance within the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian Military Politics and Russia's 2010 Defense Doctrine
These three papers represent the third monograph to come out of the SSI-U.S. State Department conference "Contemporary issues in International Security," that took place at the Finnish Embassy in Washington, DC, on January 25-26, 2010. This monograph consists of three deeply probing essays into the genesis of Russia's 2010 defense doctrine, the political struggle behind it, and the actual content of the doctrine. They reveal a highly politicized minefield of struggle comprising leading actors in the military, the government, and in Russian security policy as a whole. They duly illuminate the ongoing struggles between and among these sets of military and civilian elites and therefore cast a shining light on critical aspects of Russian policy that all too often are left in darkness. They are essential to any understanding of Russian defense and security policy as well as the nature of the relationship between the Russian military and the government and the way in which these actors formulate key policy statements and resolve pressing political issues.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dominican American Politics
In this book, Jacqueline Jim矇nez Polanco provides a new perspective on the political development of an ethnic community that has been neglected in the studies of Latinx political development and debunks theories about immigrant communities' representation in U.S. electoral politics.
Turning Points
What really happened when India broke free from its economic past? This powerful and revelatory work takes readers inside the real story of economic reforms in India-not as dry policy memos, but as seismic shifts that reshaped the soul of a civilization.From the explosive birth of Indian liberalization in 1991 to the rise of the Indian middle class, and from behind-the-scenes political bargains to cultural identity battles, this book unveils the human drama behind every spreadsheet. It doesn't just analyze India's economic policy history-it immerses you in the defining moments when the nation made irreversible choices between tradition and transformation.Whether you're a student of policy, a business strategist, an entrepreneur, or simply someone who wants to understand the India economic development narrative, this book offers clarity and insight. It bridges the gap between theory and lived reality, shedding light on how reforms created new aspirations, redefined citizenship, and pushed India into the global spotlight.Perfect for anyone curious about India's globalization journey, post-liberalization India, or the deeper story of economic policy analysis in India, this is a must-read for those who want to see reform not as numbers, but as turning points in the nation's emotional, cultural, and economic journey.If you've ever asked, How did we get here-and at what cost?-this book delivers the answer, with intellectual precision and emotional force.
The Black Book
"The Black Book: An Exposition Of Abuses In Church And State, Courts Of Law, Municipal Corporations, And Public Companies" by John Wade, originally published in 1820, is a scathing critique of the British establishment. Wade meticulously documents instances of corruption, inefficiency, and injustice across various sectors of society. From the Church of England to the legal system and municipal governments, no institution escapes his critical gaze.This book offers a valuable insight into the social and political landscape of early 19th-century Britain. Wade's work served as a catalyst for reform, highlighting the urgent need for greater transparency and accountability in public life. It remains a significant historical document for those interested in the history of political reform and the struggle for social justice.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Citizen First
In a world where democratic rights often feel like distant theories and legal language serves as a barrier, this transformative guide brings the Indian Constitution to life-clear, powerful, and personal. With gripping real-life stories, bold reflection prompts, and practical tools for everyday citizens, this book redefines civic engagement in India and challenges readers to rethink what it means to truly belong in the world's largest democracy.Whether you're a student, an educator, a first-time voter, or someone simply tired of feeling powerless in the face of injustice, this book offers more than knowledge-it offers agency. From decoding constitutional rights in India to confronting everyday inequality, it breaks down intimidating systems into relatable insights, making concepts like freedom of speech, right to information, and citizen participation feel urgent and actionable.Rooted in India's rich philosophical traditions and brimming with relevance for today's social challenges, this is your guide to understanding democracy, not just as a form of government-but as a way of life. If you've ever wondered how to file an RTI, question state power without fear, or raise your voice in a meaningful, lawful way, this book will become your go-to companion.Perfect for readers interested in constitutional law simplified, grassroots activism, and the real power of citizenship in India, this isn't just a book-it's a call to reclaim what was always yours.
The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Nationalism
The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Nationalism comprehensively surveys the sub-disciplinary area of religious nationalism, an interaction between religion and nationalism.The handbook has a global focus, including sections on how, why and with what effects religion and nationalism impact politically both domestically and internationally, as well as discussing the future of the field and religious nationalism 'on the ground'. Bringing together a range of expert contributors, the handbook is split into two main parts: core issues and country case studies. Religions studied include Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Judaism and Buddhism, across countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America and South America. The core issues examined cover nationhood as a concept; historical perspectives on nationalism; theoretical approaches to nationalism; the state; populism; violence and conflict; immigration; terrorism; globalisation; the post-secular world; and foreign policy.Given the comprehensive nature of the handbook, it provides crucial, complementary reading for students, scholars and professionals across politics, religion and policy making.
German Wartime Memory, American Exceptionalism, and Post-Cold War Blockbuster Cinema
This book excavates the diverse and mostly unnoticed political meanings made available to American and German audiences by the blockbuster films helmed by transplanted West German directors Roland Emmerich and Wolfgang Petersen.
The Politics of Gun Control
Since its initial publication in 1995, this book has become the classic work on every important element of the tumultuous national gun debate in America. This new edition brings together the latest developments and research in gun politics, policy, law, history, and criminology to provide a comprehensive and accessible source widely used by scholars, journalists, and in classrooms. In this era of polarized politics, this book provides a unique window into how and why that polarization drives our politics. Among the new topics covered in this edition are the Supreme Court's new foray into applying history to evaluate modern gun laws, the effects of political whipsawing between Democratic and Republican control of government, and the consequences of that for gun laws, violence, and policy.New to the Tenth Edition Analysis of the Supreme Court's Rahimi decision that for the first time implemented its controversial history-based standard for judging the constitutionality of current gun laws Highlights the whiplash between the pro-gun policy actions of the Biden administration and the second Trump administration's about-face to roll back those initiatives Chronicles the rise and nearly cataclysmic implosion of the once-vaunted National Rifle Association as self-created problems brought it to the brink of disaster, and as legal actions against the NRA finally came to an end Elucidates the scramble of other gun rights groups to replace the NRA as the nation's foremost anti-gun law organization Presents new and updated statistical research on gun ownership in America, gun-related fatalities, public opinion support of 'red-flag' laws and other gun control measures. After a surge in gun violence and gun ownership, both have receded to pre-pandemic levels, and the murder rate continues its decline after a short upsurge Includes new pedagogical features of chapter summaries and discussion questions in each chapter
Decentring Global Challenges in International Relations
This book examines contemporary global challenges from a decentring perspective, advancing an interdisciplinary conversation. It explains why traditional hegemonic approaches to global challenges are problematic, and conceptualises what a decentring approach to global challenges entails.
