U.S. Military Assistance to Philippine Ground Forces
This study examines the suitability of current U.S. military assistance to Philippine ground forces. The research hypothesis is that the scope and form of current military assistance to the Philippines is not optimum and that more, or different, aid is warranted. The study profiles the communist insurgency, the Aquino administration's counterinsurgency policies, and the composition of AFP ground forces and their counterinsurgency programs. It investigates and analyzes the extent of U.S. military aid, both direct and indirect. The study concludes that the insurgency presents a real and immediate threat to the Aquino administration, and that the Aquino administration has no clear national COIN strategy integrating civil and military efforts. It further concludes that both the U.S. and the AFP may optimize U.S. aid by adopting several initiatives; and that the use of U.S. advisors is appropriate only in a limited "train-the-trainer" role.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Influence of Politics, Technology, and Asia on the Future of US Missile Defense
This work presents an overview of ballistic missile defense (BMD) initiatives and their attendant technologies with a careful analysis of their existing capabilities and potentialities to make recommendations as to the BMD initiatives that are most likely to provide realistic expectations of useful defense capabilities in the near to mid-term. There is also an extended discussion of the implications of BMD in the relationships of the United States and the nations of Asia, particularly Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, North Korea, and Japan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Community-Oriented Policing and Counterinsurgency
Community-oriented policing is a model for police operations used in many countries. The goal of policing is to provide law enforcement of behaviors that a society considers criminal and to help the society in the process of control of those actions that may not be criminal but are undesirable in a community. It consists of three main elements: strategic, neighborhood-oriented, and problem-oriented policing. This method encourages community input into the government system and that helps establish needs and priorities for government and social services. The successful British counterinsurgency in Malaya is used as a case study to examine the community-oriented policing model in the light of concrete experience. The case study reveals that the pattern of operation and the final organization of the security forces in Malaya conformed closely to the community-oriented policing model laid out in chapter 2. The model is then compared to current operations in Afghanistan to see what recommendations may be made. This paper concludes that community-oriented policing is a model useful for counterinsurgency, that U.S. military policing doctrine be expanded and improved, and that the U.S. ability to provide policing and police training abroad be expanded.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is Federalism Based on Ethnic Partition a Viable Solution in Iraq?
The U.S. strategy in Iraq from 2003 to 2007 focused on transitioning Iraq into a unified democratic nation state with majority and minority leaders working toward common goals. One seemingly unforeseen issue was that primordial nationalism overshadowed modern nationalism. Primordial nationalism provided an exploitable seam for outside actors and internal ethnically driven leaders to create instability despite the efforts of the United States. Under the confines of the initial U.S. strategy, the rift between the ethnic groups resulted in increased insecurity within the country and sectarian violence similar to Bosnia. This thesis analyzed the sectarian rifts, the potential establishment of ethnic provinces with security and governance, and a multi-ethnic national government. This thesis concluded that federalism based on an ethnic partition of Iraq is viable. The solution to primordial nationalism is to provide each group an equal level of authority in the nation. A change in strategy permitting the groups to use their current militias as the provincial police force will provide the security for each province. The unit structure in the Iraqi Army requires equality of leadership and membership at every conceivable level. The Iraqi government requires restructuring to provide equal sharing of power between Sunnis, Shias, and Kurds.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sub-State Actors and Leadership in the Evolution of the African State
This study investigates the role of sub-state actors and leadership in the stabilization, the collapse or the renewal of the African state. Understanding the root causes of the mutations occurring in today's African states will help to build legitimacy for future Internal Security Assistance Programs and Military Operations Other Than War. The study explains how the emergence or the empowerment of traditional, civil society, and religious leaders loosens the states' authority, by atomizing the centers of decision. Then, to promote stability in the continent, shape a better environment, prevent conflicts or respond to crisis will always depend on how sub-state actors are managed in order to empower leadership at national level. This thesis advocates to implement long term strategies designed to progressively erode the influence of traditional and religious leaders while using them in focused areas and at limited levels to fulfill intermediate objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Do Separatist Insurgents Use Negotiations for Their Growth and Survival?
Several scholarly discussions have been held and numerous studies conducted on the subject of counterinsurgency warfare but only a little emphasis has been made on studying the relationship between negotiations and the growth of insurgents. For that reason, an effort was made to research this unexamined area, initially by conducting an in-depth review on the literature published on the subjects of insurgency and negotiations to acquire a sound knowledge on the theoretical foundations pertaining to the key areas of the research question and subsequently by analyzing a case study on the Sri Lankan scenario, where a prolonged counterinsurgency campaign has been waged for the last two decades. This research focuses on four different episodes where the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had conducted negotiations from 1985 to 2003 in order to analyze how an insurgent organization makes use of negotiations for its growth and survival through a case studies methodology. The study concludes by logically assessing how the LTTE, as a separatist insurgent organization, has been able to make use of the aforesaid negotiations for its growth and survival. The conclusion also meets the broad purpose of the research by making recommendations for legitimate counterinsurgents to gainfully engage in negotiations while denying the insurgents from gaining advantages during negotiations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evaluating the Impact of Drug Trafficking Organizations on the Stability of the Mexican State
Since 2007, when President Felipe Calderon declared his government's war on the drug trafficking organizations operating in his country, the level of narcotics related violence has increased dramatically. The violence, which had been largely confined to factions of the cartels, now threatens every citizen and is devastating the economy of the border region. This thesis evaluates the impact of Mexican drug cartels on the stability of the Mexican State and on the security of the U.S. The primary conclusion drawn is that the Mexican state is unlikely to fail as state failure is defined, but the Mexican government is likely to return to a one party system under which drug trafficking and corruption are tolerated but the violence does not directly affect the average Mexican. While current U.S. efforts toward increased border security and assistance to Mexico in the form of the Merida Initiative have made positive impacts, it is only by decreasing U.S. demand for illegal narcotics and encouraging Mexican economic growth that both nations can make real progress in the drug war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Sub-State Actors and Leadership in the Evolution of the African State
This study investigates the role of sub-state actors and leadership in the stabilization, the collapse or the renewal of the African state. Understanding the root causes of the mutations occurring in today's African states will help to build legitimacy for future Internal Security Assistance Programs and Military Operations Other Than War. The study explains how the emergence or the empowerment of traditional, civil society, and religious leaders loosens the states' authority, by atomizing the centers of decision. Then, to promote stability in the continent, shape a better environment, prevent conflicts or respond to crisis will always depend on how sub-state actors are managed in order to empower leadership at national level. This thesis advocates to implement long term strategies designed to progressively erode the influence of traditional and religious leaders while using them in focused areas and at limited levels to fulfill intermediate objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Creating Effective Post-Conflict Transition Organizations
The contemporary operational environment includes a host of variables that make the management of post-conflict transitions a challenge. Constructing the optimal management organization is a key component of successful post-conflict transition. This thesis examined four organizations: the Military Support Group-Panama which was established following the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989, the Office of the High Representative which was at the center of the peace operation in Bosnia from 1995 to the present, the post-conflict transition in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001, and the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq. The Military Support Group-Panama illustrated the strengths and weaknesses of a purely military organization and how it worked in the unique situation of Panama. However, the Bosnia situation called for broader international involvement and the Office of the High Representative served as the focal point for a complex organization. The ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq offered a comparison of vastly different organizations operating in the contemporary operating environment. The four case studies showed that post-conflict transition and reconstruction and stabilization operations can benefit from a tailored management organization that emphasizes simplicity, responsiveness, flexibility, sustainability, and efficiency to achieve maximum success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Efficacy of Security Force Assistance in Countering Violent Extremist Organizations in Failed and Potentially Failing States
The 2008 National Defense Strategy identifies promoting security as one of the nation's strategic objectives, using Security Force Assistance (SFA) as a method to build partner capacity. The primary threat addressed is violent extremist organizations operating in failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas. Current doctrine with respect to Security Force Assistance is inconsistent in its explanation of various critical principles as well as ambiguous in addressing the "whole of government" approach that is vital to conducting these types of operations. Additionally, definitions of violent extremist organizations and failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas vary both domestically across the interagency as well as internationally, creating confusion at the strategic level that translates to the operational and tactical levels. Presented first in this thesis are analyses of Security Force Assistance doctrine in its current state and of the definitions of violent extremist organizations and failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas. Presented next are two historical case studies of Security Force Assistance operations: Somalia and Colombia. These case studies examine Security Force Assistance operations of varying intensity in failed and potentially failing states that contain violent extremist organizations. This thesis identifies anomalies in doctrine, particularly with respect to incorporation of the interagency and the integration of the elements of national power outside of the military. This thesis by identifying Security Force Assistance doctrinal gaps that are critical to the efficacy of the concept in failed states and ungoverned areas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Challenges and Prospects of Liberal Democracy in West Africa
The bitter lessons of history have taught West Africa that there are no longer respectable alternatives to democracy after the collapse of communism. Nonetheless, governance in West Africa in the 21st century remains the greatest problem because illiberal democracies seem to be gaining legitimacy due to the fact that they are reasonably democratic. Such illiberal democratic governments if not exposed will continue to plunge the sub-region into a vicious cycle of semi-authoritarianism rule which does not promote economic prosperity. This thesis therefore examines the challenges and prospects of the nature of liberal democratic system of governance in West Africa, through a comparative assessment of Benin, Ghana and Nigeria. The thesis argues that though other attributes of liberal democracies are important, the environment in West Africa calls for a political system marked by guaranteed safety and security, respect for the rule of law and human rights, free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society and a system of transparency and accountability within the sub-region. This is the best way to ensure a reversal to the cycle of political instability and poverty that has characterized West Africa for decades.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Government's Strategy Against the Maoist Insurgency in Nepal
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal broke out when the international situation was unfavorable for the Communists, and it grew faster than anticipated. The Government of Nepal's (GoN's) effort was not well planned; however, many of the counterinsurgency (COIN) principles established by Joint Publication (JP) 3-24, Counterinsurgency Operations, were employed. Some of the principles were partially effective in the initial stage, but most of the principles were not. The main reasons behind the GoN's ineffectiveness in the COIN campaign are as follows: the GoN demonstrated a lack of commitment to defeat the insurgency, there was a lack of resources, and a lack of adequate international support. The lack of commitment by the GoN led to its failure to formulate a well defined COIN strategy. The GoN received support from various countries, but the resources available were inadequate. Hence, the overall COIN effort of GoN was less effective until 2001. The unstable political situation leading to lack of strong commitment of the state, and unreliable support of international community in terms resources impacted the overall COIN effort. In overall, the political factors, lack of resources and international support were the key COIN principles which resulted in the failure of the COIN effort.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Attitudes Toward Political Authoritarianism in Economically Advanced Democracies
This Element focuses on how individuals' gender values and populations' gender norms influence their attitudes toward political authoritarianism in economically advanced democracies. First, it theorizes that individuals' higher support for gender equality and freedom of sexuality (GEFS) decreases their support of political authoritarianism. This operates directly through the development of a belief system that is incompatible with political authoritarianism as a system rooted in and sustained through conformity to hegemonic masculine dominance. Additionally, this operates indirectly by strengthening support for pluralism, strengthening support for democratic socialization in households, and increasing rejection of the use of violence to control household social relations. Second, it theorizes how GEFS norms and political authoritarian norms are mutually reinforcing in shaping political culture at the country-level. The Element shows evidence consistent with these theories through analysis of data on OECD countries from 1995 to 2022 based on waves 3-7 of the World Values Surveys.
One Nation Always Under God
A NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLERSenator Tim Scott explains that in every state, in every decade, America has been built on faith.From our Founding Fathers to today's heroes of faith, Christianity has been the bedrock of our nation's greatness. In One Nation Always Under God, South Carolina Senator Tim Scott shows how Christian values forged our legal system, educational institutions, healthcare, social services, and more.One Nation Always Under God is filled with inspiring stories of American Christians whose heroic advocacy has moved the nation forward, includingAbolitionist William Lloyd Garrison, who faced an angry mob trying to destroy his newspaperApollo 13 astronaut Jim Lovell, whose faith sustained him 200,000 miles from EarthDorothea Dix, who revolutionized how America dealt with mental healthEddie Rickenbacker, an aging WWI ace who stepped up to command soldiers stranded in the Pacific in 1942Norman Borlaug, a scientist whose discoveries saved a billion people from starvation...and more. These stories exemplify both the American spirit of adventure and the Christian love of serving others.Far from being confined to the Constitutional Convention or church pews, faith has been the driving force behind America's innovation, prosperity, and moral leadership, Scott asserts. While the forces of secularism and moral relativism try to ban God from the public square, they cannot truly remove Him from our national DNA.Senator Scott reminds us that we stand on the shoulders of giants--courageous Christians who faced seemingly insurmountable odds yet persevered through faith. Their stories will stir the heart and awaken the hero within you. One Nation Always Under God is more than a history lesson. It's a rallying cry for all who believe that America's promise is rooted in timeless biblical principles.
Just-War Theory and Future Warfare
The future global system of international relations, the clash of civilizations, the revolution in military affairs, and the expansion of war present significant challenges to just-war theory. The problem is that modern definitions of just-war principles address conventional war between states; therefore, they may not apply to information-age warfare or complex conflict between transnational, national, subnational groups. Thus, the central research question is: Should American strategists accept, modify, or reject modern just-war theory as evaluation criteria of military operations in future warfare? Three case studies tested just-war theory: netwar, Operation Allied Force in Kosovo, and the strategic air campaign during Operation Desert Storm. The first step applied modern just-war theory to the military course of action to determine whether it was just or unjust. The second step applied realistic tests of power and national interests to determine whether to use or refrain from unjust military force. The third step evaluated absolute principles and moral consequences to determine if there is cause to modify just-war theory. Netwar and Kosovo recommended that strategists should modify the modern definitions of jus ad bellum to return to the classic definitions. Desert Storm recommended that strategists should accept the modern definitions of jus in bello.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Reevaluating the United States Approach to Conflict and Military Intervention
The realist paradigm is the USG's dominate perspective for conflict analysis. Historically, this perspective has served the United States well, leading to its ascension from colonial possession to global hegemon in less than two centuries. There is mounting evidence, however, that this perspective and its associated approaches are inadequate for the conflicts it is currently and will continue to engage in the 21st Century. Recent trends suggest that the U.S.' future conflicts will be more emotional and intractable than the ones it traditionally prepared. The realist paradigm with its explicit focus on rational decision-making and substantive issues fails to provide insight into and lacks the concepts, methods, and tools to effectively address intractable conflict's multiple dimensions. The systems paradigm, specifically the dynamical systems approach, provides valuable insights into conflict formation, maintenance, and resolution that practitioners can use to design and monitor more effective resolution strategies. More importantly, it provides an overarching framework that incorporates the relative strengths of multiple conflict paradigms into a cohesive holistic approach. This thesis argues that adopting a more holistic approach to conflict resolution would increase the effectiveness of USG's international intervention efforts.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Challenges and Prospects of Liberal Democracy in West Africa
The bitter lessons of history have taught West Africa that there are no longer respectable alternatives to democracy after the collapse of communism. Nonetheless, governance in West Africa in the 21st century remains the greatest problem because illiberal democracies seem to be gaining legitimacy due to the fact that they are reasonably democratic. Such illiberal democratic governments if not exposed will continue to plunge the sub-region into a vicious cycle of semi-authoritarianism rule which does not promote economic prosperity. This thesis therefore examines the challenges and prospects of the nature of liberal democratic system of governance in West Africa, through a comparative assessment of Benin, Ghana and Nigeria. The thesis argues that though other attributes of liberal democracies are important, the environment in West Africa calls for a political system marked by guaranteed safety and security, respect for the rule of law and human rights, free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society and a system of transparency and accountability within the sub-region. This is the best way to ensure a reversal to the cycle of political instability and poverty that has characterized West Africa for decades.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Community-Oriented Policing and Counterinsurgency
Community-oriented policing is a model for police operations used in many countries. The goal of policing is to provide law enforcement of behaviors that a society considers criminal and to help the society in the process of control of those actions that may not be criminal but are undesirable in a community. It consists of three main elements: strategic, neighborhood-oriented, and problem-oriented policing. This method encourages community input into the government system and that helps establish needs and priorities for government and social services. The successful British counterinsurgency in Malaya is used as a case study to examine the community-oriented policing model in the light of concrete experience. The case study reveals that the pattern of operation and the final organization of the security forces in Malaya conformed closely to the community-oriented policing model laid out in chapter 2. The model is then compared to current operations in Afghanistan to see what recommendations may be made. This paper concludes that community-oriented policing is a model useful for counterinsurgency, that U.S. military policing doctrine be expanded and improved, and that the U.S. ability to provide policing and police training abroad be expanded.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
By Understanding the Maoist Approach to Revolution and its Inherent Contradictions, Insights Will Be Gained on Taliban Vulnerabilities
The Maoist Revolutionary model provides a template of a successful revolution. Both the Taliban and the Chinese underwent similar circumstances. Both movements formed as a result of failed states seeking ways to restore unity and order within their environments. The purpose of this thesis is to use the Maoist revolutionary model to gain insights in vulnerabilities within the current Taliban strategy. First, the thesis examines the history behind both movements to determine if there are any contextual similarities. Second, it studies Mao璽€~s philosophies on revolution using his major works. These philosophies are applied to the Taliban to gain insights on their weaknesses. Last, the thesis looks at Mao璽€~s ideas in protracted war and problems conducting guerrilla warfare. The relevance of these ideas are applied to the Taliban to understand what threatens their strategic overall success from a Maoist perspective.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evaluating the Impact of Drug Trafficking Organizations on the Stability of the Mexican State
Since 2007, when President Felipe Calderon declared his government's war on the drug trafficking organizations operating in his country, the level of narcotics related violence has increased dramatically. The violence, which had been largely confined to factions of the cartels, now threatens every citizen and is devastating the economy of the border region. This thesis evaluates the impact of Mexican drug cartels on the stability of the Mexican State and on the security of the U.S. The primary conclusion drawn is that the Mexican state is unlikely to fail as state failure is defined, but the Mexican government is likely to return to a one party system under which drug trafficking and corruption are tolerated but the violence does not directly affect the average Mexican. While current U.S. efforts toward increased border security and assistance to Mexico in the form of the Merida Initiative have made positive impacts, it is only by decreasing U.S. demand for illegal narcotics and encouraging Mexican economic growth that both nations can make real progress in the drug war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Role of Civil Military Relations in Stability Operations in Chile
This study investigates the role of civil military relations in stability operations in Latin America, using Chile as a case study. This study analyzes the pattern of civil military relations that exists in Chile according to a model constructed on Huntington's theory of civil military relations. Objective control of the military by the legitimate government, as opposed to varying forms of subjective control, is the most effective pattern of civil military relations in modern society. This study examines the factors necessary to achieve objective control, beginning with the establishment of a professional, nonpolitically involved military. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what measures may be taken by Chile to achieve an objective pattern of civil military relations that supports regional stability. The model used in this study, based on Huntington's theory of civil military relations, analyzes three primary factors to determine the pattern of civil military relations. The factors used are the relative power that the military has in relationship to other institutions or groups within the government, the level of professionalism within the military, and the political ideology that exists within the nation in terms of supporting the military.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iraqi Ministry of Interior Forces
An examination of ethnic demography, historical governments, political parties, force structure, organization, and partnership efforts within the Iraqi Ministry of Interior includes several recommendations that must be accomplished in order to provide permanent security and stability to the nation. These variables must be considered and delicately balanced as the United States and its coalition partners assist the nation of Iraq in its democratization. This thesis examines the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, focusing on the Iraqi Police Services, and the ongoing efforts to provide internal security to the nation without regard to ethnicity, religious beliefs, or political ties. Instead, the reformation of this organization requires an increased national capacity and capability within the Ministry of Interior to sufficiently recruit, vet, and develop an adequate force structure to secure the nation during an extremely complex insurgency. The thesis also identifies the need to develop an organization responsible for nation's internal security that unifies ethnic factions that will protect and serve the entire people of Iraq and protect their constitution in order to prevent a future authoritarian regime. Finally, this thesis presents some recommendations to ongoing development efforts that could provide rigidity to a fragile police infrastructure for the nation of Iraq. If implemented, these recommendations would enhance the Ministry of Interior's ability to effectively govern, secure, and police the nation in order to provide security and stability and facilitate reconstruction throughout the nation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Re-framing the United States/Mexico Border Violence Situation
This paper argues that to counter border spillover violence, America must control the border with Mexico and generate the public and political commitment to do so. This study applies a military problem solving methodology to identify how best to counter spillover violence. The methodology, which is described in a student text at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, enables the author to sift through the data of six prominent, recent studies which address the U.S.-Mexico drug problem. The conclusions and emphasis that arise from the methodology discern that border control, which is downplayed in the six prominent studies, should be--in fact--the U.S. government's critical focus.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Efficacy of Security Force Assistance in Countering Violent Extremist Organizations in Failed and Potentially Failing States
The 2008 National Defense Strategy identifies promoting security as one of the nation's strategic objectives, using Security Force Assistance (SFA) as a method to build partner capacity. The primary threat addressed is violent extremist organizations operating in failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas. Current doctrine with respect to Security Force Assistance is inconsistent in its explanation of various critical principles as well as ambiguous in addressing the "whole of government" approach that is vital to conducting these types of operations. Additionally, definitions of violent extremist organizations and failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas vary both domestically across the interagency as well as internationally, creating confusion at the strategic level that translates to the operational and tactical levels. Presented first in this thesis are analyses of Security Force Assistance doctrine in its current state and of the definitions of violent extremist organizations and failed and potentially failing states and ungoverned areas. Presented next are two historical case studies of Security Force Assistance operations: Somalia and Colombia. These case studies examine Security Force Assistance operations of varying intensity in failed and potentially failing states that contain violent extremist organizations. This thesis identifies anomalies in doctrine, particularly with respect to incorporation of the interagency and the integration of the elements of national power outside of the military. This thesis by identifying Security Force Assistance doctrinal gaps that are critical to the efficacy of the concept in failed states and ungoverned areas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Compelling Other Governments to Capitulate
There is not a clearly defined framework within the national security dialogue of the United States, which sufficiently details compelling another government to capitulate as an end-state to the use of military force. When deciding to use military force the U.S. should consider all options. One option is to force a belligerent government to capitulate. Governmental capitulation is defined as "The situation in a country at the national level, where the ruling authorities have relinquished power and do not control the country. The military is destroyed or rendered incapable of conducting medium or large- scale operations. The populace is subjected to martial law by an occupying force." My research revealed how the roots of strategy, diplomacy, peace, and security intertwine to reveal models or frameworks that best detail what courses of action can be taken when nations are faced with threats to national security. Part of this research included historical examples where governmental capitulation was achieved and produced long-term peace and stability. It includes examples where governmental capitulation was not achieved and peace and stability were not secured. This thesis outlines a model for planning and analyzing the conditions for governmental capitulation to be used as part of the national security dialogue prior to commitment of U.S. Armed Forces.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Government's Strategy Against the Maoist Insurgency in Nepal
The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal broke out when the international situation was unfavorable for the Communists, and it grew faster than anticipated. The Government of Nepal's (GoN's) effort was not well planned; however, many of the counterinsurgency (COIN) principles established by Joint Publication (JP) 3-24, Counterinsurgency Operations, were employed. Some of the principles were partially effective in the initial stage, but most of the principles were not. The main reasons behind the GoN's ineffectiveness in the COIN campaign are as follows: the GoN demonstrated a lack of commitment to defeat the insurgency, there was a lack of resources, and a lack of adequate international support. The lack of commitment by the GoN led to its failure to formulate a well defined COIN strategy. The GoN received support from various countries, but the resources available were inadequate. Hence, the overall COIN effort of GoN was less effective until 2001. The unstable political situation leading to lack of strong commitment of the state, and unreliable support of international community in terms resources impacted the overall COIN effort. In overall, the political factors, lack of resources and international support were the key COIN principles which resulted in the failure of the COIN effort.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Counterinsurgency in West Africa
Among the most challenging issues of West Africa, is its security. This region had experienced and is still experiencing many insurgencies. The Senegalese Armed Forces had been containing the insurgents in Senegal's southern Casamance region for more than twenty years. They have conducted many successful military operations against the rebels but still now the region is not completely secured. Despite this long insurgency, the Republic of Senegal seems more fortunate than some of its neighbors in West Africa, such as Liberia or C?織te d'Ivoire. In these two countries, the insurgency reached such high levels that United Nations peacekeeping forces' interventions were required to avoid a general chaos in those countries. To bring back and maintain peace and stability, these countries, have unsuccessfully tried predominantly a military lethal approach. They have also experienced numerous political negotiations, helped by neighboring countries, West Africa's sub-regional organization known as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN). This thesis explores some non-lethal Lines of operations within a coherent counterinsurgency strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Creating Effective Post-Conflict Transition Organizations
The contemporary operational environment includes a host of variables that make the management of post-conflict transitions a challenge. Constructing the optimal management organization is a key component of successful post-conflict transition. This thesis examined four organizations: the Military Support Group-Panama which was established following the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1989, the Office of the High Representative which was at the center of the peace operation in Bosnia from 1995 to the present, the post-conflict transition in Afghanistan following the U.S.-led invasion in 2001, and the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq. The Military Support Group-Panama illustrated the strengths and weaknesses of a purely military organization and how it worked in the unique situation of Panama. However, the Bosnia situation called for broader international involvement and the Office of the High Representative served as the focal point for a complex organization. The ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq offered a comparison of vastly different organizations operating in the contemporary operating environment. The four case studies showed that post-conflict transition and reconstruction and stabilization operations can benefit from a tailored management organization that emphasizes simplicity, responsiveness, flexibility, sustainability, and efficiency to achieve maximum success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Singapore's Defense Policy
This research explores the ambivalence that surrounds Singapore's post-independence defense policy. On the one hand, Singapore's defense policy has complemented the nation's overall development with its robust efficacy and fiscal efficiency. However, the magnitude of the country's defense expenditure has also led to the occasional raised eyebrow. For example, Singapore's reported defense budget for 2009 was more than that of Malaysia's and Indonesia's put together, which some may find surprising given the relative sizes and populations of these three neighboring countries. This research found that Singapore's decision to pursue a rigorous and generously-funded defense policy paid early dividends by reducing Singapore's initial vulnerability as a newly-independent nation. Since then, the role of Singapore's defense policy has evolved alongside changes in the security environment. Thus, while maintaining a credible deterrence will always remain the raison d'?atre of Singapore's defense policy, its contemporary manifestation pertains more directly to expanding Singapore's international influence through its synergistic impact on Singapore's economic and diplomatic instruments of national power.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of the Communist Theory of Insurgency With Special Attention to Southeast Asia From 1945 to 1966
"The greater our knowledge and understanding of the Communist theory of insurgency -as they themselves see it -the greater the probability of our ultimate victory." This document discusses the following topics: modern insurgency- the new tactic of communism; original thoughts of the old guard- Marx, Lenin, and Stalin; new wave from the east- the thought of Mao Tse-tung; reflections from the south- Truong and Giap; case study- Laos, Troika that failed; the anatomy of insurgency- a proposal; and conclusions- a pattern of progress?This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Impact of Islamic Revival in a Plural Society
Like many other multiethnic countries, Malaysia has seen a revival in Islamic fundamentalism in her Muslim populace since the seventies. The ongoing revival has led to pressures on the Malaysian government to establish an Islamic state in the country. Since the eighties, this revival is associated with a deterioration in political relations between Muslims and non-Muslims and a heightening of domestic tensions in the country. This study examines the process by which the activities of Islamic revival movements have contributed to the polarization in Malaysia's domestic politics. The study analyzes the characteristics of the revival and the impact on some key areas of Malaysian politics. These areas include Muslim and non-Muslim interests, governmental response to the revival, responses of major political parties, and changes in the alignment of popular support for these political parties. The study shows that the government has adopted conciliatory responses toward the demands of Muslim revivalists because of the pivotal role of the Muslim vote in the electoral process. Such responses have been detrimental to the interests of non-Muslims, resulting in a deterioration in relations between Muslims and non-Muslims at the grassroots level, and a polarization of support for political parties along ethnic lines. If the momentum of the revival continues, interethnic relations are likely to continue deteriorating.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impacts of Corruption on Economic Development in Afghanistan
This thesis addresses the economic costs associated with corruption in Afghanistan. Accountability of government spending and growing emphasis on anti-corruption in Afghanistan justify this study. The goal is to recommend a course of action to responsibly and systematically reduce corruption and increase confidence in the government of Afghanistan. The study examines both beneficial and detrimental effects of corruption using theory, as well as empirical analyses of corruption on transnational countries facing similar levels of perceived corruption and economic development levels. Evaluation of factors associated with economic growth and corruption levels from 2005 to 2010 determine which corruption theories apply best to Afghanistan. The results indicate that increased corruption levels have resulted in a decline of gross domestic product of some 87 percent from 2005 to 2010. Afghanistan also experienced an increase in the level of corruption and inflation in this period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is Federalism Based on Ethnic Partition a Viable Solution in Iraq?
The U.S. strategy in Iraq from 2003 to 2007 focused on transitioning Iraq into a unified democratic nation state with majority and minority leaders working toward common goals. One seemingly unforeseen issue was that primordial nationalism overshadowed modern nationalism. Primordial nationalism provided an exploitable seam for outside actors and internal ethnically driven leaders to create instability despite the efforts of the United States. Under the confines of the initial U.S. strategy, the rift between the ethnic groups resulted in increased insecurity within the country and sectarian violence similar to Bosnia. This thesis analyzed the sectarian rifts, the potential establishment of ethnic provinces with security and governance, and a multi-ethnic national government. This thesis concluded that federalism based on an ethnic partition of Iraq is viable. The solution to primordial nationalism is to provide each group an equal level of authority in the nation. A change in strategy permitting the groups to use their current militias as the provincial police force will provide the security for each province. The unit structure in the Iraqi Army requires equality of leadership and membership at every conceivable level. The Iraqi government requires restructuring to provide equal sharing of power between Sunnis, Shias, and Kurds.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers Report
The United States Department of State is the US equivalent to the foreignministries of other countries. The Department was crated in 1789 and was thefirst executive department established. The Department operates the diplomatic missions of the United States abroad and is responsible for implementing US foreignpolicy and diplomacy efforts. The collection of publications of the US Department of State contains federal budgetproposals, reports on the status of troops around the world, economic status reportson the nation's trading partners, summaries of urgent matters of national security, and more. These publications reflect the Department's responsibilities of protectingand assisting US citizens living or traveling abroad, assisting US businesses in theinternational marketplace, coordinating and providing support for internationalactivities of other US agencies, and keeping the public informed about US foreignpolicy and relations with other countries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
![A Brief Statement Of The Bradford Church-rate Case [by B.b. Popplewell And G. Pollard]](https://cdn.kingstone.com.tw/english/images/product/6192/9781024706192m.webp?Q=41648 "A Brief Statement Of The Bradford Church-rate Case [by B.b. Popplewell And G. Pollard]")
A Brief Statement Of The Bradford Church-rate Case [by B.b. Popplewell And G. Pollard]
"A Brief Statement Of The Bradford Church-rate Case" delves into a significant legal and social issue of its time. Authored by B.B. Popplewell and G. Pollard, this document provides an account of the Bradford Church-rate case, offering insights into the complexities surrounding church rates, which were taxes levied to support the local parish church. This statement likely presents arguments and perspectives related to the case, shedding light on the legal, religious, and political dimensions of the debate. It serves as a valuable resource for understanding the historical context of church-state relations and the challenges faced by those who opposed mandatory church levies. The work offers a glimpse into the dynamics of religious dissent and the struggle for civil liberties during the period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vision 2015
The United States Department of State is the US equivalent to the foreign ministries of other countries. The Department was created in 1789 and was the first executive department established. The Department operates the diplomatic missions of the United States abroad and is responsible for implementing US foreign policy and diplomacy efforts. The collection of publications of the US Department of State contains federal budget proposals, reports on the status of troops around the world, economic status reports on the nation's trading partners, summaries of urgent matters of national security, and more. These publications reflect the Department's responsibilities of protecting and assisting US citizens living or traveling abroad, assisting US businesses in the international marketplace, coordinating and providing support for international activities of other US agencies, and keeping the public informed about US foreign policy and relations with other countries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessment of the Philippine Counterinsurgency Operational Methodology
The roots of the Philippine communist insurgency problem are multidimensional, encompassing political and socioeconomic dimensions. The Arroyo administration recognized this when it formulated the National Internal Security Plan (NISP) in 2001. The NISP developed the Strategy of Holistic Approach (SHA) with the following components: 1) legal, diplomatic and political; 2) peace and order and security; 3) socioeconomic and psychosocial; and 4) information. The SHA involves the mobilization of the whole government bureaucracy from the national down to the regional and local levels to address the different aspects of the communist insurgency problem including its root causes. The NISP intends to implement the SHA in four phases called Clear-Hold-Consolidate-Develop (C-H-C-D). This study attempts to examine the government's success so far in implementing the C-H-C-D operational methodology. The government still shows interest in pursuing the series of peace negotiations the two parties have been conducting on and off for a long time. But although CPP negotiators sit with the government there is yet no indication until this time that the CPP has any genuine interest in settling differences with the government peacefully. Meanwhile, military efforts to neutralize the insurgents fall short on their own targets. There is a greater need for the military to intensify intelligence and combat operations to effectively reduce insurgency strength and incapacitate its politico-military building capability. Rather than concentrate in clearing villages the military should focus on thwarting the insurgents' efforts to expand its mass base operations and establish guerrilla fronts. The military and civilian defense forces' shortcomings in military and civil-military operations are some of the main obstacles in effectively countering the expansion campaign of the insurgents.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Health Communism
A searing analysis of health and illness under capitalism from hosts of the hit podcast "Death Panel" In this fiery, theoretical tour-de-force, Beatrice Adler-Bolton and Artie Vierkant offer an overview of life and death under capitalism and argue for a new global left politics aimed at severing the ties between capital and one of its primary tools: health. Written by co-hosts of the hit "Death Panel" podcast and longtime disability justice and healthcare activists Adler-Bolton and Vierkant, Health Communism first examines how capital has instrumentalized health, disability, madness, and illness to create a class seen as "surplus," regarded as a fiscal and social burden. Demarcating the healthy from the surplus, the worker from the "unfit" to work, the authors argue, serves not only to undermine solidarity but to mark whole populations for extraction by the industries that have emerged to manage and contain this "surplus" population. Health Communism then looks to the grave threat capital poses to global public health, and at the rare movements around the world that have successfully challenged the extractive economy of health. Ultimately, Adler-Bolton and Vierkant argue, we will not succeed in defeating capitalism until we sever health from capital. To do this will require a radical new politics of solidarity that centers the surplus, built on an understanding that we must not base the value of human life on one's willingness or ability to be productive within the current political economy. Capital, it turns out, only fears health.
Inaugural Address
This is the inaugural address delivered by George W. Clarke upon assuming the office of Governor of Iowa in 1913. The speech outlines Clarke's vision for the state, reflecting the concerns and aspirations of the Progressive Era. It addresses issues of governance, social welfare, and economic development, offering insights into the political landscape of early 20th-century America.Clarke's address provides a valuable historical record of the priorities and challenges facing Iowa at the time, and his words offer a glimpse into the mindset of a leader during a period of significant social and political change. This document is a vital resource for historians, political scientists, and anyone interested in the history of Iowa and the evolution of American political thought.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Fascism or Genocide
A deeply reported look at how polarization and compounding crises, including the war in Gaza and threats to democracy, have reshaped American politics Fascism or Genocide is New York Times Magazine writer Ross Barkan's sweeping report on the 2024 US election and the decade of political upheaval leading up to it. As in 2020, Joe Biden campaigned on a platform to save democracy, but fewer voters were persuaded this time. During the Democratic primary season, more than half a million Americans cast votes for "Uncommitted" ballot options to send Biden a message about the urgent need to end the killing in Gaza, with some tagging him "Genocide Joe." In contrast, mainstream liberals backed the Democratic ticket in the belief that Trump would put America on the road to fascism. As the director of an influential Palestinian advocacy group tells Barkan, "It's a choice between fascism or genocide." Biden's withdrawal from the election and Kamala Harris's subsequent nomination barely changed the narrative. Millions of Democrats stayed home after souring on the party, while others switched allegiance and got behind the Trump team. Fascism or Genocide takes a hard, informed look at the election, focusing on the future of the Democratic Party, the influence and potential of the progressive "Squad," and ongoing culture wars within the party.
On Democracy
Gathered together for the first time, Walt Whitman's urgently needed prose writings on the democratic spirit and the soul of the nation. 12 short works encapsulate the American Bard's fiery passions and timeless wisdom for today. Here for the first time in a convenient pocket edition are all of Walt Whitman's essential prose writings on democracy, including his unforgettable reflections on the roots on American division, the fearful legacy of the Civil War, and shining example of Abraham Lincoln. Few writers have been as harsh in their condemnation of America's sins and spiritual shortcomings or as abiding in his faith in democratic ideals as Whitman. His clarion voice speaks to us with renewed urgency today. Gathered here are: "The Eighteenth Presidency!," written during the 1856 presidential campaign, in which Whitman expresses his rage over the immediate prospects for American democracyDemocratic Vistas (1871), in which he dramatizes his role as poet-prophet of a better Americathe searing essay "Origins of Attempted Secession" and shorter extracts on democracy from the classic book Specimen Days (1882).In his introduction, acclaimed political observer David Bromwich examines Whitman's political prose writings and highlights why they matter today.
How Books Can Save Democracy
How Books Can Save Democracy argues that American democracy is in crisis as healthy disagreement has pivoted into negative, winner-take-all contests. Michael Fischer proposes that literature is an essential tool to rekindle the relationships and mutual understanding that functional democracies require.By participating in reading, writing, and discussions about literature with diverse perspectives-whether in classrooms or book clubs or at public festivals--we can discover how to embrace our differences rather than fear them, enabling the empathy and collaborative spirit needed to sustain a democratic society. How Books Can Save Democracy illustrates how literature, from classics to contemporary works, fosters nuanced thinking and the ability to find common ground despite our differences. Fischer draws insightful connections and examines how great literature throughout history has diagnosed societal democratic challenges, discussing the works of Zadie Smith, Charles Dickens, Alexis de Tocqueville, Hannah Arendt, Philip Roth, Ezra Klein, Bishop Desmond Tutu, and many others. For anyone concerned about polarization and democratic backsliding, he provides evidence that the reading, writing, and discussion of powerful texts may be our most valuable and overlooked democratic resource. How Books Can Save Democracy is essential reading for educators, community leaders, and anyone concerned about the future of American democracy. Now more than ever we need works of literature to help us benefit from our differences instead of being threatened by them, and our bookshelves may hold the solution to this pressing civic challenge.
Essays on Tyranny
Essays on Tyranny is a direct reckoning with the forces dismantling American democracy-an urgent and unsparing response to the rise of authoritarian power under Donald Trump. It traces how executive authority has been abused, how laws have been twisted to serve political control, and how once-independent institutions have been weakened, not by foreign adversaries, but by the deliberate actions of those sworn to uphold the Constitution.This collection draws on legal history, political analysis, and firsthand observation to examine the tactics of tyranny now being deployed inside the United States. The essays expose how federal agencies have been turned into tools of partisan power; how courts are being purged and captured; how disinformation, fear, and scapegoating are used to manipulate public opinion; and how Trump's allies, guided by the radical blueprint of Project 2025, intend to dismantle the very foundations of democratic government.Each chapter focuses on a different front in the fight: the politicization of the Justice Department, the erosion of voting rights, the weaponization of executive orders, and the normalization of chaos as a governing strategy. From judicial independence to media manipulation, from loyalty tests to legislative sabotage, the book offers a clear account of how democratic norms are being systematically dismantled-and how quickly that collapse can accelerate in a second term.This is not a book of outrage. It is a warning rooted in history, a guide grounded in law, and a call to action while action is still possible. It does not rely on hypotheticals. It documents what is already happening-and what will happen next if citizens remain passive.Essays on Tyranny is the companion volume to American Renewal, a larger initiative to reclaim the republic one reform at a time. Where American Renewal outlines the plan for rebuilding a just democracy, this volume defines what must be resisted now. Together, they offer a dual framework: one for surviving an age of authoritarianism, and one for building what must come after.This book is for those who refuse to normalize lawlessness, who understand that democracy is not self-sustaining, and who still believe the republic is worth defending.
7/7
7/7: Seeking the Souls of Green Birds is a compelling and courageous memoir that confronts one of Britain's darkest moments through the eyes of someone who lived its shadows from within. Mohammed Azam, a former youth leader and educator in Beeston, Leeds, shares his personal and painful account of knowing Shehzad Tanweer-one of the four men who carried out the 7/7 London bombings. Azam reflects on the missed opportunities, the ideological grooming, and the emotional and spiritual voids that allowed extremism to take root in young British Muslims.Drawing on first-hand experiences, theological insight, and years of community work, Azam unpacks the layered roots of radicalisation: identity crises, political rage, social isolation, and religious misguidance. This book is not an attempt to justify terrorism-it is a call to understand it, prevent it, and break the cycles of silence and fear that fuel it.Part memoir, part warning, and part call to action, 7/7: Seeking the Souls of Green Birds challenges communities, institutions, and policymakers to take safeguarding seriously-not just in policy, but in presence. It is a vital contribution to Britain's post-7/7 literature: emotionally raw, ethically grounded, and unflinchingly honest. A must-read for anyone committed to peace, prevention, and truth.
Lost Levant
How do we understand the heritage of the Levant? In 2003 Rupert de Borchgrave set off by local public transport from London to Mount Ararat with a backpack and a sack of books. Against the backdrop of the Second Gulf War, he examined the much-disputed territory on which the ancient world constructed its philosophical, religious, mathematical and artistic thinking and considered what the region gave to Western civilisation.His narrative unfolds across 24 chapters, capturing encounters with diverse people along the way, from a Sicilian opera singer to a Tunisian chicken farmer, from a dissident Libyan physician to a retired English diplomat in Siwa oasis, from an Orthodox monk at Sinai to a Jordanian princess.These encounters form a series of vignettes, in the tradition of ancient epics from The Odyssey to The Epic of Gilgamesh, framing the journey as a modern pilgrimage through lands steeped in history and cultural significance.The essays in the first half are concerned with existentialist philosophy and religious history. In Rome, the subject is Christianity; in Pompeii, the thought of Epicurus; in Syracuse, an essay on Archimedes leads to a discussion about infinity and mathematical 'fit' in natural science. In Siwa, Khaldunian ideas are presented; in Alexandria the subjects are the history of the 'logos' and the desert fathers; the Cairo chapter develops the book's themes; while in Sinai, heterodoxy, Platonism and mysticism are discussed. The essays in the second half are focussed on political economy and the history of the Greater Levant. In Jordan, the author explores the origins of Islam, the crusades, Israel and inter-religious dialogue; in the Damascus chapters, he elaborates a theory of 'Epicurean economics'. In Aleppo he discusses the influence of ancient Iraq on Greek civilisation, and the Syria chapters close with an account of the Syrian Civil War, relating these tragic events to the earlier essays. Antioch addresses pagans versus Christians, and democracy versus autocracy. The final sections explore the worlds of the Syriacs and Armenians in Upper Mesopotamia and eastern Turkey, before reaching Mount Ararat and touching on Sufism in Konya. Lost Levant reinterprets Christianism as the forerunner of secular liberal democracy, contrasting it with social Darwinist capitalism, globalist libertarianism and autocratic kleptocracy, and advocates for a theory of political economy termed 'Epicurean economics'. The book discusses cultural innovation as the continuous expression of what Hegel called the 'world spirit' - the unfolding illumination of logos - to work to the end of an optimal political economy rooted in 'libert矇, 矇galit矇, fraternit矇'. The journey to Ararat reflects the author's belief that while humanity's challenges evolve, the ancient questions-about faith, freedom and meaning-are still essential, and addressing them can lead us toward a more compassionate and thoughtful world.
New Jersey Municipalities
New Jersey Municipalities, Volume 2, is an essential resource for anyone involved in or interested in New Jersey local government. Compiled by the New Jersey State League of Municipalities, this volume provides detailed information about the various municipalities within the state. It serves as a comprehensive directory, offering insights into the structures, functions, and key personnel of local governing bodies.This volume is a valuable tool for researchers, policymakers, and citizens alike, offering a detailed look into the organization and administration of New Jersey's local governments. As an authoritative guide, it promotes a deeper understanding of the state's political landscape.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
