Mercenarizing the US Government
The use of mercenaries to fight wars is an age-old concept. A new trend, however, is the evolution of the mercenary into the modern-day Private Military Company (PMC) which now provides not only peacetime-focused hardware and support services, but also wartime-focused combat training and lethal combat services. This paper explores the phenomenon of "mercenarizing" the USG, where USG increasingly relies on PMCs in scale (i.e value/number of resources), scope (i.e. range/type of services) and for their lethal combat services. Evaluated against the US's national security objectives, the paper finds that that, if left unregulated, the trend of relying on PMCs will enrich the private sector but will negatively impact the US's national security, by degrading the US's long-term and strategic warfighting capability, discrediting the US's stand on justice and human rights, as well as undermining the US's international credibility for democracy promotion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Power of CREATIVE REASONING The Ideas and Vision of John Garang
The 2nd edition: The Power of Creative Reasoning Beyond the creation of a new nation, Dr. John Garang's vision played a crucial role in instigating political change across the old Sudan. His strategic vision has, as a result, led to the emergence of two distinct nation-states-South Sudan and Sudan-at least for the time being. We contend that the formation of the new nation of South Sudan would not have materialized within our lifetime without the robust conceptual framework proposed by Dr. John Garang aimed at addressing the multifaceted Sudanese dilemma.This assertion will be explicated in greater detail as the discussion progresses. Furthermore, we wish to underscore the critical role that creative and visionary leadership plays in shaping a collective destiny and mobilizing them toward a common purpose. Dr. John Garang adeptly employed a path-goal approach that ultimately contributed to resolving the protracted Sudanese conflict, underpinned by the identity crisis. This shows how strategic foresight can drive positive change in a divided society.Since 2013, the political landscapes of Sudan and South Sudan have been marked by significant turmoil and conflict, which have profoundly influenced the stability and governance of both nations. The legacy of John Garang, whose vision contributed to the eventual independence of South Sudan, continues to resonate amidst ongoing struggles for power and peace.
The Influence of Politics, Technology, and Asia on the Future of US Missile Defense
This work presents an overview of ballistic missile defense (BMD) initiatives and their attendant technologies with a careful analysis of their existing capabilities and potentialities to make recommendations as to the BMD initiatives that are most likely to provide realistic expectations of useful defense capabilities in the near to mid-term. There is also an extended discussion of the implications of BMD in the relationships of the United States and the nations of Asia, particularly Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, North Korea, and Japan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Implications of Religiously Motivated Insurgencies for Psychological Operations
This thesis analyzes the implications for psychological operations (PSYOP) of religiously motivated insurgencies. The difficulties faced by US troops since the invasion of Iraq in 2003 have many questioning the effectiveness of the PSYOP message used there. This concern raises two questions: do PSYOP methods and messages have to be modified when the insurgency has a motivation in which religion is a significant component? The second question is if so, how? To answer these questions required the examination of two cases without religious motivation and the ongoing conflict in Iraq. The Malayan Emergency and the Hukbalahap Rebellion were two cases that provided evidence for non-religiously motivated insurgencies. Several principles for effective PSYOP were derived from these two historical examples. The ongoing hostilities in Iraq were then studied to determine what differences, if any, exist in the general principles governing PSYOP in an insurgency in which religion constitutes a portion of the underlying motivation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Military Assistance to Philippine Ground Forces
This study examines the suitability of current U.S. military assistance to Philippine ground forces. The research hypothesis is that the scope and form of current military assistance to the Philippines is not optimum and that more, or different, aid is warranted. The study profiles the communist insurgency, the Aquino administration's counterinsurgency policies, and the composition of AFP ground forces and their counterinsurgency programs. It investigates and analyzes the extent of U.S. military aid, both direct and indirect. The study concludes that the insurgency presents a real and immediate threat to the Aquino administration, and that the Aquino administration has no clear national COIN strategy integrating civil and military efforts. It further concludes that both the U.S. and the AFP may optimize U.S. aid by adopting several initiatives; and that the use of U.S. advisors is appropriate only in a limited "train-the-trainer" role.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Machinery of Government Needs A Tune-Up
This study examines the history, likes and differences of the US National Security Council system and its organizational prototype, the pre-World War II British Committee of Imperial Defence, their structures, purposes, functions, leadership, and the significant changes each experienced their origins, the historical contexts leading to their creation, their organizational over time. Then, each organization is compared, contrasted, and subjectively examined, while bringing historical evidence to bear. The study concludes with insights that form the underlying bases for recommending modest changes to the NSC system. These recommendations include appropriately sizing the NSC staff and emphasizing the importance of strategic planning, and others.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stabilization and Democratization of Iraq
The National Security Strategy of the United States of America of September 2002 (NSS) aims "to help make the world not just safer but better." In order to achieve this ambitious challenge, The NSS defines the following goals on the path to progress: political and economic freedom, peaceful relationships with other states, and respect for human dignity. Operation Iraqi Freedom succeeded to free the Iraqi people of Saddam Hussein's totalitarian regime. The next challenge for the US-led coalition is to stabilize the country and to implement a durable democracy. The latter tasks seem to be the most difficult ones because Iraq has never known democracy. It is a mosaic of multiple sectarian and ethnic groups. Furthermore, it lies within the area of strategic-political, economic, and religious influence of its neighboring countries. This thesis analyses Iraq's Islamic, sectarian, and ethnic factors. Next, it examines the historical case studies of Iraq's former republican constitutions and the Afghani constitution, adopted on 3 January 2004. Finally, this thesis recommends the US administration bolster a Federal Republic of Iraq by assisting the Iraqi people, diplomatically, militarily, economically, and judicially, to constitute a freely elected government, and to draft a constitution that respects Muslim values, democracy, protection of minorities, and human dignity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Security Sector Reform
The authors explore the definition of SSR as it has emerged in the international community. The makeup of the security sector is examined, emergent principles are identified for implementing SSR in the community of practice, and the outcomes that SSR is designed to produce are specified. The supporting case studies of Haiti, Liberia, and Kosovo assess the impact of SSR programs on host nation security sectors. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs so as to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. Intermediate objectives required in support of this transition also articulate what is good enough and fair enough at various stages in the transformational process. State actors must acknowledge and often accommodate nonstate security actors more effectively in SSR planning and implementation, while recognizing both the advantages and the risks of collaborating with such actors. The authors also identify a need for rebalancing resources committed to SSR, especially given that justice and civil law enforcement typically are badly under-resourced as elements of SSR programs. Finally, the authors note the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes to support SSR activities within the U.S. Government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When Race Trumps Merit
Does your workplace have too few black people in top jobs? It's racist. Does the advanced math and science high school in your city have too many Asians? It's racist. Does your local museum employ too many white women? It's racist, too. After the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, prestigious American institutions, from the medical profession to the fine arts, pleaded guilty to "systemic racism." How else explain why blacks are overrepresented in prisons and underrepresented in C-suites and faculty lounges, their leaders asked? The official answer for those disparities is "disparate impact," a once obscure legal theory that is now transforming our world. Any traditional standard of behavior or achievement that impedes exact racial proportionality in any enterprise is now presumed racist. Medical school admissions tests, expectations of scientific accomplishment in the award of research grants, the enforcement of the criminal law--all are under assault, because they have a "disparate impact" on underrepresented minorities. When Race Trumps Merit provides an alternative explanation for those racial disparities. It is large academic skills gaps that cause the lack of proportional representation in our most meritocratic organizations and large differences in criminal offending that account for the racially disproportionate prison population. The administration of Donald Trump has taken aim at disparate impact doctrine, following a roadmap laid out by When Race Trumps Merit. The book's analysis remains as urgent as ever. As long as alleged racism remains the only allowable explanation for racial differences, we will continue tearing down excellence and putting lives, as well as civilizational achievement, at risk.
Drug Trafficking, Violence, and Instability
Although challenges posed by various kinds of violent armed groups initially appear highly diverse and unrelated to one another, in fact they all reflect the increasing connections between security and governance and, in particular, the relationship between poor governance and violent armed groups. In many cases, these groups are overtly challenging the state; in others they are cooperating and colluding with state structures while subtly undermining them; in yet others, the state is a passive bystander while violent armed groups are fighting one another. The mix is different, the combinations vary, and the perpetrators of violence have different motives, methods, and targets. In spite of their divergent forms, violent nonstate actors (VNSAs) share certain qualities and characteristics. These violent armed groups represent a common challenge to national and international security, a challenge that is far greater than the sum of the individual groups, and that is likely to grow rather than diminish over the next several decades. This monograph focuses on the complex relationship between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement. It also seeks to disentangle the linkages between insurgency on the one hand and drug trafficking and organized crime on the other, suggesting that criminal activities help sustain an insurgency, but also carry certain risks for the insurgency.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the Employment of Army the Only Solution for Solving the Naxal Problem in India?
The monograph provides an in-depth analysis of the structural and ideological causes of Naxalism in India. Naxalism besides being a socio-economic problem is also politico-ideological response to the growing inequality in the Indian society. India's growth since independence has been unequal and skewed, a fact aggravated further, by a volatile mix of old, degenerated beliefs and rising materialism. Though democracy is deeply entrenched, empowerment has been as caste and regional groups, who often place their narrow parochial interests over the interests of the society and nation. This not only encourages nepotism and corruption but also affects governance and implementation at all levels.While Naxalism, fuelled by genuine, but mostly local and personal grievances, has made impressive gains, government policy efforts aimed at treating symptoms have proved to be inadequate. With the pool of dissatisfied ever increasing an integrated and holistic response aimed at changing the ethos and attitude of governance and population is essential. Within this holistic response, the army as an element of state power can be a part of a solution but not "The" solution for Naxalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Resolving Insurgencies
Understanding how insurgencies may be brought to a successful conclusion is vital to military strategists and policymakers. This study examines how past insurgencies have ended and how current ones may be resolved. Four ways in which insurgencies have ended are identified. Clear-cut victories for either the government or the insurgents occurred during the era of decolonization, but they seldom happen today. Recent insurgencies have often degenerated into criminal organizations that become committed to making money rather than fighting a revolution, or they evolve into terrorist groups capable of nothing more than sporadic violence. In a few cases, the threatened government has resolved the conflict by co-opting the insurgents. After achieving a strategic stalemate and persuading the belligerents that they have nothing to gain from continued fighting, these governments have drawn the insurgents into the legitimate political process through reform and concessions. The author concludes that such a co-option strategy offers the best hope of U.S. success in Afghanistan and in future counterinsurgency campaigns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Embargo on Cuba
The United States imposed an embargo on Cuba in 1959. Has the time come for the United States to lift the 44-year-old embargo? The embargo on Cuba was part of America's cold war strategy against the Soviet Union; imposed on the basis that Cuba was a threat to U.S. national security because of their alliance with the Soviet Union, Fidel Castro's support of revolutionary forces in Latin America and the expropriation of U.S. property. The cold war ended 12 years ago. Democracy and political stability in Latin America are at an all time high, with Cuba being the only non-democratic nation in Latin America. In 1998, the Defense Intelligence Agency concluded that Cuba no longer poses a significant threat to U.S. national security or other countries in the region. The expropriation of U.S. property will not be solved by an embargo and lastly, for the eleventh year in a row, the United Nations has called for the end to the embargo. The most recent vote of the General Assembly on 12 November 2002, overwhelmingly voted 173 in favor to 3 opposed. Yet America continues to endorse a policy of isolation with no intentions of removing the embargo now or any time in the near future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Urban and Rural Insurgencies
With global urbanization on the rise, especially in the developing world, it is reasonable to conclude that urban insurgencies will become more prevalent in the future. The new Army and Marine Corps counterinsurgency manual devotes only a single paragraph to this environmental change, noting that urban insurgencies are "difficult to counter because they require little or no popular support." This admission implies a need to study the dynamics of urban-based insurgencies in greater depth and suggests that the time has come for a systematic comparison between urban and rural-based insurgencies. This thesis historically analyzed two rural insurgencies and two urban insurgencies to determine the underlying similarities and differences between the two types of insurgencies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Should the U.S. Department of State Continue to Use Private Security Contractors to Protect U.S. Diplomats?
On September 16, 2007 in Baghdad, Iraq, members of an American protective security detail, composed of private security contractors (PSCs), engaged in a shooting incident while protecting U.S. Department of State (DOS) personnel. Seventeen Iraqi civilians died. The idea of U.S. Foreign Service personnel being protected by armed American private contractor personnel raised many questions. The purpose of this study is to provide answers to the primary question of "Should DOS continue the use of PSCs to provide protection for U.S. diplomats?" and three secondary research questions: (1) How effectively do PSCs perform their protection function for DOS? (2) What alternatives exist besides using PSCs? (3) How can DOS use PSCs more effectively? I answered the above questions with a qualitative analysis of the existing body of literature complemented with personal interviews with key DOS leadership, and solicited comments from Diplomatic Security Service Agents, U.S. Foreign Service Officers, and PSC detail members.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Westernization or Modernization
The purpose of this paper is to answer the following question: Does the generation of Iranians born after the 1979 revolution wish to continue living under the system established by Ayatollah Khomeini, or do they wish to modernize (or perhaps westernize) their current political, social, and economic systems? This group is significant because 70% of the population of Iran is under the age of 30, and an amazing 50% is under the age of 21. Research for this paper to consisted of published material, including Internet sources and Iranian Web log sites, all written in English. This paper uses three broad frameworks to examine the attitudes and desires of the post-Khomeini generation in Iran. The three frameworks used are political, economic and social policies. To distinguish between attitudes and desires, the following definitions are used. Attitude defines how the young Iranians feel and desire describes what the young Iranians want. Iran's history, its political structure and the importance of the clerical class in Iran are also examined as background information, necessary to critically examine the issue of attitudes and desires. This paper has four major conclusions. The first is that young Iranians have subordinated their immediate desire for political change for changes in the economic and social policies of Iran. The second conclusion is that any eventual change in the Iranian political system will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The third conclusion is that the United States government has little ability to directly influence the attitudes and desires of these young Iranians directly. However, the last conclusion proposes that the United States government can effectively influence these groups indirectly, through the use of three identified leverage points. The leverage points fall into the general groupings of media, economics, and education. Finally, the paper assesses as low the probability that the under-30 generation in Iran will attempt to effeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cyberpower as a Coercive Instrument
This thesis aims to help bridge the gap between existing knowledge of cyberspace and the practical use of cyberpower as a coercive instrument. This knowledge will assist leaders at all levels to properly integrate cyberpower into a well-crafted strategy. This analysis demonstrates that although cyberpower has potential as an effective coercive instrument, it requires further evolution to be a persistent and powerful force by itself. This study examined the details of nine separate cyber attacks against the United States, Estonia, and Georgia. Cyberpower failed to deter or compel in the cases examined. The research question of this study is, Can cyberpower coerce adversarial states and non-state actors? This study concludes that used alone, cyberpower has yet to show coercive ability. Used in a combined campaign with other instruments, it also has yet to prove its coercive ability. However, cyberpower can be effective in brute force actions, both alone and when combined with other instruments.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding and Confronting Islamofascism
This paper's thesis is: Understanding that the Global Salafi-Islam Jihad (GSIJ) ideology is not a distortion or perversion of Islam, rather a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation within mainstream Islam, provides the knowledge to effectively proceed in the "War on Terror", or more aptly, the "War on Islamofascism" by using the Information Instrument of Power (IOP) to address terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam. The paper used the Problem/Solution methodology. The problem included determining: whether Islamofascism is historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate within Islam; its position within mainstream Islam; and how to apply the Information IOP to combat Islamofascism based on a correct understanding of it. The research revealed Islamofascism is a historically accurate and doctrinally legitimate interpretation of Islam that garners mainstream Islamic support and overlaps "moderate" Islam on numerous key Islamic concepts. The solution provided, given the aforementioned understanding, supports US policy to use the Information IOP as the primary way to combat Islamofascism, emphasizing terminology, "cultural progression", and support to "moderate" Islam within the information arena. Terminology includes use of "Islamofascism" rather than current terms in use, "cultural progression" includes accepting the Islamofascist historical accuracy and doctrinal legitimacy to co-opt its foundation, and support to "moderate" Islam considers the challenge of determining "moderate" Islam and subsequently supporting it through various educational programs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Doing Things That Can't Be Done
The current DoD organization has served our nation well. It is the most capable military the world has ever known. However, it is based on a Cold War mindset that does not efficiently respond to the rapid changes in today's global environment. There are several defects: the organization bureaucracy has become inefficient; service parochialism has become an Achilles' heel; and the structure is ill equipped to respond to joint, interagency, and coalition partners. To develop a future force structure to (1) support emerging missions that are (2) within fiscal constraints, while striving to (3) improve "jointness" and achieve the objectives outlines in national security guidance, the U.S. needs a major restructuring of the Department of Defense. This paper provides the background and explores new concepts that lead to a proposed DoD reorganization. It overviews the past, present, and future of the U.S. military to get a better understanding of the size and scope of the issue. Next, it looks at various organization concepts and creative thinking to help brainstorm new possibilities. This leads up to the six steps of a proposed reorganization: (1) Step One: Streamline overhead. Eliminate the three service secretary staffs and transfer their functions up to OSD and realign down to the military departments. (2) Step Two: Reduce layers. Transition and consolidate service-specific three-star level commands into standing joint task forces. (3) Step Three: Change mindset. Establish a joint promotion system. (4) Step Four: Reduce duplication. Consolidate the numerous defense and service support agencies performing similar functions into single agencies. (5) Step Five: Increase flexibility. Transform the current military departments that contain both "tooth" and "tail" to smaller, more flexible "corps" focused on core competencies (tooth), and establish a joint support force (tail) to augment these warfighting corps. (6) Step Six: Adapt concepts. Modify the combatant comma concThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration
Few insurgencies are resolved by military means alone. Insurgents, by definition, pursue political ends and resolve to accomplish those objectives by means of violence. Today the United States and her Allies are engaged in two distinct Counterinsurgency (COIN) Operations, Iraq and Afghanistan. In the case of Iraq, US forces are in the process of handing over the remaining responsibility for nationwide security and stability to the Iraqi government. Afghanistan, presently, does not offer such hope. This paper explores the construct of Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration (AR2) through case studies of three conflicts in Peru, Algeria and Iraq. Each case study examines the roots of conflict, the conduct of the conflict by insurgents and counterinsurgents alike and draws inference from the methods of AR2 used to bring about the termination of conflict. The study concludes with Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration is neither a process nor a prescription for peace and stability. There are no formulae that can be applied to a conflict that can resolve it, but AR2 does offer what the application of violence rarely can; the beginnings of a solution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Department of State, Diplomatic Security Service, Career Development Program
The United States (U.S.) Department of State's (DOS) Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) is tasked with ensuring the safety and security of all U.S. diplomatic missions around the world. Domestically, DSS Special Agents investigate Passport and Visa fraud, as well as protect visiting foreign dignitaries. DSS today faces the unprecedented challenge of staffing a large number of Special Agents in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan (AIP) in order to maintain the security needs for U.S. personnel working in those locations. As an incentive to serve in these less desirable locations, DSS Special Agents serving in AIP are given priority for their follow-on assignment. It is becoming increasingly difficult for a DSS Special Agent serving domestically to obtain an overseas assignment, which is a requirement for promotion under the current DSS career development program. This thesis addresses the question, "what changes are needed to the current DSS career development program?" Utilizing open-source data from the DOS, as well as past Government Accountability Office (GAO) reports, it was determined that the current DSS assignment process is not sustainable; thus a change in the DSS career development program is necessary. This will require a change of culture within DOS. Suggestions are made based on the Kotter Model for how to best make the needed changes.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Interagency Coordination at Net Speed
The ultimate strategic objective of cyber operations is to ensure US freedom of action in cyberspace and to deny the enemy the same. To achieve this objective, the DOD is standing up CYBERCOM to lead, integrate and better coordinate the day-to-day defense, protection, and operation of DOD networks and conduct full spectrum cyberspace military operations. However, the DOD alone does not possess sufficient capacity for unilateral response; interagency coordination is necessary to synchronize instruments of national power and thereby apply unified action toward resolving cyber threats to our national security. Integrated cyber interagency coordination at the strategic, operational and tactical levels of war is needed in order to synchronize efforts of multiple federal agencies. At the operational level, the CYBERCOM commander should implement a Joint Interagency Coordination Group (JIACG) to represent the civilian departments and agencies and achieve unity of effort in operational campaign planning.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Civilian Response Corps
In 2004, in response to the dismal reconstruction situation in the aftermath of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) was created, with the State Department tasked to take the lead. However, the creation of S/CRS included little or no funding for the office or its mission. Gaps in staffing, a lack of training, and the absence of support rendered the first years of this fledgling organization difficult and trying. Support for the organization, at least in rhetoric, spans the range of politics and government. From the White House to the Congress to the interagency community, political and government leaders are speaking out in support of S/CRS and its mission. The future of this organization remains in questions. Although the S/CRS has made progress and won small victories, huge challenges must be met before it and its expeditionary component, the Civilian Response Corps (CRC), can become the organization envisioned by its founders. S/CRS has the potential to meet some of the most important challenges the US will face in the years to come. However, it will require transforming the political speeches into actionable direction and support before S/CRS will reach its full potential. With the new Administration's mantra of diplomacy first and Congress' newly allocated funds for S/CRS, the time is right to seize this opportunity and build this organization so that the US can initiate a new era of coordination and cooperation in the area that truly wins a war--as opposed to a battle--stability and reconstruction operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Madison's Budget; James Madison's Special Uncle Sam Edition for Soldiers & Sailors ..
"Madison's Budget; James Madison's Special Uncle Sam Edition for Soldiers & Sailors .." offers a glimpse into early 20th-century American political discourse, potentially through a satirical or politically-charged lens. Attributed to James Madison, this special edition purportedly crafted for soldiers and sailors, suggests an intent to engage with the electorate and promote certain governmental ideals. The work provides insight into the political climate and rhetoric of the time, making it a valuable resource for understanding historical perspectives on governance and civic engagement. It may represent a unique form of political communication aimed at specific segments of the population during a pivotal era in American history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Narco-Crime in Mexico
The increasing volume and manner of violent deaths in Mexico nearly doubled in 2009 to just over seven thousand. Mexico appears capable of devolving into a failed state status where an insurgency threat could potentially thrive. These indices depict Mexico as potentially very near collapse. This monograph examines the contradiction among experts of Mexico and Latin America to determine whether the increased cross-border criminal violence reflects "an unintended side effect of democratization and economic globalization," or a signal for the eventual failure of Mexico as a nation-state. The monograph determines that Mexico will not fail. The violence along the US-Mexico border and within Mexico reflects a reaction by criminal organizations to the aggressive counter-narcotic policies enacted by President Calder?3n. President Calder?3n, having run for election as an anti-corruption conservative candidate, continues to pursue an aggressive policy as representative of the will of the people as expressed in free and fair elections after nearly 7 decades of single-party rule. Despite significant economic challenges and a deteriorating security situation in localized areas, the empirical evidence indicates that Mexico as a nation-state demonstrates clear national durability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crony Attack
Major Tolbert details how a nation can use crony attack to disrupt, if not destroy, "key elite supporters of an enemy leader to effect policy change in the attacker's favor." He defines crony attack, discusses its methodology, and outlines ways in which its effectiveness can be measured by offering the Slobodan Milosevic regime as a case study.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stabilization and Democratization of Iraq
The National Security Strategy of the United States of America of September 2002 (NSS) aims "to help make the world not just safer but better." In order to achieve this ambitious challenge, The NSS defines the following goals on the path to progress: political and economic freedom, peaceful relationships with other states, and respect for human dignity. Operation Iraqi Freedom succeeded to free the Iraqi people of Saddam Hussein's totalitarian regime. The next challenge for the US-led coalition is to stabilize the country and to implement a durable democracy. The latter tasks seem to be the most difficult ones because Iraq has never known democracy. It is a mosaic of multiple sectarian and ethnic groups. Furthermore, it lies within the area of strategic-political, economic, and religious influence of its neighboring countries. This thesis analyses Iraq's Islamic, sectarian, and ethnic factors. Next, it examines the historical case studies of Iraq's former republican constitutions and the Afghani constitution, adopted on 3 January 2004. Finally, this thesis recommends the US administration bolster a Federal Republic of Iraq by assisting the Iraqi people, diplomatically, militarily, economically, and judicially, to constitute a freely elected government, and to draft a constitution that respects Muslim values, democracy, protection of minorities, and human dignity.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams
Over the past 6 years, provincial reconstruction teams (PRTs) have played a growing role in the U.S. counterinsurgency effort in Afghanistan. PRTs are one of several organizations working on reconstruction there, along with civilian development agencies, including the U.S. Agency for International Development, numerous nongovernmental organizations, and the Afghan government's National Solidarity Program. Perhaps unsurprisingly, something of a debate has emerged over whether PRTs are needed. The authors argue that civilian reconstruction agencies cannot do the same job as the PRTs. While these agencies remain essential for long-term economic and political development, the PRTs conduct reconstruction in ways that help create stability in the short term. Absent the PRTs, the "build" in clear-hold-build efforts deemed essential to effective counterinsurgency would fall flat. Based on over 2 months of field research in 2007 and 2 months in 2008 by a CNA team with 4 different PRTs-Khost, Kunar, Ghazni, and Nuristan-plus interviews with the leadership of 10 others, the authors recommend that the United States give the PRTs the lead role in reconstruction activities that accompany any surge of military forces into Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Modeling and Analysis of Post-Conflict Reconstruction
The forces at play in reconstruction operations are a complex system of time phased interlocking cause and effect relationships that are not thoroughly understood. A model capable of capturing the general dynamics involved in post-conflict reconstruction would provide insight to decision makers regarding potential policy alternatives. This research effort demonstrates the viability of using systems dynamics modeling techniques to simulate the establishment of public order and safety in a post-conflict reconstruction operation (Phase IV operations). A high level generic framework is developed that can be used as a general template for modeling post-conflict reconstruction. It is then demonstrated with a notional test case based on the OIF AOR.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams and Good Governance
The United States has witnessed a change in its approach to warfare. The former approach focused on breaking the enemy's will to fight while leaving the governing process intact. The new approach focuses on replacing the standing government with a new democratic model. The US military created multiple Provincial Reconstructions Teams (PRTs) to assist in the process of building the new model. Several years later, the US Military developed doctrine describing how to accomplish the task. As PRTs formed prior to doctrine for building governance, the study asks, "Do US PRT models contain the structure necessary for building good governance?" This study examines the military's and other governmental agencies'; definitions and methods for building good governance. It then evaluates Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models to determine if they contain the structure necessary for building good governance while minimizing financial and force structure costs for the US Military. The analysis finds that both the Iraqi and Afghanistan PRT models lack the necessary structure to complete their mission of building governance. As both PRT contain different strengths, the study recommends combining those strengths to generate an organization more capable of building governance. It also recommends a more comprehensive definition for governance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sub-State Actors and Leadership in the Evolution of the African State
This study investigates the role of sub-state actors and leadership in the stabilization, the collapse or the renewal of the African state. Understanding the root causes of the mutations occurring in today's African states will help to build legitimacy for future Internal Security Assistance Programs and Military Operations Other Than War. The study explains how the emergence or the empowerment of traditional, civil society, and religious leaders loosens the states' authority, by atomizing the centers of decision. Then, to promote stability in the continent, shape a better environment, prevent conflicts or respond to crisis will always depend on how sub-state actors are managed in order to empower leadership at national level. This thesis advocates to implement long term strategies designed to progressively erode the influence of traditional and religious leaders while using them in focused areas and at limited levels to fulfill intermediate objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Future Shock
The purpose of this thesis is to stimulate thought on what forces the United States should procure in the future in light of current and projected political and economic cli-mates. In this spirit, different types of conventional forces are compared using the cost of a Naval Carrier Battle Group as the point of departure. The forces are then placed in a hypothetical scenario meeting the criteria of a Major Regional Contingency, in an effort to determine which weapon system is the most cost effective in terms of cost to deliver a weapon. The combat effectiveness of each weapon system is also determined in terms of the time it takes to destroy an armored division, and finally, the time it would take each weapon system to render typical enemy forces combat ineffective.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States and Israeli Homeland Security
This paper will provide a comparative analysis of the United States (U.S.) Department of Homeland Security's Emergency Preparedness and Response directorate and the Israel Defense Forces Home Front Command. It will focus on the preparedness aspect of homeland security and will address similarities and differences of both organizations, recent initiatives within each organization, and collaborative efforts between the United States and Israel in support of homeland security. It will illustrate that both organizations have made great strides in their homeland security efforts but that there is still much that needs to be done.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Agriculture and Stability in Afghanistan
Afghanistan looms as the key foreign policy challenge for the Obama administration. Under the previous Bush administration, foreign policy was driven primarily by security considerations, and Afghanistan was viewed a frontline state in the Global War on Terror. The military had the key role in implementing the USG's foreign policy, and foreign assistance was integrated within the U.S. National Security Strategy. However, this approach may not be appropriate given Afghanistan's history, economic and social conditions. Afghanistan is an agrarian society and is one of the poorest countries in the world due to decades of conflict. In particular, the Soviet invasion and occupation from 1979-89 had a devastating impact on its rural economy. As a result, the country now cannot produce enough food to meet its needs, and farmers in insecure regions increasingly rely on opium as a cash crop to support their families. The exponential growth of opium has undermined the economy, government and social fabric of the country. While more than 80 percent of Afghanistan's population relies on agriculture, the USG's support to the sector has been provided primarily through the counter-narcotics program, which promotes alternatives to opium production. However, these efforts have had limited success. In order to promote conditions for long-term stability, a more balanced approach is needed. A key factor in Afghanistan's long-term stability is revitalization of the agriculture sector, which is the basis for food security, rural livelihoods, and growth of the national economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sub-State Actors and Leadership in the Evolution of the African State
This study investigates the role of sub-state actors and leadership in the stabilization, the collapse or the renewal of the African state. Understanding the root causes of the mutations occurring in today's African states will help to build legitimacy for future Internal Security Assistance Programs and Military Operations Other Than War. The study explains how the emergence or the empowerment of traditional, civil society, and religious leaders loosens the states' authority, by atomizing the centers of decision. Then, to promote stability in the continent, shape a better environment, prevent conflicts or respond to crisis will always depend on how sub-state actors are managed in order to empower leadership at national level. This thesis advocates to implement long term strategies designed to progressively erode the influence of traditional and religious leaders while using them in focused areas and at limited levels to fulfill intermediate objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Comprehensive Nuclear Weapons Stockpile Management Program for a Responsible and Effective U.S. Nuclear Deterrent
"This research supports joint DOE/DoD requirements for a viable nuclear weapons sustainment and modernization policy into the twenty-first century. It focuses on a three-part modernization and rejuvenation program for the U.S. nuclear weapons stockpile, the associated DOE infrastructure, and the DOE manpower/technical base, making the case for improvements to each in a manner that will further U.S. national interests. This program has been designed to achieve broad political and popular support, support national and international nonproliferation efforts, and enable a reduction in the U.S. nuclear stockpile -- while maintaining the efficacy of nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence as a vital mission to the national security. It also stresses the importance of fulfilling extended deterrence commitments to allies as a means to preclude proliferation."--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Interagency Goldwater-Nichols Act is Needed for a Truly Effective Whole-of-Government Approach
In an increasingly interdependent world, America will continue to be stretched in many directions and the pace of government commitments is likely to increase. The US security enterprise needs transformation to meet these challenges. The time is now for the country to confront these challenges if there is any chance of remaining a superpower. An interagency Goldwater-Nichols Act (GNA) is needed for a truly effective whole-of-government approach. After an overview of how security and defense decisions are made at the highest levels of government, the research examines current statutory and non-statutory interagency guidance. The research further identifies a need for interagency reform by bringing to light security failures since passage of the original GNA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
President Mckinley and American Imperialism
William McKinley actively sought territorial expansion during his tenure as President of the United States as a means to stimulate the domesticeconomy and increase American international prestige. This expansion was critical to the continued economic growth of the United States andits emergence as a world power. This report looks at McKinley's expansionist foreign policy and asserts it was tied directly to attainingeconomic markets and prosperity for the United States and not, as is commonly believed, a moral duty to help our ?little brown brothers.?1This foreign policy designed to achieve economic growth conflicted with what many believed were the very foundations of our Constitution, the belief that no man should be ruled by another without consent. America had gained its independence from Great Britain because of thewidespread acceptance of this belief and now, a little more than a hundred years later, the country was contemplating colonialism because itwas sound business.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Tribal Influence on Middle East Political Stability
The words "tribe", "tribalism", and "tribal" produce wide ranging definitions and context when used in literature and research. The words are typically associated in a negative context to classify a society as "primitive." This paper does not classify whether tribal society is a positive, or a negative, aspect of Middle East society. Instead its purpose is to establish whether or not a causal link exists between the independent variable tribal influence (denoted as IVt), and the dependent variable political stability (denoted as DVps), in present day Middle East states. The paper is organized into six main sections. Section I defines tribe as used throughout the context of this paper. Section II describes why this paper is relevant to military leaders and planners. Section III defines the DVps, the research data sources used to determine DVps, the validity of the data source, and the limitations in data application. Section IV defines the IVt, research data resources used to assess the IVt, the validity of the data sources, and limitations in data application.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs)
In an effort to prevent Iraq from sliding further into civil conflict, one of President Bush's most significant initiatives has been to double the number of Provincial Reconstruction Teams in order to expand the reach of the fledgling central government.1 Short of sending a large contingent of forces to secure and run a country, which is impractical considering the simultaneous conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, PRTs - small, joint civil-military teams - attempt to fill the post-conflict void in the areas of stability, reconstruction, and governance. Given the current administration's emphasis, some observers wonder if the US government considers PRTs to be a panacea for the ethnic and sectarian struggle in Iraq.While most experts agree that PRTs have been somewhat successful in bringing stability to the Afghan provinces, the model has yet to prove itself as an effective long-term vehicle for stabilization and reconstruction.2 Furthermore, by undertaking reconstruction and assistance missions, these teams have incurred the wrath of international aid organizations by infringing upon the "neutrality" they seek to associate with aid and development. Considering the experiences of United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces in Afghanistan, this paper offers tactical, operational, and strategic recommendations for optimizing the PRT construct as a tool for stability and reconstruction operations in Iraq and future conflicts, while alleviating many of the concerns of international aid agencies working in the same region.In the final analysis, the success of the PRT construct, regardless of how effective it can be made, hinges upon one significant precondition - sufficient security must exist to allow the program to take root. Given success in the area of security, PRTs could prove to be the deciding factor in encouraging reconstruction and facilitating good governance in a post-conflict environment and, ultimately, nurturing the seeds of a stable democratThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Organizational Civilizations
Despite numerous attempts from terrorist organizations to use a radiological dispersal device (RDD) against the United States, our nation has never identified a lead agency to address RDDs nor established a center of excellence to capitalize on the science and technology efforts of our nation's best scientists and engineers. While the DOD certainly has a part to play in the RDD arena, identifying one of the national laboratories to oversee the collaborative efforts of all the federal agencies involved is perhaps the best way to capitalize on the investments made to ensure our nation and its citizens remain safe following a potential RDD attack. The results would be catastrophic if a terrorist organization were able to get a nuclear weapon to use, but it is much more likely that our nation will experience a RDD attack rather than a nuclear attack due to the commercial availability of radioactive materials throughout the world. The lack of a lead agency to oversee a consolidated approach in RDD research has left our nation unfocused in its research efforts delaying sound consequence management efforts. Argonne National Laboratory provides a unique advantage to serve as a national center of excellence due to its subject matter expertise and current R and D projects across the RDD spectrum. Establishing a national RDD center of excellence and locating it at Argonne refocuses our nation's attention on RDDs and the best method to focus future R and D efforts to meet those challenges. This paper first addresses the credibility of the threat of terrorist organizations attempting to acquire and employ a RDD against the U.S. and its allies. This drives the second part of the paper, which discusses whether a legitimate need exists to establish a national center of excellence for RDDs. Not only will the benefits of having a national center of excellence be presented, but also the current research efforts that are occurring at Argonne National Laboratory and its collaborativeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Economic Development in Counterinsurgency
To be victorious against an insurgency, counterinsurgents must build host-nation government legitimacy within the population by providing effective security, responsive governance, and sufficient economic development. When the United States (US) decides that it is in its interest to assist other nations battle insurgencies, it should consider how best to accomplish these three objectives. Within the security mission, US Army and Marine Corps leaders have codified the US approach in a an official publication, but US economic development experts have not yet put forth a similar strategy to guide development activities or inform their security and governance counterparts. To fill the gap, this paper lays out five key economic development principles that should be used to form the basis of any development COIN strategy: host-nation government legitimacy, mission synchronization, simultaneous tactical and operational development, HN capacity building, and responsiveness to local input. It also proposes the use of a four-phase development model composed of Shape, Stabilize, Build, and Transition phases to increase the probability that economic development in COIN will have its intended effect with regard to building government legitimacy and increasing security and governance cooperation. COIN is a difficult task, the success of which relies on a number of complex factors that often fall outside the counterinsurgents#65533; control. While these development principles and corresponding model do not guarantee success, they do increase the probability of a favorable outcome if employed consistently.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The War Powers Resolution
America has always had public and congressional support as a vulnerable center of gravity. The War Powers Resolution (WPR), enacted in 1973, has the effect of magnifying the vulnerability of this American center of gravity. This is particularly true in operations short of war, such as our recent deployments to Lebanon, Somalia, and Haiti. Although many have called for the repeal of the WPR because of its alleged constitutional defects and its impractical implementation, these calls have not led to any action. More importantly, these calls have not retarded the magnifying effect which the WPR has on America's public and congressional support center of gravity in operations short of war. Based on this last reason, the author contends the WPR should be repealed as proposed on January 4, 1995, by Senator Robert Dole.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mitigating the Tyranny, a Moral Responsibility
Mitigating the tyranny, a moral responsibility" takes basis in Michael Walzer's description of "The Tyranny of War," where the political decision makers are the tyrants who send soldiers into the tyranny. When given the power to make such decisions, they also have a moral responsibility to mitigate the tyranny. The first part of the essay explains why the decision makers have this responsibility, by referring to Michael Walzer's Just War Theory and the threefold responsibility decision makers have in justifying their decisions towards the international community - jus ad bellum, in bello and post bellum. Decision makers should also have the same responsibility towards their soldiers who are the victims of their decisions. This Just War Theory is further used to underscore the complexity of the tyranny and to explain what the mitigation of this encompasses. Although the military itself has a responsibility to mitigate the tyranny, the decision makers' responsibility lies in their awareness of, interest in and focus on the military and the reality of the tyranny. Their role in the mitigation of the tyranny is also to ensure the nation's support and backing of their soldiers, their awareness and acknowledgement of the soldiers effort and struggles in the threefold tyranny. The second part of the essay discusses how the contemporary Norwegian decision makers have allowed this sense of responsibility to decline, thus not contributing to the mitigation of the tyranny. Even though Norway is a nation in "deep peace" after the end of the Cold War, the tyranny for the soldiers are still present through numerous force commitments in UN and NATO operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Military Integration
The American political system is that of liberal democracy. There is an inherent distrust of a large standing army by the American people. Because of this, there has been considerable friction between political and military leaders on how best to integrate the military in the national security decision making process during peace and war. Prior to WWII, the question was solved during peace by not having a standing army. Then during war, a successful balance was struck which integrated political and military viewpoints to form national security policy. However, the Cold War upset the balance as the political viewpoint expanded and eventually suffocated the military viewpoint from the national security policy making process. This political enlargement resulted in a military detached from the national security decision process during the Vietnam War. The outcome war a political-military integration failure and a debacle in Vietnam. In the two decades following the Vietnam War, both political and military policy making viewpoints acheived a unique balance. The balance was attained by several political and military corrections to make sure there was "never again" another Vietnam. The manifestation of military-political balance was the 1991 Persian Gulf War. With the end of the Cold War, the changed political viewpoint, the US must again find the appropriate balance of political-military viewpoints in the national security policy making process. To find the right balance a glance at past failure and success can give insight into how the appropriate military-political balance can be realized and maintained.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Two is Better Than None
By the summer of 2003, the dust had settled on the US invasion of Iraq that toppled Saddam Hussein's brutal regime. Academicians, politicians, and pundits then began characterizing the US strategy for stabilizing Iraq as an uninformed afterthought that was doomed to failure. Some commentators advocated partitioning Iraq into three states: a Kurdish north, a Sunni Arab center, and a Shi'a Arab south. The calls for partition continue today as Iraq struggles with seemingly intractable sectarian bloodshed, with advocates contending separation is the only way to remedy US and colonial blunders and quell the violence. Meanwhile, the US policy is to maintain Iraq as a unitary state.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crisis in Burma
Since 1962, the state of Burma (or Myanmar) has fallen victim to defunct military rule that has driven the country into economic crisis aggravated by widespread poverty and disease, reliance on the illicit drug trade, massive corruption, and grave human rights violations. In 1988, the crisis manifested in large-scale internal protests for democratic reform resulting in the killing of over 3,000 civilians at the hands of the junta-led military. Since then, the democratic opposition party in Burma has struggled to overcome extreme measures of isolation and suppression by the junta to stimulate a transition to democratic governance. As the world's superpower and "beacon of light" for democratic processes and ideals, the US has an important leadership role to play in this political drama. Aside from its moral obligations, however, US strategic interests are at stake as they are increasingly compromised by the economic and political instability caused by rogue governments. Therefore, it is not enough to limit the promotion of freedom that has yielded stability and prosperity within US borders alone. So, how should the US respond to the crisis in Burma? For the past two decades, US foreign policy has relied heavily on economic pressure to coerce political change. In light of worsening conditions in Burma and significant changes in global power politics since the turn of the millennia, a change in strategy is needed. Using the Problem/Solution method of research, this paper examines the full spectrum of strategic options and recommends a course of action that respects the current dynamics of the geopolitical environment as well as current US capabilities and limitations. This paper contends that to protect its national security interests, the US should implement a strategic blend of all four major instruments of power--economic, military, information, and diplomacy--placing the greatest emphasis on diplomacy in the Southeast Asia region and with China to promote politicalThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Irregular Warfare Czar
While there have been numerous successes related to the current war on terrorism, the United States' momentum seems to be waning as we have moved from a traditional World War Two method of engagement to one of irregular warfare (IW). This paper concerns itself with, not how to successfully fight an IW campaign, but who should lead these efforts in a whole of government approach. Presidents have used czars within their administrations for a myriad of reasons but the underlying basis has been to have a focal point to direct a whole-of-government approach respective to their assignment. To confront the challenges before us, we must strengthen the capacity of the other elements of national power, leveraging the full potential of the interagency and have a single person responsible to the president for leading these efforts and with the authority to implement them - the IW Czar.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
