Trainers, Guns and Money
In this article a joint author team analyzes U.S. security assistance programs to counter urgent and emergent threats. The authors recommend that Congress adopt a newly proposed Global Security Contingency Fund in parallel with the existing Global Train and Equip authority, known as the Section 1206 program. The highly constrained Section 1206 program allows the Defense Department, with State concurrence, to train partner militaries in counter terrorism and in stability operations in which the U.S. participates. The new Fund would build on Section 1206's model interagency approach to reach security forces under control of partners' ministries of interior, and focus longer term on justice sector and prison reform as well as other rule of law programs. The authors contend that employing the new Global Security Contingency Fund in parallel with Section 1206 provides the optimal solution for an agile and dependable whole-of-government approach to achieve long lasting security and keep our forces at home.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Case Study in Security Sector Reform
This paper provides a case study to help explain the SSR concepts that were recently formalized in U.S. Army Field Manual 3.07, "Stability Operations Doctrine." It provides insights into how the military interacts with host-nation governments, the United Nations, the State Department, and national embassies to solve today's complex problems. The author's experience revealed many pitfalls in security sector building and international team-building that we are trying to avoid today. The author points out the synergy that was lost because of a lack of coordination and understanding between government officials and nongovernmental organizations like aid groups, academia, and think tanks.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Apocalyptic Politics of Richard Price and Joseph Priestley
This is a print on demand publication. Contents: Price, Priestley, & the English Millennialist Tradition; The Political Millennialism of Price & Priestley; The Modes & Language of Republican Millennialism; The Country Program & Millennial Expectations; Revolution, the Millennium, & the Future Progress of the Mind; Necessity & Liberty: The Cosmic & Human Tension; Price, Priestley, & English Political Thought; Appendix; & Bibliography.
The Changing Constitution
In The Changing Constitution, Richard H. Fallon Jr. explores the constitutional law of the United States as reflected in decisions of the Supreme Court, including recent blockbusters. The author analyses controversial rulings addressing topics such as freedom of speech and religion, the Second Amendment right to bear arms, abortion, affirmative action, gay rights, and the powers and prerogatives of the President. Examining modern controversies from a historical perspective he argues that it's impossible to understand U.S. constitutional law without recognizing the political and institutional forces that always have brought, and will continue to bring, innovations and occasional reversals in constitutional doctrine. Fallon also highlights distinctive aspects of the current era, including the judicial philosophies of the sitting Justices. This intellectually sophisticated overview of constitutional law and Supreme Court practice additionally discusses anxieties about whether and how the Justices, who can overrule their own precedents, are meaningfully constrained by law.
Bargaining Theory and Building Strategies for Countering Armed Groups
The author believes that elements of bargaining theory and negotiation techniques typically used in economic and business are powerful tools in building strategies that will guide the use of force through the ebbs and flows of persistent conflict. His paper demonstrates that the theories and techniques of bargaining are not new to war, rather they are found throughout classic war theory in the writings of Sun Tzu, Thucydides, and Carl Von Clausewitz. He notes that in response to the increasing prevalence and potential of global instability caused by non-state armed groups, many scholars have turned away from these theorists and searched elsewhere for guidance on building strategies to counter armed groups.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Women, Change, and Iran
The present state of tension between the United States and Iran signifies a failure of current and past diplomatic approaches to influence Iran. Curiously, the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian elections over the last decade indicate that support from Iranian women is essential to achieving domestic political objectives in Iran. It may be that women provide a path to influencing Iranian foreign policy. This study analyzed the Iranian government's policy toward women over the course of the past fifty years. The analysis sought to determine when and how women influenced changes in policy. Samuel P. Huntington's discussion of modernization in Political Order in Changing Societies provides a framework with which to asses the influence of women. Other authors such as Harold Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan in Power and Society: A Framework for Political Inquiry provide insight into the concept of influence and its assessment. When these frameworks are applied to Iran, it reveals a model that argues that traditional and modernizing forces shape the development of Iranian politics. Iranian politics can be seen as a set of circles of influence. Within these circles are the Supreme Leader, the Guardian Council, the Expediency Council, the Parliament, and the President. From time to time women have been able to enter these circles. Finally, the research reveals that modernizing women have had success achieving certain levels of power and influence within the domestic politics of Iran. However, further study failed to show a causal link between women and change. Women have had some success in influencing the politics of Iran through the mechanisms of state bureaucracy, mobilization of masses of people, and through other groups. All that said, the political bureaucracy of the Islamic Republic of Iran stifles anything more substantial than modest changes to policy and Iranian society.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
On the Uses of Cultural Knowledge
The author explores the role that cultural knowledge must play in thinking about a new strategy for counterinsurgency. Although the importance of cultural awareness and understanding of adversary societies has been widely recognized as essential to operations and tactics on the battlefield, its significance has been largely ignored in formulating the broader strategic goals of counterinsurgency. The author highlights the importance of culture, and cultural awareness, in formulating a broad strategy for counterinsurgency which also has wide-ranging implication for U.S. foreign policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dominican American Politics
In this book, Jacqueline Jim矇nez Polanco provides a new perspective on the political development of an ethnic community that has been neglected in the studies of Latinx political development and debunks theories about immigrant communities' representation in U.S. electoral politics.
Implications of the Militarization of US Foreign Policy Through Security Assistance
Building the capacity of foreign military forces to counter terrorism and conduct stability operations is DOD's strategy to promote the security of the United States. DOD's direct authority to train and equip military partners promotes US national security, but it risks moving the United States toward a more militarized US foreign policy. Risks are mitigated because the State Department's ability to implement US foreign policy remains strong through its close relationship with DOD and direct involvement in security assistance programs. Congress also remains engaged with yearly debate over the appropriate whole of government approach to promoting US security interests. Militarization of US foreign policy through security assistance exists but is managed through the continuous interaction and teamwork between DOD, the State Department, and Congress.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turning Points
What really happened when India broke free from its economic past? This powerful and revelatory work takes readers inside the real story of economic reforms in India-not as dry policy memos, but as seismic shifts that reshaped the soul of a civilization.From the explosive birth of Indian liberalization in 1991 to the rise of the Indian middle class, and from behind-the-scenes political bargains to cultural identity battles, this book unveils the human drama behind every spreadsheet. It doesn't just analyze India's economic policy history-it immerses you in the defining moments when the nation made irreversible choices between tradition and transformation.Whether you're a student of policy, a business strategist, an entrepreneur, or simply someone who wants to understand the India economic development narrative, this book offers clarity and insight. It bridges the gap between theory and lived reality, shedding light on how reforms created new aspirations, redefined citizenship, and pushed India into the global spotlight.Perfect for anyone curious about India's globalization journey, post-liberalization India, or the deeper story of economic policy analysis in India, this is a must-read for those who want to see reform not as numbers, but as turning points in the nation's emotional, cultural, and economic journey.If you've ever asked, How did we get here-and at what cost?-this book delivers the answer, with intellectual precision and emotional force.
Securitization of Russian Strategic Communication
The current operating environment faced by the United States military presents many challenges based on the global nature of United States strategic interests. Pursuant to these interests is a need to operate in, and effectively communicate with, a wide variety of audiences on the international and domestic scene. The demands of society firmly entrenched in Western democratic ideals necessitate a transparent approach to strategic communication. In an attempt to better deal with these demands, the United States military has devoted much thought and effort into growth in the area of strategic communication. Even with the effort expended to date, the United States military still could learn much from the experiences of other states. One state that appears to have learned some hard lessons related to strategic communication is the Russian Federation. After the dismantling of Soviet government structures following the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian government struggled to cope with the difficulties of government transparency associated with conversion to a government resembling those of Western democratic states. Specifically, the rapid rise in number and prominence of independent media outlets presented problems for a struggling government with little experience dealing with media outlets they did not directly control. The changes in media coverage of significant government events, such as the Chechen wars, point towards increased awareness and capability in the arena of strategic communication from the Yeltsin to Putin administrations. No look at Russian strategic communication during the Presidencies of Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin would be complete without some discussion of reflexive control and its presence in Russian strategic thought. With the Putin administration dominated by former FSB officials throughout all government offices it should be hardly surprising that reflexive thought has become increasingly prominent. This lends support to tThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will Hindutva Cause Violence?
In terms of a global power, India is one of the most significant emerging nations in the world today. The traditional and influential powers of the United States, Russia, China, Japan, and the European Union (EU) have begun to recognize the potential of the Indian populous. This nuclear power has a thriving economy and the second largest population in the world. Although India is officially a secular democratic republic, the views of the Hindu majority play a significant role in the political decision making of the country. In fact, stability of the vast South Asian region (see Appendix A) is often dependent on the will of a people living in a dynamic religiously-focused environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkish Islamism
This paper examines the Refah Party in Turkey and addresses the following questions: what does it stand for, who leads it, who belongs to it, where is it going? The paper presents some background information about the Turkish secular state, the founding of Refah, the rise of Islamic influence in Turkish politics, and the recent success of the Refah Party. It then discusses the ideology of Refah, specifically as it applies to issues regarding the democratic, secular state, society, economics, and foreign affairs. The paper also presents information regarding the leadership and organization of Refah, and concludes with comments about the future viability of the party. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the Refah Party, although not unique from other Islamist movements in its ideological goals, is a unique product of Turkish politics, and must therefore adapt and compromise in order to function and survive within those constraints.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Role of Sanctuary in an Insurgency
Insurgency is a time-honored form of warfare that allows a weaker opponent to subvert the power of a stronger foe. At the turn of the nineteenth century, Spanish guerrillas waged an effective insurgency against the premier army of the period-Napoleon's Grand Armee. In the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth century, numerous European colonies around the globe used insurgent strategies to secure their independence. In each case, sanctuary served as a critical ingredient for the insurgent successes and the importance of all forms of sanctuary was acknowledged by insurgents and counterinsurgents alike. The significance of insurgent sanctuary is that it allows the insurgent to preserve and protect limited resources and provides protected access to additional resources. Traditionally, insurgencies relied upon the physical and social sanctuaries provided by geography and social conditions. Advances in technology and globalization provide insurgents with additional forms of refuge unavailable during the eighteenth century--virtual and legal. Individually these modern modes of sanctuary consist of a complex array of nodes and links. Collectively, they form a system of great structural and interactive complexity. The resulting complex, adaptive system forces planners to change the way they analyze and address insurgent sanctuary. Specifically, defeating, mitigating or containing sanctuary requires a holistic, qualitative, and systemic operational approach. SOD/CACD uses systemic framing to gain an appreciation of the entire insurgent system of sanctuary and to understand the behavior of the nodes and links across the entire spectrum of physical, social, virtual, and legal modes. This systemic appreciation facilitates analysis of which nodes and links provide the insurgency with refuge and access to resources. This informed analysis allows operational planners to design a comprehensive campaign to achieve desired effects on these nodes and links. Defeating, mitigating, orThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Test of U.S. Civil-Military Relations
This study seeks to understand the influence of U.S. military reform on U.S. civil-military relations functioning within a zone of cooperation or conflict between political and military realms during times of war. It seeks to demonstrate how various efforts at organizational military reform have influenced the structural relations between the president and his senior military leaders, and how these structural reforms were not always designed to prevent civil-military relations from functioning in the zone of conflict. The conflict that structural reforms cannot prevent is typically based on policy differences between a president and his senior military commanders during times of war. The conflict is inherent in the nature of war as a political instrument. It often leads to the removal of the senior military commander due to a disconnect between the political objectives the president desires, and the military strategy designed to achieve those objectives. The national security structure established by reform does not guarantee cooperation, nor has it consistently prevented conflict in civil-military relations. Although military reform establishes the framework for key actors to function, it has not always been able to overcome the personalities of the individuals involved, or ensure policy agreements between the president and his senior military commander. The study uses a comparative case study methodology based on secondary sources to analyze the influence of national security structure on civil-military relations in the United States. It begins by outlining a broad theory of civil-military relations, and goes on to explain the national security structure at the time of three particular conflicts, the Civil War, the Korean War, and the Kosovo War. The three case studies selected for review are the Calhoun reform influences on President Abraham Lincoln and Major General George B. McClellan, the Root reform and National Security Act of 1947 influences on President HThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy Resources
The author examines the energy context of the simmering Baloch separatist insurgency that has surfaced in recent years in Pakistan's sprawling Balochistan province. In particular, he looks at how Pakistan's mounting energy insecurity--a product of rapid increase in demand coupled with rising scarcity and the region's intensified energy rivalry--has both magnified the economic and strategic importance of this province while at the same time complicating Pakistan's efforts to cope with the province's resurgent tribal separatism. The author concludes that Pakistan's government needs to overhaul its counterinsurgent policies to avoid protracted conflict and to enlist the Baloch as partners in energy development, not antagonists of it.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Citizen First
In a world where democratic rights often feel like distant theories and legal language serves as a barrier, this transformative guide brings the Indian Constitution to life-clear, powerful, and personal. With gripping real-life stories, bold reflection prompts, and practical tools for everyday citizens, this book redefines civic engagement in India and challenges readers to rethink what it means to truly belong in the world's largest democracy.Whether you're a student, an educator, a first-time voter, or someone simply tired of feeling powerless in the face of injustice, this book offers more than knowledge-it offers agency. From decoding constitutional rights in India to confronting everyday inequality, it breaks down intimidating systems into relatable insights, making concepts like freedom of speech, right to information, and citizen participation feel urgent and actionable.Rooted in India's rich philosophical traditions and brimming with relevance for today's social challenges, this is your guide to understanding democracy, not just as a form of government-but as a way of life. If you've ever wondered how to file an RTI, question state power without fear, or raise your voice in a meaningful, lawful way, this book will become your go-to companion.Perfect for readers interested in constitutional law simplified, grassroots activism, and the real power of citizenship in India, this isn't just a book-it's a call to reclaim what was always yours.
Extending the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front a Catalyst for Peace
The purpose of this monograph is to demonstrate the conflict between the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Government of the Philippines is territorial and not religious in nature. To understand this conflict the past four-hundred years from the spread of Islam through the Sulu Islands and Mindanao, Spanish occupation, American occupation, and the Government of the Philippines rule from 1946 must be understood to put this complex adaptive problem in context. Extending the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao serves a catalyst for peace in the region. The Memorandum of Agreement for Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) deals with territorial rights. The MILF wants the territory their ancestors used to own before being pushed out by Christian migration to the island of Mindanao. An extension of the ARMM would give more land, governance, socio-economic development, and peace to the Muslims and Christians of the Southern Philippines. MILF and the GRP are interdependent. The MILF needs to break linkages to terrorism, make amends with the MNLF, and come to peace with the GRP. The GRP is dependent upon the MILF for any possibility of peace in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
US Military Force and Operations Other Than War
Strategic decision makers have long recognized the paramount importance to the state and to the people of decisions for war or peace. Such decisions must be taken with utmost deliberation. Careful evaluation of a specific situation against rigorous criteria should always precede each decision to employ US military force (e.g., combat force in a hostile environment). As a minimum, these criteria must establish for the strategic decision maker an assessment of acceptability--political support of our leadership and eventually our populace, feasibility--appropriate levels of forces and resources, and suitability--well-defined objectives matched by an effective plan. Current US Strategy for Engagement and Enlargement recognizes the importance of such criteria but fails fully to develop rigor in its application. The rejected Weinberger Doctrine may have been too restrictive for strategic decision makers in the rigor of its acceptability test. We mustdevelop comprehensive acceptability, feasibility, and suit-abilitycriteria that correct these polar deficiencies or risk strategic failure by incorrectly determining the kind of "war" on which we are embarking. Nowhere is this risk greater than in operations other than war. The military missions disguised by this misleadingly benign rubric must be carefully analyzed for potential risk of combat. When measured against threat to sovereignty and hostility of environment, the 28 doctrinal military missions of OOTW clearly demonstrate a broad range: high risk (category I), clearly combat missions; moderate risk (category II), benign intent but significant combat potential; low risk (category III), clearly humanitarian missions. Each of these categories possesses its own unique acceptability, feasibility, and suitability challenges; however, unless the specific use of combat force or military mission is critically examined, a political ends to military means dysfunction can occur.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Future State of Pakistan
What is the path leading to a stronger Pakistani state? After nearly 60 years of independence, Pakistan is not the nation its creators envisioned when British rule ended in 1947. In his first address to the Constituent Assembly, Muhammed Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's founding father, described his dreams for the new country: a secular state with freedom of religion and intolerant of corruption, nepotism, and black-marketeering (Jinnah 1947). Sadly, his dreams have not become a reality.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Civil-Military Relations in Medvedev's Russia
The best recent scholarship on Russian civil-military relations explicitly addresses this issue's importance for both domestic and external security. An inquiry into the present state of those relations under conditions of defense reform and the current international situation is of immense analytical and policy relevance for both domestic and external security in Russia. While the Russian regime is serious about military reform, it is encountering severe objections from the uniformed military, and the military has successfully persuaded the government to accept its expansive concept of the threats to Russia, i.e., its threat assessment. Therefore, we must closely follow those developments to understand more clearly current tendencies in Russian politics and policy as a whole. Specifically, this chapter examines issues pertaining to civil-military relations in several areas of Russian national security policies that suggest some disturbing trends for the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Homa
This paper is written to answer a research question posed by the USAF's Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS). The desired general objective of the research is to discuss the strategic needs and military objectives in a particular region or country of how theater missile defense (TMD) supports or jeopardizes US National Missile Defense (NMD) strategy. This research examines, in detail, Israel's national missile defense program, called Homa (Hebrew for Fortress Wall). Chapter 1 discusses the fundamentals of missile defense and the reason why Israel's missile defense system affects US national security interests. Chapter 2 describes Israel's missile defense program, Homa, and explains why Israel's TMD program is, effectively, the first active two-tier National Missile Defense system. This description includes Israel's current, planned, and desired capabilities. Chapter 3 describes the confrontation (Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Libya) and potential confrontation states' (Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates) ballistic missile threats to Israel.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three's Company
Does third party military intervention help or hurt an incumbent government during an insurgency? This study attempts to answer this question by testing prevailing military theories of counterinsurgency in the context of third party intervention using basic tests for statistical significance and bivariate contingency. The results show that intervention on behalf of a counterinsurgent decreases the likelihood of a successful government outcome, and specifically, interventions in general, interventions involving the deployment of combat forces, interventions involving military occupation, and interventions by democratic states decrease the likelihood of counterinsurgent success. Early intervention, meaning the commitment of third-party support within the first year of conflict, does not appear to have a significant effect on counterinsurgency success. Likewise, the decision to end an intervention early does not appear to significantly alter the chance of counterinsurgent failure. Interventions in support of an "indirect" approach to counterinsurgencies are the only cases that exhibit a significant improvement for the chances of successful outcome.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Narcotics Counterinsurgency Dilemma
The purpose of this monograph is to investigate the relationship and linkages between insurgencies and the illicit narcotics trade in general; to examine the specific root causes and influences on the drug trade and insurgencies in Colombia and Afghanistan; to examine the historic background, strategic theory, and viability of the Plan Colombia model for application in Afghanistan; and to propose an alternate strategy for Afghanistan based on the significant differences in culture and governance between the two countries. Plan Colombia commenced in 1999 when the stability of the Colombian government reached a crisis level from the dual threats of an insurgency and the illegal drug trade. While the Marxist-inspired insurgency has been in existence and a significant problem for nearly the past fifty years, it originally focused on building its support base through ideological means. The nexus between illicit narcotics and the insurgency increased over the past forty years due to a symbiotic relationship that provides sustained funding for the insurgency and sustained sanctuary and resources for the illicit narcotics industry. The primary assumption behind Plan Colombia was that a disruption in the revenue base from illicit narcotics would reduce the ability of the insurgents to conduct operations and for a opportunity for successful engagement and negotiated settlement. Plan Colombia focuses on four specific lines of effort, which are the fight against illicit narcotics and organized crime, economic and social revitalization within Colombia, strengthening democratic institutions, and the disarmament, demobilization, and re-integration of the insurgent and guerilla organizations into Colombian society. In Afghanistan, the nascent government is also dealing with an insurgency that derives economic and social support from illicit narcotics, although the root of the narcotics issue is significantly different than in Colombia due to a history of warlordism, lack of a natiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maoist Insurgency in Nepal, 1996-2008
The purpose of this monograph is to show that US counterinsurgency doctrine would benefit from greater emphasis on social, cultural, and political aspects of the operating environment, using the case of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal as an example. The concept of fourth generation warfare provides context with its focus on the application of political, economic, and social networks in modern conflict. In approximately 12 years, from 1996 to 2008, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), or CPN(M), waged an insurgency against the Nepalese government and gained majority rule through free elections. The Maoists, following Mao Zedong's theory of people's war, achieved a military stalemate against the Nepalese Army and negotiated a political settlement with the parliamentary parties that effectively ended the monarchy and resulted in a major electoral victory. Despite training and material support from the US, UK, and India, the Nepalese Army was unable to prevail in its counterinsurgency campaign. The Nepalese government failed to wage a coherent strategy to address the root social and economic causes of the conflict. The government relied on military and law enforcement to solve a problem that was rooted in social and political tensions. Power struggles between the monarchy and the parliament as well as among the political parties undermined the legitimacy of the Nepalese government and allowed the Maoists to win the support of the populace. The CPN(M) won the most seats in the April 2008 elections and took control of a coalition government, with the former Maoist leader, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, as Prime Minister. The new government faces challenges in integrating former combatants with the Nepalese Army and in satisfying former insurgent allies who still have unfulfilled agendas. The implications of the Maoist insurgency in Nepal for US counter-insurgency doctrine pertain to emphasis on certain ideas rather than requiring anything new. The primary lesson of the conflict isThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Relationship Between Homeland Defense and Homeland Security
Since September 11, 2001, America has conducted sweeping executive branch changes and funneled vast economic and military resources toward lessening the opportunity for terrorists to strike within the borders of the United States. Two new bulwarks were added to the ramparts for securing and defending our nation, they were the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and U.S. Northern Command of the Department of Defense (DoD). With these additions, the spectrum between security and defense needs a new lens through which to focus the individual actions of each of these new Federal entities. The Departments of Homeland Security and Defense have the opportunity, the responsibility, and the challenge to confront the vulnerabilities and strengths that will assure the protection, prosperity, sovereignty, and freedom for which America stands. While there is no perfect national defense prescription, six modest proposals are presented for improving homeland defense and homeland security. The relationship between homeland defense and security requires some detailed understanding of each component. The author explains the conceptual background of each component, along with the functional Federal entities of DHS and DoD. The author also examines some of the legal limitations designed to insure civil control over military activities. These limitations are imposed upon the military when conducting operations within the U.S. By reviewing current threat analysis techniques used by the DoD, and examining three historical examples of foreign national struggles with terrorism and insurgency, the author proposes six ideas to enhance the DHS and the DoD relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Liberal Reunion, An Open Letter
In "Liberal Reunion, An Open Letter," Andrew Carnegie presents a compelling argument for the revitalization of liberal principles in American society. Written with clarity and conviction, Carnegie's letter serves as a call to action for those who believe in individual liberty, limited government, and free markets. He addresses the challenges facing the nation and proposes solutions rooted in classical liberal thought. This work offers valuable insights into the political landscape of the late 19th century and provides a timeless perspective on the importance of civic engagement and responsible governance.Carnegie's analysis of the role of government and the responsibilities of citizens remains remarkably relevant today. This edition invites readers to engage with Carnegie's vision and consider its implications for contemporary political discourse.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Nationalism
The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Nationalism comprehensively surveys the sub-disciplinary area of religious nationalism, an interaction between religion and nationalism.The handbook has a global focus, including sections on how, why and with what effects religion and nationalism impact politically both domestically and internationally, as well as discussing the future of the field and religious nationalism 'on the ground'. Bringing together a range of expert contributors, the handbook is split into two main parts: core issues and country case studies. Religions studied include Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Judaism and Buddhism, across countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America and South America. The core issues examined cover nationhood as a concept; historical perspectives on nationalism; theoretical approaches to nationalism; the state; populism; violence and conflict; immigration; terrorism; globalisation; the post-secular world; and foreign policy.Given the comprehensive nature of the handbook, it provides crucial, complementary reading for students, scholars and professionals across politics, religion and policy making.
Gr?1/4ndliche Darstellung Der Landesherrlichen Rechtsamen Der Hohen Und Souverainen Republik Graub?1/4nden, ?œber Die Provinzen Veltlin Und Clefen
"Gr?1/4ndliche Darstellung Der Landesherrlichen Rechtsamen Der Hohen Und Souverainen Republik Graub?1/4nden, ?œber Die Provinzen Veltlin Und Clefen" by Johann Baptista von Tscharner provides a thorough examination of the sovereign rights of the Republic of Graub?1/4nden over the provinces of Veltlin and Cleven. This historical text offers an enlightening perspective on the constitutional framework and political landscape of the region. It serves as an important resource for understanding the complex legal and political relationships that defined Graub?1/4nden's dominion. The book illuminates the nuances of regional governance and the exercise of sovereign power in the context of Swiss history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
To Support and Defend
This monograph discusses the contemporary calls for a specialized unit to conduct Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW). MOOTW is an interagency affair, in which the military serves to support civil government organs and non-governmental relief agencies. Successful MOOTW requires the military to possess martial proficiency, an awareness of the dynamics of the physical, social, political, and military dimensions of the operation, and leader skills that are different from those used in war. The Army's "Just-in-Time" method of preparing units for MOOTW is effective, but not efficient. The "Just-in-Time" methodology induces risk to the Army's ability to execute the United States' two Major Theater of War (MTW) strategy. This monograph begins with an examination of the US Commission on National Security/21st Century (also known as the Hart-Rudman Commission) report. That report advocates development of forces optimized for MOOTW. The recommendations of the Hart-Rudman Commission are compared to the Army's Title X responsibilities for the conduct of land warfare. These differing approaches to national security present the framework for evaluating the research question. Using historical examples from Operation UPHOLD DEMOCRACY, the 1994 intervention in Haiti, this monograph presents a framework for evaluating the MOOTW environment. The physical, social, political, and military dimensions of MOOTW determine the operational and tactical level tasks that a MOOTW force must execute to accomplish the strategic purpose. The low-level tactical tasks required in MOOTW are essentially the same tasks that are required in war. However, the leader tasks are substantially different because of the increased importance of civil-military interaction inherent in MOOTW. This monograph concludes that the "Just-in-Time" approach to preparing MOOTW remains valid, but should be modified to improve its effectiveness and mitigate the adverse effects MOOTW have on MTW readiness. Leaders musThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Negotiable Collateral Damage
The United States, by virtue of its democratic system, finds itself torn at times between the defense of its physical security on one hand and the defense of civil liberties on the other. Through the democratic political process, the US government has developed a pattern of behavior for responding to threats to national security. This pattern of behavior includes six typical phases. The author labels these phases as threat or crisis, othering, response, normalcy, restoration, and remorse. After detecting a threat to national security, the primary national identity shrinks to identify "others" against which action can be taken. Those "others" in the history of the United States include aliens and French loyalists in the 1790's, Southern secessionists in the 1860's, Japanese descendants in the 1940's, American communists during the Second Red Scare, and radical Islamic terrorists after 9/11. Once the threat passes and normalcy resumes, the national identity expands again to encompass the previous "others" and the government restores civil liberties to all. Often, the process includes remorse over the action taken during the crisis.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Unity of Effort in an Irregular Environment
The United States today finds itself in an era of persistent irregular conflict, the root cause of which may be illegitimate governance within failed or failing states. The resulting instability will likely require future U.S. military and civilian agency intervention to assist host nations to build capacity and maintain legitimacy in the eyes of their populations. Success in these irregular environments will require operating "grand strategically," integrating the effects of all elements of national power into one coherent strategy under the direction of a single leader. A combination of security concerns and a lack of expeditionary civilian capacity will require the military to assume responsibility for stability tasks better suited to civilian agencies. However, current laws mandate parallel civilian and military chains of command that separate de facto responsibilities from necessary authorities to direct the activities of all elements of statecraft toward the accomplishment of national security objectives. This separation makes it impossible to operate in a "grand strategic" manner as demanded by the character of irregular warfare. In order to improve unity of effort among USG departments and agencies conducting stability operations in a specific theater of action, the President should empower the military joint force commander to coordinate all aspects of the USG effort until the security environment and civilian capacity allow transition to civilian leadership.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Dual Status of the National Guard and the Total Force
The National Guard and Reserves are organized and funded to supplement active forces when needed. In peacetime, however, National Guard units belong to states, and state governors are the commanders in chief. Unless federalized, Guard members are not subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and Guard units fall outside of the formal Department of Defense (DoD) command structure. Under the law, the National Guard is composed of individual, but nationally funded and regulated state militias that can be federalized and used as a reserve force. In 1947, a board appointed by Secretary of Defense James Forrestal recommended permanently federalizing the National Guard by making it part of the Reserves. The National Guard Association, a lobbying group representing Guard interests, appealed to Congress, and Secretary Forrestal's recommendation was rejected. In 1964, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara recommended streamlining the Guard and Reserves by merging the Reserves into the Guard. The Reserve Officer's Association intervened and Congress again rejected the DoD's reserve component reorganization plan. Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird coined the phrase "Total Force" in a memorandum issued on August 21, 1971. Secretary Laird believed that placing more emphasis on the National Guard and Reserves as part of a "Total Force" was the most feasible way to achieve national defense objectives with limited funding.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Blurred Strategy
The premise for this study evolved during Operation IRAQI FREEDOM (OIF). It stems from a perception that the combat plan for the Coalition force invasion worked brilliantly but noticeably absent was a detailed plan for transitioning to peace. This study conducts a thorough review of the current joint military doctrine and the interagency policy and guidance relevant to post-conflict operations, complex contingency and Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW). It includes a case study of the formal USG civil-military interagency planning effort for OIF's post-conflict operations. It creatively employs a gap analysis research strategy in concert with a case study methodology, the research addresses its primary research question: Is joint military doctrine sufficiently robust to be adopted by the USG civil-military planning community as the framework for developing a single integrated doctrine for planning complex contingency and post-conflict operations? Several factors are cited as contributing reasons for the lack of a robust post-conflict plan: strategical errors by the Bush Administration, poor coordination between USG civil-military interagency planners, and the lack of a solid planning framework for complex contingency and post-conflict operations. The research concluded that a fundamental impediment to planning is fact that its departments and agencies do not focus and coordinate their activities effectively. There are a number of reasons degrading the integrated effort: unfamiliarity, ineffective coordination structures, incompatible approaches, under developed lines of responsibility, incompatible architecture, organizational dogmas, and resource constraints. This study recommends that civil-military planners establish a solid and well-resourced planning framework that includes well-defined lines of coordination, a collaborative architecture, a means for continuous professional education and training, and a single common integrated doctrine. The proposed fThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Machinery of Government Needs a Tune-Up
This study examines the history, likes and differences of the U.S. National Security Council system and its organizational prototype, the pre-world War II British Committee of Imperial Defence. To comprehend the relationship between these organizations, the following questions will be posed: Given that the CID was an advisory and policy coordinating mechanism that was also the organizational prototype for the NSC, what are the similarities and differences between the two, and are there any substantive conclusions that can be drawn from such an examination? Assuming this latter question can be answered in the affirmative, what recommendations and implications, if any, pertain to these conclusions with respect to the ongoing performance and function of the NSC system? To answer the questions, this study establishes corresponding assessments of each organization by summarizing pertinent aspects of their origins, the historical contextual environment leading to their creation, organizational structures, purposes, functions, leadership, and the significant changes each experienced over time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Securitization of Russian Strategic Communication
The current operating environment faced by the United States military presents many challenges based on the global nature of United States strategic interests. Pursuant to these interests is a need to operate in, and effectively communicate with, a wide variety of audiences on the international and domestic scene. The demands of society firmly entrenched in Western democratic ideals necessitate a transparent approach to strategic communication. In an attempt to better deal with these demands, the United States military has devoted much thought and effort into growth in the area of strategic communication. Even with the effort expended to date, the United States military still could learn much from the experiences of other states. One state that appears to have learned some hard lessons related to strategic communication is the Russian Federation. After the dismantling of Soviet government structures following the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian government struggled to cope with the difficulties of government transparency associated with conversion to a government resembling those of Western democratic states. Specifically, the rapid rise in number and prominence of independent media outlets presented problems for a struggling government with little experience dealing with media outlets they did not directly control. The changes in media coverage of significant government events, such as the Chechen wars, point towards increased awareness and capability in the arena of strategic communication from the Yeltsin to Putin administrations. No look at Russian strategic communication during the Presidencies of Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin would be complete without some discussion of reflexive control and its presence in Russian strategic thought. With the Putin administration dominated by former FSB officials throughout all government offices it should be hardly surprising that reflexive thought has become increasingly prominent. This lends support to tThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Lawfare
The terrorist groups in Colombia have applied Mao's theory of protracted people's war, seeking to use all available means of struggle to achieve their revolutionary goals by counteracting government policy. One way that Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and illegal paramilitaries confront the nation is the use of "lawfare," defined as the opposing force's use of the national and international judicial systems to achieve victory and legitimacy when they cannot challenge the government militarily. Terrorist groups have skillfully infiltrated the Colombian judicial system, and are utilizing the both national legal institutions and the international law system against the government. They have received support for their struggle from various agents and organizations within the society that, intentionally or unintentionally, are serving their interests. This monograph provides a holistic understanding of this complex situation currently taking place in Colombia, shows how FARC and ELN are using lawfare in the context of the protracted people's war as a tool to challenge the government, and offers an starting point to examine alternatives to deny the terrorist groups the ability to utilize the judicial system to achieve their political goals.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Politics of Gun Control
Since its initial publication in 1995, this book has become the classic work on every important element of the tumultuous national gun debate in America. This new edition brings together the latest developments and research in gun politics, policy, law, history, and criminology to provide a comprehensive and accessible source widely used by scholars, journalists, and in classrooms. In this era of polarized politics, this book provides a unique window into how and why that polarization drives our politics. Among the new topics covered in this edition are the Supreme Court's new foray into applying history to evaluate modern gun laws, the effects of political whipsawing between Democratic and Republican control of government, and the consequences of that for gun laws, violence, and policy.New to the Tenth Edition Analysis of the Supreme Court's Rahimi decision that for the first time implemented its controversial history-based standard for judging the constitutionality of current gun laws Highlights the whiplash between the pro-gun policy actions of the Biden administration and the second Trump administration's about-face to roll back those initiatives Chronicles the rise and nearly cataclysmic implosion of the once-vaunted National Rifle Association as self-created problems brought it to the brink of disaster, and as legal actions against the NRA finally came to an end Elucidates the scramble of other gun rights groups to replace the NRA as the nation's foremost anti-gun law organization Presents new and updated statistical research on gun ownership in America, gun-related fatalities, public opinion support of 'red-flag' laws and other gun control measures. After a surge in gun violence and gun ownership, both have receded to pre-pandemic levels, and the murder rate continues its decline after a short upsurge Includes new pedagogical features of chapter summaries and discussion questions in each chapter
Muslim Brotherhood in America
The al Ikhwan al Muslimim, the Society of Muslim Brothers or Muslim Brotherhood, (MB) is an international Islamist organization with over fifty national branches. Its motto reflects its Salafi jihadist motives and methods: "Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur'an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope." Contrary to the American national narrative endorsed by the media and public leaders, jihad is part of orthodox Islam and a fundamental component of Islamic law. The MB's goals, strategy, doctrine, and tactics descended logically from the sources of Islamic law, Sharia, which include the "trilogy of Sharia" the Qur'an, Sira, and Hadith. MB writers are not radicals who have adopted an unusual interpretation of Islam. Rather, they carefully based their strategy for political action in America upon Sharia-compliant doctrines of jihad, holy war, and da'wa, invitation to Islam. The MB in North America built their goals and strategies upon the international strategies and implemented these strategies through various front groups established to maintain some secrecy for the MBs members. The goals, strategies, and nature of the relationships with the MB and its affiliate organizations in America all work to achieve the international MB's ultimate goal, which is to establish a global caliphate -- a single Islamic state where Sharia is enforced. The MB thus seeks to propagate Islam universally as a political, social, legal, financial, and religious system. These international goals, as well as the supporting goals sought by the MB in America represent a fundamental threat to the United States (US) and the American way of life. The Muslim Brotherhood in America bases its actions upon orthodox Salafi Islam and leverages funds from wealthy international Wahhabis to influence American Muslims, political leaders, and the media in favor of their Islamist agenda: obstruct counter terrorism activity by law enforcement agencies iThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense or Deterrence? The Future of Missile Defense
This study seeks to determine whether it is time to pursue a new defense strategy that incorporates ballistic missile defense. It reviews the historical milestones in the missile defense debate using four major factors that influenced decisions on strategic defense: the threat, the technology, the international environment, and the domestic environment. The nature and magnitude of the threats that US leaders have sought to counter with missile defenses are determined from official assessments, such as the Central Intelligence Agency's National Intelligence Estimates. The technological feasibility assessment considers each prospective system's ability to counter those threats and the cost of doing so. The author's analysis of the international environment considers the international community's reaction to various American attempts to develop and field missile defenses. Finally, the domestic environment analysis focuses on the importance of players such as Congress, public opinion, the role of scientists, and the role of the President and his administration in missile defense decisions. The author assesses how those actors have supported proposed efforts to field missile defenses in various periods. Finally, this analysis examines what factors persuaded policy makers that missile defenses were unnecessary, undesirable, or impossible in the past, then determines whether current circumstances have changed enough to suggest that such systems are now needed and within reach. This study finds that it is indeed time for the US to pursue a strategy that includes strategic defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Blurred Strategy
The premise for this study evolved during Operation IRAQI FREEDOM (OIF). It stems from a perception that the combat plan for the Coalition force invasion worked brilliantly but noticeably absent was a detailed plan for transitioning to peace. This study conducts a thorough review of the current joint military doctrine and the interagency policy and guidance relevant to post-conflict operations, complex contingency and Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW). It includes a case study of the formal USG civil-military interagency planning effort for OIF's post-conflict operations. It creatively employs a gap analysis research strategy in concert with a case study methodology, the research addresses its primary research question: Is joint military doctrine sufficiently robust to be adopted by the USG civil-military planning community as the framework for developing a single integrated doctrine for planning complex contingency and post-conflict operations? Several factors are cited as contributing reasons for the lack of a robust post-conflict plan: strategical errors by the Bush Administration, poor coordination between USG civil-military interagency planners, and the lack of a solid planning framework for complex contingency and post-conflict operations. The research concluded that a fundamental impediment to planning is fact that its departments and agencies do not focus and coordinate their activities effectively. There are a number of reasons degrading the integrated effort: unfamiliarity, ineffective coordination structures, incompatible approaches, under developed lines of responsibility, incompatible architecture, organizational dogmas, and resource constraints. This study recommends that civil-military planners establish a solid and well-resourced planning framework that includes well-defined lines of coordination, a collaborative architecture, a means for continuous professional education and training, and a single common integrated doctrine. The proposed fThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Connecting the Dots
Since the horrific attacks of September 11, 2001, the nation has seen the largest expansion and reorganization of government since the National Security Act of 1947, transforming the nation's homeland security system around, amongst other things, an information sharing environment. Nearly a decade later this study asks, what are the enduring challenges that continue to hinder stakeholders in the information sharing environment from effectively sharing terror-related information to prevent future catastrophes. This study posits that four enduring tensions continue to stymie relevant stakeholders from effectively sharing terrorism-related information. First, much needed fine-tuning of the nation's information sharing environment lost momentum in a transition year where policymakers where distracted by bitter partisan politics and competing domestic policy agenda items. Second, sub-optimization of the information sharing environment contributed to a failure to address emerging threats, especially those involving an increasing number of self-radicalized, "lone wolf" conspirators. Third, the current information sharing environment remains over saturated with too many incompatible information systems, frustrating efforts by stakeholders in the information sharing environment from effectively retrieving relevant, actionable information on looming terror plots. Finally, ad hoc agreements between federal agencies, specifically Defense and the Justice, are unclear, lack effective standards and are too informal to mandate action. Applying the U.S. Army's emerging design doctrine, this study explores the nature of the information sharing environment, defined here as both a complex adaptive supra-system and wicked problem. The study applies design's cognitive environmental, problem and solution frames as the lens for gleaning greater understanding of the true nature of the ill-structured problem. It then compares understanding of the homeland security system against two terror-This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sex, Class, and Socialism
Women's lives today would be virtually unrecognisable to previous generations. Women have greater freedom to control their lives and their sexuality than ever before. Ideas about equality are accepted on a mass scale.Yet daily we are bombarded with images of women as sex objects, housewives and mothers. Women face a backlash from the far-right around the world, undermining the gains of the previous decades. In this classic text, Lindsey German explains the development of women's oppression under capitalism, and examines the various theories that try to explain women's lives. She critiques the theory of patriarchy, which has shaped much feminist thinking. She looks at the patterns of women at work, how the family affects women's lives, and how women have organised to fight for their liberation. With women under attack and the women's movement in disarray, Sex, Class, and Socialism is a crucial contribution to this fight.
Civil-Military Relations in Medvedev's Russia
The best recent scholarship on Russian civil-military relations explicitly addresses this issue's importance for both domestic and external security. An inquiry into the present state of those relations under conditions of defense reform and the current international situation is of immense analytical and policy relevance for both domestic and external security in Russia. While the Russian regime is serious about military reform, it is encountering severe objections from the uniformed military, and the military has successfully persuaded the government to accept its expansive concept of the threats to Russia, i.e., its threat assessment. Therefore, we must closely follow those developments to understand more clearly current tendencies in Russian politics and policy as a whole. Specifically, this chapter examines issues pertaining to civil-military relations in several areas of Russian national security policies that suggest some disturbing trends for the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Negotiable Collateral Damage
The United States, by virtue of its democratic system, finds itself torn at times between the defense of its physical security on one hand and the defense of civil liberties on the other. Through the democratic political process, the US government has developed a pattern of behavior for responding to threats to national security. This pattern of behavior includes six typical phases. The author labels these phases as threat or crisis, othering, response, normalcy, restoration, and remorse. After detecting a threat to national security, the primary national identity shrinks to identify "others" against which action can be taken. Those "others" in the history of the United States include aliens and French loyalists in the 1790's, Southern secessionists in the 1860's, Japanese descendants in the 1940's, American communists during the Second Red Scare, and radical Islamic terrorists after 9/11. Once the threat passes and normalcy resumes, the national identity expands again to encompass the previous "others" and the government restores civil liberties to all. Often, the process includes remorse over the action taken during the crisis.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the Narco-Violence in Mexico an Insurgency?
Since Mexican President Felipe Calder?3n declared war on the drug cartels in December 2006, more than 35,000 Mexicans have died due to narco-violence. This monograph examines whether the various Mexican drug trafficking organizations are insurgents or organized criminal elements. Mexican narco-violence and its affiliated gang violence have spread across Mexico's southern border into Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Additionally, the narco-violence is already responsible for the deaths of American citizens on both sides of the United States -- Mexico border, and the potential for increased spillover violence is a major concern. This monograph argues that the Mexican drug cartels are transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) that pose a national security threat to the regional state actors; however, they are not an insurgency for four reasons. First, none of the cartels have the political aim or capability to overthrow the Mexican government. Second, the various TCOs are competing criminal organizations with approximately 90 percent of the violence being cartel on cartel. For example, the violence in the city of Ju獺rez is largely the result of the fighting between the local Ju獺rez cartel and the Sinaloa cartel for control of one of the primary smuggling routes into the United States. Third, the cartels'; use of violence and coercion has turned popular support against them thus denying them legitimacy. Fourth, although the cartels do control zones of impunity within their areas of influence, the Mexican government has captured, killed, and extradited kingpins from every major TCO. The monograph also examines the violence that has taken place in Colombia as a case study comparison for the current narco-violence in Mexico. The Colombian government battled and defeated both the Medell?-n and Cali drug cartels in the 1990s. It also has made significant progress against two leftist insurgent groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National LiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the Employment of Army the Only Solution for Solving the Naxal Problem in India?
The monograph provides an in-depth analysis of the structural and ideological causes of Naxalism in India. Naxalism besides being a socio-economic problem is also politico-ideological response to the growing inequality in the Indian society. India's growth since independence has been unequal and skewed, a fact aggravated further, by a volatile mix of old, degenerated beliefs and rising materialism. Though democracy is deeply entrenched, empowerment has been as caste and regional groups, who often place their narrow parochial interests over the interests of the society and nation. This not only encourages nepotism and corruption but also affects governance and implementation at all levels.While Naxalism, fuelled by genuine, but mostly local and personal grievances, has made impressive gains, government policy efforts aimed at treating symptoms have proved to be inadequate. With the pool of dissatisfied ever increasing an integrated and holistic response aimed at changing the ethos and attitude of governance and population is essential. Within this holistic response, the army as an element of state power can be a part of a solution but not "The" solution for Naxalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Current MOUT Doctrine Enhanced by Elements of Operational Design
The world is becoming more urbanized and at an unprecedented rate. Some of the greatest factors contributing to increased world urbanization include changes in economies, availability of resources, education, cultural identity and politics. The most significant event contributing to the world's increasing urbanization is the end of the Cold War. With the end of the Cold War came a significant decrease in the need for U.S. forces to be forward deployed. The end of the Cold War also convinced America and many other nations of the world that the robust size of military forces required for stand guard against communism were no longer required. Subsequently, in the case of the United States, the military was downsized and transformed to a power projection force as opposed to a forward-deployed force. The end of the Cold War did not end conflict. Belligerents world-wide have quickly come to understand that urban terrain can, in some cases, provide the support no longer forthcoming from Cold War allies. Belligerents have also come to understand that urban terrain can mitigate the use of technology available to modernized opponents such as the Unites States and her allies. With the increase in urbanization, the realization of the mitigating effects of urban terrain on modern weapons by belligerents, and the smaller, less-forward-deployed forces of the United States, there is a much increased likelihood that U.S. forces will be called upon to conduct military operations on urbanized terrain. While the likelihood of U.S. forces conducting military operations on urbanized terrain is increasing, the ability of outdated MOUT doctrine to guide tactical planners in developing courses of action is decreasing. This monograph proves that while current MOUT doctrine is not currently capable of adequately assisting military planners in planning military operations on urbanized terrain, current doctrine enhanced by elements of operational design can. Two recent combat operations with aThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
