Building Partner Capacity With Operationally Responsive Space
Observers of the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) will note the recent emergence of the terms "contested domain" or "contested environment" regarding U.S. operations in space. The phrase "space is a contested domain" is almost always used in a context meant to evoke thoughts of adversaries actively struggling for superiority in an environment of military utility. This is natural as the appearance of the language occurred after notable recent hostile actions taken against various space assets, which include Iraq's use of Global Positioning System jammers in 2003; the jamming of satellite communications by Iran and Libya in 2003 and 2005, respectively; and, most dramatically, the Chinese anti-satellite test in January 2007. Although it is natural to focus on the militaristic "hard power" aspects of a contested space domain, it is equally important to note the presence of an existing "soft power" contest as well. While the U.S. must certainly address ways to mitigate or defeat threats to its space systems, it must also address its general space competitiveness, to include the cooperation and support it promotes with other nations. "Cooperation and support" actions should include efforts by the United States to use its current position as the world's dominant space actor to influence the entry and growth of partner nations in space. As the DoD's Executive Agent for Space, the Air Force is ideally suited to take a prominent role in such an activity through two existing initiatives -- Operationally Responsive Space (ORS) and the United States Air Force Global Partnership Strategy (USAFGPS). While the vision for ORS and USAFGPS already includes consideration for international partnerships, predominately with existing space-faring allies, this paper will argue that there are additional benefits if the partnership concept is expanded to include growing space capabilities with limited or non space-faring nations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A New Vector for Air Force Development of Joint Leaders
This thesis asks the following question: how should the Air Force develop joint leaders? To answer that question, the thesis describes the historical, legal, and policy context of jointness and defines attributes of joint leadership; determines the extent to which the Air Force is represented in leadership positions within the joint community; identifies elements of Air Force policy and culture that enhance or detract from the development of joint officers; proposes solutions to enhance joint officer development for airmen; and assesses the proposed solutions using the criteria of feasibility and effectiveness.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Islamic Terrorism in Southeast Asia
Islamic Terrorism in Southeast Asia constitutes the second front in the Global War on Terrorism. Jemaah Islamiyah and Abu Sayyaf, transnational terrorist organizations with ties to Al Qaeda, have frustrated U.S. efforts to eradicate terrorism and provide regional stability. Thus far, they have successfully adapted to concerted, international efforts to reduce their sphere of influence. This monograph examined these terrorist groups through the lens of Dr. Bard O'Neill's insurgency framework, with the aim of providing an effects-based counterterrorism strategy. The findings highlight an ineffective, regional strategy, with deficiencies in regional diplomacy, economic reform, financial and judicial practices and military organization. The findings recommend prioritized improvements in these areas, along with more efficient maritime control and customs procedures. The study also indicates the lack of an effective regional information campaign against terrorism. The compilation of these recommendations form an effects-based counterterrorism strategy needed to win in the Global War on Terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defeating the United States With Radiological Weapons in Fourth Generation Warfare
On September 11th 2001, Al-Qaeda used the principles of fourth generation warfare (4GW) to achieve strategic effects that have cascaded throughout the United States. The devastating attacks could have been multiplied a hundred fold or more had each of the hijackers checked two bags each containing radioactive material. This paper addresses the possibility of a 4GW adversary launching a parallel radiological attack targeting the US economic system. An attempt will be made to determine if the effects of such an attack could strategically paralyze the US economy to the extent that the American way of life is significantly changed--a de facto "defeat of the United States." The methodology of the investigation will use the center of gravity analysis posed by Dr. Joe Strange coupled with Brig Gen David Deptula's effects-based operations model. In order to draw the conclusion, several historical examples will be extrapolated from in addition to an analysis of the likelihood of a 4GW adversary acquiring sufficient radioactive material to carry out a successful attack. Since September 11th 2001, the US government has trained its attention on terrorism and WMDs. The relevancy for understanding the principles of 4GW, radiological weapons, their effects, and the threats they pose has never been more urgent.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Analysis of the Current Air Force-Specific Status of Resources and Training System Reporting System
The status of resources and training system (SORTS) is a process that measures the "health" of units and wings in day-to-day preparedness and the ability to execute a major theater war or other scenario envisioned in the national security strategy. With talk of the current reporting system not accurately reflecting units' readiness, it is time to evaluate the system to identify key problems and re-design the process to better reflect units' capabilities. The objective of this thesis was to inform Air Force leadership of the current state of the SORTS system to ensure it was adequate. By surveying current MAJCOM, Wing, Group, and Squadron users on their interpretations of how the system works, this thesis will determine if there are common problems that key users have encountered.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Aegis and the C/JFACC
The Aegis Weapons System (AWS) was the by product of the cancelled Typhoon air defense system which centered around long and medium range missiles to combat the ever growing threat of Soviet anti-ship missiles in the 1960's. The cancellation of the Typhoon Air Defense program due to weight, cost, and operational considerations led the Navy to establish the Advanced Surface Missile System (ASMS) in 1964. By the end of 1969, the ASMS program was renamed Aegis, and the radar developed as part of ASMS would evolve into the prototype AN/SPY-1. Simultaneously, the Navy built an improved Standard Missile-1 (SM-1) to replace the existing Talos, Terrier, and Tartar missiles. The SM-1 later evolved into the SM-2, which had improved flight performance and a new guidance system needed to complement the Aegis Weapon System. During the next decade and half, the Aegis program office developed and deployed the integrated shipboard combat weapons system that would provide carrier battle groups with a much greater air defense capability and change Naval operations at sea forever. This paper will discuss how the AWS evolved since its inception into the navy starting with the baseline 1.4.1 AWS program in the first five ships of the TICONDEROGA class cruisers to the baseline 7.3 AWS program being installed in the ARLIEGH BURKE class DDGs 78- 92. Additionally, the paper will examine how the SM-2 missile has evolved to combat a changing threat and the implementation of cooperative engagement capability (CEC) and theater ballistic missile defense (TBMD) patch and the SM-3 to provide theater missile defense. Finally, this paper discusses the road ahead for integrating AEGIS platforms into a fully joint environment, and perhaps increasing the role of these ships in the J/CFACC.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Terrorism and Counterterrorism in Western Europe
The purpose of this research is to explore the terrorism and counter-terrorism experiences of Western Europe as a means of gleaning insight germane to the United States' prosecution of the Global War on Terror. The author explores the terrorism and counterterrorism histories of the United Kingdom and Spain with particular focus on their approaches to struggles with the Provisional Irish Republican Army and Euskadi Ta Askatasuna. By applying the terrorism and counterterrorism experiences of Western Europe to current US strategy and recent actions, lessons for U.S. prosecution of the Global War on Terror are revealed. The author challenges U.S. strategy to spread democracy as an effective counter-terrorism measure with respect to the threat posed by transnational terrorist extremists. He argues sustained western military presence in the Middle East is likely to increase rather than diminish jihad-inspired attacks against western homelands. The author concludes with strategic recommendations for a United States response toward terrorism resolution that is governed by perspective, persistence, and patience. These findings are useful to U.S policy makers in forging a way ahead in the Global War on Terror that best serves U.S. interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Covert Action Lead
Since the end of the "Cold War" in 1989, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has had a reduction in its ability to perform its tenet missions: Foreign Intelligence Collection, Covert Action, and Counter Intelligence. This is primarily due to two reasons: insufficient resources (budget and manpower) to meet its current requirements and a shift in focus from Human Intelligence (HUMINT) to other forms of intelligence gathering. With the events of 11 September 2001, terrorism has seemingly surfaced as a top threat to the global community--especially the United States (U.S.). An effective method of infiltrating a terrorist network and neutralizing its capability is through HUMINT via Covert Action. Historically, the CIA has called upon the Department of Defense (DoD) to help with and augment Covert Action in the form of detailing. DoD, compared to the CIA, is resourced significantly greater in terms of budget and manpower. With respect to its training, skill sets and maturity, United States Army Special Forces are the most capable component of DoD to execute detailing for Covert Action. As the fear of terrorism continues to hold its place as an elevated threat to the U.S., combined with the decline in the CIA's ability to perform Covert Action, is it now time for Special Forces to assume the lead role in Covert Action?This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Rising Importance of Women in Terrorism and the Need to Reform Counterterrorism Strategy
It is evident that women are increasingly playing a role in terrorism. The war on terror has restricted freedom of action within the security environment for terrorist organizations, making it more advantageous for terrorist organizations to use women to support or execute terrorist activities. In countries where terrorism originates and extremist organizations find safe haven and freedom of movement, the social environment also can play a significant role in leading women towards supporting terrorism. Discriminatory religious and social customs in these same countries leave women as a largely untapped resource in supporting the ideological causes of terrorist organizations. Female terrorist acts can also generate much greater media attention than those conducted by males, further encouraging terrorist organizations to expanding recruiting of women. Counterterrorism strategies tend to ignore gender as a relevant factor, and in doing so exclusively focus on male imposed threats. Although women taking part in terrorist and extremist acts is not new and dates many years, their presence in terrorist organizations as both leaders and executors is increasing around the globe. It is important that the U.S. and regional combatant commands integrate gender into national and military counterterrorism strategy to address this alarming trend. The purpose of this monograph is to examine the role of the female gender in terrorism and in terrorist organizations, and to determine if U.S. counterterrorism strategy should specifically address women. The main hypothesis is that approaching counterterrorism strategy with a perspective on the female gender as well as the male gender will have a positive impact on the ability of the U.S. to combat terrorism in the long war. The monograph concludes with several recommendations for national policy and counterterrorism strategy that address the role of women in terrorism. It is important that extensive cultural analysis be conducted in a sThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turning Points
What really happened when India broke free from its economic past? This powerful and revelatory work takes readers inside the real story of economic reforms in India-not as dry policy memos, but as seismic shifts that reshaped the soul of a civilization.From the explosive birth of Indian liberalization in 1991 to the rise of the Indian middle class, and from behind-the-scenes political bargains to cultural identity battles, this book unveils the human drama behind every spreadsheet. It doesn't just analyze India's economic policy history-it immerses you in the defining moments when the nation made irreversible choices between tradition and transformation.Whether you're a student of policy, a business strategist, an entrepreneur, or simply someone who wants to understand the India economic development narrative, this book offers clarity and insight. It bridges the gap between theory and lived reality, shedding light on how reforms created new aspirations, redefined citizenship, and pushed India into the global spotlight.Perfect for anyone curious about India's globalization journey, post-liberalization India, or the deeper story of economic policy analysis in India, this is a must-read for those who want to see reform not as numbers, but as turning points in the nation's emotional, cultural, and economic journey.If you've ever asked, How did we get here-and at what cost?-this book delivers the answer, with intellectual precision and emotional force.
Wall-Papering Fog
Throughout history, terrorist organizations have attacked nation-states using increasingly more sophisticated methods of destruction. The attacks on 11 September 2001, demonstrated a higher level of commitment by state and non-state actors to destroy nations that refuse to submit to their radical Islamic view of the world. On 6 February 2007, President Bush directed the establishment of US Africa Command, or AFRICOM. The question that this monograph will answer is the following: How can the AFRICOM counter the threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism in North Africa? The United Nations Statistical Division definition of North Africa includes the countries of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, and Western Sahara. However, this monograph will address Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and the disputed territories of Western Sahara. Egypt will remain in the US Central Command (CENTCOM) Area of Responsibility (AOR). This paper will use a comparative analysis approach to evaluate the social, political, and economic issues that are resident in each country. This monograph will investigate some of the primary issues that AFRICOM will have to address in North Africa such as governmental structure, finance reform, the disputed Western Sahara region, the availability of equal education for all citizens, and the rights of women and Berbers.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Alternate Futures for 2025
The importance of long-range planning has never been greater due to thedwindling resources dedicated to defense, debates over roles and missions, and the changing security environment. In response to this need, the Air Force embarked on a wide-ranging effort to improve long-range planning. The Air University-hosted project, Air Force 2025 (or simply 2025 to capture the joint nature of air and space power), looks 30 years into the future and identifies the systems, concepts of operation, and technologies required to ensure the US possesses the dominant air and space forces in the future.In order to envision the world of 2025, the study had to make predictions. Futurists use several methods to "forecast" the future. The approach used for the 2025 study creates alternate futures by examining trends, studying the work of respected futurists, considering surprises and "wild cards," and conducting analyses to identify the factors, or "drivers," that will be major contributors to change.To be effective for planning, these drivers must encapsulate the majorforces likely to shape the world of 2025 and be relevant to theorganization. After extensive analysis, the Alternate Futures' teamidentified American World View, Delta TeK, and World Power Grid as the most important drivers affecting the future and relevant to air and space power. American World View is the US perspective of the world and describes American willingness and capability to interact with the rest of the world. Delta TeK is the differential in the rate of growth and proliferation of technology. World Power Grid describes the generation, transmission, distribution, and control of economic, political, and military power throughout the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Overseas Military Bases
Overseas military bases have played a prominent role in support of United States security interests since World War II and particularly during the Cold War. While basing requirements have changed in the wake of the Cold War, it is clear that a forward US defense posture, including overseas bases and security partnerships, will remain essential to exert strategic influence, enable global access and project power when necessary. Globalization, fiscal constraints and the evolving threat landscape all present challenges to maintaining a network of forward bases. While it is important to assess overseas basing options in terms of operational requirements and value, their establishment and utility in times of crisis depend on host nation consent and support. Therefore, understanding host nation interests and concerns when it comes to the presence of US forces is critically important. Prompted by observations of the globalization phenomenon and an operational experience that highlighted the complexity of base hosting decisions, this study seeks greater awareness of the determinants of host nation hospitality. By examining overseas bases in Ecuador and Saudi Arabia that were ultimately rejected by those host nations and a third installation facing sharp opposition in Japan, the complex nature and relevance of host nation perspective is brought to light. These insights may inform future basing strategies as well as the diplomatic, military and economic engagement on which they depend.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Terrorism and Counterterrorism in Western Europe
The purpose of this research is to explore the terrorism and counter-terrorism experiences of Western Europe as a means of gleaning insight germane to the United States' prosecution of the Global War on Terror. The author explores the terrorism and counterterrorism histories of the United Kingdom and Spain with particular focus on their approaches to struggles with the Provisional Irish Republican Army and Euskadi Ta Askatasuna. By applying the terrorism and counterterrorism experiences of Western Europe to current US strategy and recent actions, lessons for U.S. prosecution of the Global War on Terror are revealed. The author challenges U.S. strategy to spread democracy as an effective counter-terrorism measure with respect to the threat posed by transnational terrorist extremists. He argues sustained western military presence in the Middle East is likely to increase rather than diminish jihad-inspired attacks against western homelands. The author concludes with strategic recommendations for a United States response toward terrorism resolution that is governed by perspective, persistence, and patience. These findings are useful to U.S policy makers in forging a way ahead in the Global War on Terror that best serves U.S. interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Long War in Central Asia
One of the effects from the September 11th terrorist attacks was an intensified United States strategic partnership with the Central Asian states. Geographically, Central Asia is critical to the GWOT. In support of Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in neighboring Afghanistan, many of the Central Asian states provided over-flight access, including basing rights at Kyrgyzstan's Manas Air Base and Uzbekistan's Karshi-Khanabad (K2) air base. Partnership with Central Asian states afforded the United States the strategic and operational freedom of action to win in Afghanistan. After more than four years of an intensified U.S.-Central Asian partnership, regional stability in Central Asia is still threatened by Islamic extremism. Central Asian leaders have argued against liberal reforms in fear of Islamic extremist threats to foment more rebellions. Once such threat is the Hizb-ut-Tahrir, a transnational, radical Islamist political movement that aims to overthrow a Central Asian government and restore the Islamic Caliphate. The problem is that Hizb-ut-Tahrir is gaining popularity in Central Asia. The monograph's thesis is that the Central Asia region is at risk of devolving into a major front in the GWOT in the long-term if the United States fails to use its influence to counter the Islamic extremist threat presented by Hizb-ut-Tahrir (Islamic Party of Liberation). The question this monograph answered was: can the Hizb-ut-Tahrir's ideology form the basis for a destabilizing collective movement in Central Asia? The answer was yes. To counter the growing threat from Hizb-ut-Tahrir, the following U.S. and Central Asian government responses were proposed: 1. Diminish Hizb-ut-Tahrir's political space by opening up the political process. 2. Win the strategic communication battle. Employ media resources to disseminate positive values of religious understanding. The United States should incorporate Central Asia into public diplomacy statements on political and socio-economic reformThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Commander's Emergency Response Program
Immediately following major combat operations during Operation Iraqi Freedom, commanders were faced with the Herculean task of stabilizing a war-torn country whose people and infrastructure had suffered from years of debilitating sanctions and neglect. Regrettably, commanders lacked the means to address the vast humanitarian issues confronting them. Fortunately, the large sums of currency captured on the battlefield provided commanders the means to begin to restore essential services to quell what was becoming increasing unrest. This initial program formed the foundation for what is now known as the Commander's Emergency Response Program (CERP) that has proven to be an invaluable non-kinetic tool in both Iraq and Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Army Officers' Professional Ethic
Colonel Matthew Moten of the West Point History Department has asked why so many other professions have clear statements of professional responsibility, but the Army officer corps does not. This essay briefly surveys the history of the Army's professional ethic, focusing primarily on the officer corps. It assesses today's strategic, professional, and ethical environment. Then it argues that a clear statement of the Army officers' professional ethic is especially necessary in a time when the Army is stretched and stressed as an institution. The Army officer corps has both a need and an opportunity to better define itself as a profession, forthrightly to articulate its professional ethic, and clearly to codify what it means to be a military professional. Finally, the monograph articulates such an ethic focusing on the four roles of commissioned officers-Soldier, servant of the nation, leader of character, and member of a time-honored profession.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foreign Military Sales Policy of the Kennedy Presidential Administration
Since the "Truman Doctrine" was enunciated in 1947, the United States has pursued its foreign policy objectives using various forms of economic and military assistance. With the majority of this assistance aimed at containing communist expansionism, the United States' allies became increasingly dependent upon large amounts of grant military assistance. As President John F. Kennedy assumed office the economic burden of this grant assistance came under increasing scrutiny. This study analyzes the role of the Kennedy administration in the evolution of military assistance from grants to sales. An in-depth literature review focusing on historical reviews of this topic, and congressional testimony regarding the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 was conducted to trace the development of military sales policy during this period. An examination of Kennedy administration actions with regard to Cold War nuclear policy, Latin American challenges, instability in Southeast Asia, and the influence of Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, indicates a policy shift in the method used to deliver military assistance. These policies, and the actions of McNamara indicate an increasing reliance upon foreign military sales as the primary mode of supplying military assistance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Alongside the Best? The Future of the Canadian Forces
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Military Space
Executive Summary Our nation's military Space capability is a vital component to successful U.S. and coalition military operations around the globe. Since the first gulf war in the early 1990s our nation's utilization of Space has increased exponentially. Our increased leveraging of military Space capabilities demands that we take steps to preserve and advance our technological advantage to ensure U.S. dominance across all mediums of combat into the next century. In todays fiscally straining environment many portions of the military Space portfolio are under budgetary pressure. In some cases this should be expected due to the size, cost, and complexity of many of these programs that, in some cases, are significantly behind schedule and over cost. Because of these pressures, and the continuously expanding need for military Space capabilities, we need to examine other viable options for Space partnership and funding. This policy paper is going to argue that as U.S. reliance on Space technology and capability increases, we need to define new paradigms for approached acquisition, operation, and funding of specific capabilities that support our largely coalition fight. Furthermore, our current Space strategy and policies are not 'international' enough, or rather; they do not establish international cooperation and partnership as the cornerstone of our policy as we move forward.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Building Partner Capacity With Operationally Responsive Space
Observers of the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) will note the recent emergence of the terms "contested domain" or "contested environment" regarding U.S. operations in space. The phrase "space is a contested domain" is almost always used in a context meant to evoke thoughts of adversaries actively struggling for superiority in an environment of military utility. This is natural as the appearance of the language occurred after notable recent hostile actions taken against various space assets, which include Iraq's use of Global Positioning System jammers in 2003; the jamming of satellite communications by Iran and Libya in 2003 and 2005, respectively; and, most dramatically, the Chinese anti-satellite test in January 2007. Although it is natural to focus on the militaristic "hard power" aspects of a contested space domain, it is equally important to note the presence of an existing "soft power" contest as well. While the U.S. must certainly address ways to mitigate or defeat threats to its space systems, it must also address its general space competitiveness, to include the cooperation and support it promotes with other nations. "Cooperation and support" actions should include efforts by the United States to use its current position as the world's dominant space actor to influence the entry and growth of partner nations in space. As the DoD's Executive Agent for Space, the Air Force is ideally suited to take a prominent role in such an activity through two existing initiatives -- Operationally Responsive Space (ORS) and the United States Air Force Global Partnership Strategy (USAFGPS). While the vision for ORS and USAFGPS already includes consideration for international partnerships, predominately with existing space-faring allies, this paper will argue that there are additional benefits if the partnership concept is expanded to include growing space capabilities with limited or non space-faring nations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Soft Power Projection
The United States military has been predisposed to fight conventional warfare since the Civil War. Today the United States is confronted with numerous irregular wars characterized by counterinsurgency, stabilization, and reconstruction operations. In an attempt to prevent future irregular wars, the United States must adapt its whole of government approach to leveraging 'soft power' to mitigate or prevent future conflicts around the world. To do so, the nation must empower and support the State Department's leadership role in shaping the diplomatic, political, and military global environment. As a supporting capability, the Department of Defense's fleet of strategic airlifters represents a critical mission enabler that can rapidly project interagency shaping operations. By assessing, planning, coordinating, and practicing and executing interagency humanitarian relief efforts, the United States can leverage its national soft power to attract, not coerce, global audiences.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Microsoft, Al Jazeera, and the Predator
A complex and interdependent environment in the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) highlights the challenge of translating the theory of effects-based operations (EBO) into practice, particularly with respect to influencing the will of the people and achieving a desired endstate. The following paper seeks to illustrate the conditions and challenges surrounding the translation of current effects-based theory into operational practice in GWOT by using three conceptual constructs. First, the Microsoft Corporation, its connectivity to the Internet, and the persistent attacks by computer hackers on Microsoft products help frame the adversary and the complex environment and conditions surrounding GWOT. Second, the Al Jazeera satellite news network serves as an anecdotal backdrop for the challenges military planners face in managing EBO assessment and controlling the "effects" in EBO. Third, the versatility of both the MQ-1B Predator unmanned aerial vehicle and Special Operations Forces (SOF) illustrate the importance of developing and maintaining collective knowledge, technological relevance, and doctrinal adaptability in an ever-changing GWOT environment. Military planners who follow an effects-based strategy should recognize EBO's inherent limitations and plan for its characteristic uncertainty and uncontrollability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Nature and Nurture of Military Genius
The United States government increasingly uses its military to meet novel demands through activities such as humanitarian relief, nation building, and partnership capacity generation. These exigencies arise from the current political, social, and technological context, which is sometimes described as Postmodernism. The term encapsulates sundry characterizations of the "new global strategic environment" including the "information age," "the age of transparency," "the third wave of politics," "the end of history," and "the post-military society." American national security-and consequently the safety and prosperity of the people of the United States-depend upon senior strategic leaders capable of successfully leading these organizations in such roles. Individual leadership competence stems from two sources: nature and nurture. An ideal senior strategic leader embodies what Clausewitz called a harmonious blend of intellect and temperament. The ideal nurture of such an individual educates judgment for relevant strategic puzzles of the era. Although the ideal leader and the ideal developmental model have changed little, limitations of time, space, and human cognitive capabilities prevent the attainment of the ideal and require a prioritization of experience and education in tune with the technological and sociological context of the time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Joint Professional Military Education
The 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Act (GNA) was a call to jointness, an attempt to correct the overwhelming service centric nature of the U.S. military. In 1988, the Panel on Military Education of the One Hundredth Congress of the Committee on Armed Services House of Representatives was commissioned with Congressman Ike Skelton as chairman. Together the GNA and Skelton Commission succeeded in creating a force substantially more joint than the one of 1986. However, they may have unintentionally institutionalized a legacy that will inhibit future progress. The establishment of the Joint Specialty Officer (JSO) and the concept of joint education from a service perspective initiated a movement that has resulted in Joint Professional Military Education's (JPME) subjugation to Service PME and the near universal institutionalization of the perception that jointness is a qualification. Joint education from a service perspective is an invalid concept. The result of a compromise designed to reconcile the constraints of the time. The argument is not whether the JSO was appropriate or necessary in 1986 to force the services to accept jointness, but rather it is a concept which has achieved its purpose and outlived its usefulness. The goal of this monograph is first to assess the intent of the GNA and Joint Vision (JV) 2020 and determine if the current JPME system can meet that intent. Next, this paper will attempt to determine what JPME's primary task and purpose should be and what form or structure is necessary to achieve it. It does not address curriculum, fiscal issues or service PME, except for its relationship to JPME. Although not profound, the key conclusion and central issue of this project is jointness as a culture. Therefore, any education system designed to support the creation of a truly joint force as described by JV2020, must support a joint culture. JPME's primary or essential task is the education of professional officers in the application of military power. JPME's fThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Converting the JNEM Training Aid to a Forecasting Tool
The Joint Non-Kinetic Effects Model (JNEM) is a computer based simulation for training Division and Corps Commanders and Staffs in a manner that accurately replicates the complexities of interacting with civilian populations. The model replicates many of the dynamics that can affect the 'mood' for a given population along four different axis: Safety, Autonomy, Quality of Life, and Culture. The model replicates the myriad interactions that occur between population groups, enemy groups, and Coalition forces. By paying attention to these dynamics, the training audience can gain considerable insight and enjoy a much richer training experience prior to employing those skills in real life situations. This monograph poses the question that if the model is considered accurate, such that inputs by the training audience generate accurate and reasonable outputs in the form of population reactions, then could the model be modified in order to serve as a forecasting tool for Campaign Designers. Similar to a weather model, which is updated on a daily basis, could JNEM take 'real-world' inputs and generate reasonably accurate forecasts for a population's mood? This would not be an effort to predict the actions of a particular individual, but an effort to give indications and warning that a particular area was headed for trouble. Beginning with an introduction to Chaos and Complexity theories, the monograph examines the JNEM model for the potential to convert it from a training aid to a forecasting tool. The monograph concludes that JNEM, while structurally sound, isn't suited as a forecasting tool for the following reasons: its use as a training aid, the use of implicit versus explicit assumptions regarding causation, the use of arbitrary values, the use (or lack thereof) of feedback to refine equations, and the concept of emergence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Militants of the Mangroves
The United States is highly dependent upon Nigeria for oil and natural gas products. Instability in the Niger Delta threatens a significant portion of the world's oil production. Stabilizing the situation in Nigeria is vital to United States national security interests. The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) is a Nigerian indigenous militant organization that targets oil facilities in an attempt to obtain a greater share of the oil revenue. Primarily comprised of unemployed, disaffected youth from the Ijaw minority ethnic group, MEND single-handedly has been disrupting the world's oil supply. Seen as freedom fighters to the local population and criminals to the government, MEND has given the issue of resource control of the Niger Delta an international stage.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Human Intelligence
The author explores the centrality of Human Intelligence in meeting the needs of the U.S. Army, the Department of Defense, and the whole of government. Such intelligence is essential to create a national security strategy, to define whole of government policies, to acquire the right capabilities at the right price in time to be useful, and to conduct local and global operations. He outlines 15 distinct types of HUMINT, four of which are classified (defensive and offensive counterintelligence, clandestine operations, and covert action), with the other 11 being predominantly unclassified. The author offers the U.S. Army an orientation to a world in which thinkers displace shooters as the center of gravity for planning, programming, and budgeting, as well as the proper structuring of mission mandates, force structures, and tactics and techniques to be used in any given mission area.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Shades of Gray
Understanding and articulating the nature of war has challenged mankind from the beginning. Although the character of war continues to evolve with societal change, it never goes beyond its most basic tenant, the use of force to solve political problems. Virtually all Western societies have adopted Carl Von Clausewitz's premise that war is a continuation of politics by other means; hence, it is accepted in democratic nations that the military will be subservient to duly elected political leaders. Since ultimate accountability rests with civilian leadership, the universal challenge has always been to determine the extent to where legitimate political intervention in military affairs becomes counterproductive political interference. This premise, however, assumes that the role of the military can easily be separated and compartmentalized from grand strategic goals. History abounds with examples of governments using military force to achieve political aims in a manner that does not truly constitute the strategic nature of war. Terms such as Gun-Boat Diplomacy, Low-Intensity Conflict (LIC), Small Scale Contingencies (SSC) and Military Operations Other Than War (MOOTW) attempt to capture the nebulous region between peace and war where civilian authorities retain significant control of the military power used to achieve political purpose. In the past decade, technological innovation, coupled with doctrinal change, has demonstrated that even limited war can be orchestrated much more precisely to achieve a desired political end-state.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strong Horses
This study analyzes the theories of Pragmatic Communications, Cybernetics, and Perturbation under the framework of the Pragmatic Complexity Model to illustrate how two Presidential administrations beginning in the 20th and 21st centuries used 'new media'; and systems thinking to communicate to both international and domestic audiences. Moreover, the study provides examples of how each used narratives to counter opposing ideologies. Similarly, this monograph explores two notions of Chinese thought, potential and propensity, which prove useful for studying diplomacy and strategic communication. The monograph explains why a systems approach coupled with cybernetics is the future for strategic communication, why the Pragmatic Complexity Model proves a plausible replacement for the 20th century Message-Influence Model, and how 'new media'; technology provides better opportunities to compete in the global "war of ideas." The analysis of the Pragmatic Complexity Model reveals four core principles that should be adopted: 1) control of message is impossible; 2) less messaging is better; 3) the intent is not to persuade or influence audiences, rather perturb stable system structures; and 4) expect messages to fail rather than succeed, signaling the need for message contingencies. Nested within this model are elements of complex adaptive systems theory, emergence, and the vital importance of understanding the global information environment's propensity to produce emergent properties and added degrees of risk when looking for choices of intervention. Two Presidential Administrations in the 20th and 21st centuries were explored. The first case study focused on President Theodore Roosevelt, the significance of the Panama Canal, and his use of the "Great White Fleet" to communicate to both international and domestic audiences'; American ingenuity and the nation's ability to project power. Each of these events in history were inputs into the global information environment and demoThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
PMESII and the Non-State Actor
A systems perspective is beginning to permeate doctrine. This perspective calls for an analysis of the key systems of an adversary. PMESII is an acronym that stands for political, military, economic, social, infrastructure, and information systems. Analyzing the adversary's PMESII systems can lead to the identification of key nodes, links, and vulnerabilities, which can then be targeted kinetically or non-kinetically to achieve desired effects. The PMESII systems construct applies well when the adversary is a state. All of these systems will be present, and mature, with many of them possessing tangible infrastructure, which can easily be identified by Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance, and then targeted with precision weaponry. However, when the adversary is non-state actor, these same systems will be noticeably missing. Non-state actors are organized fundamentally different than states, and manifest themselves in completely different ways. The utility of the PMESII construct is significantly diminished when the adversary is a non-state actor. To apply the systems perspective to non-state actors, such as Al-Zarqawi, the Al Qaeda leader in Iraq, a different construct is required. The author maintains that identifying the critical requirements of non-state actors leads to a more relevant construct. The author, using the nonstate actor Zarqawi, identifies four systems that the typical non-state actor requires to remain viable. These systems are funding, recruitment, information and support, or (FRIS). The FRIS construct provides the same level of utility for the non-state actor, as PMESII does for states. The author recommends incorporating the FRIS construct as a corollary to the PMESII construct in the doctrinal manuals and publications that discuss the systems perspective.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Need for an Air Policing Capability Over the Northwest Passage
Human movement in Canada's Arcticis expected to increase as more and more ice is lost from Canada's Arctic Ocean. A sovereignty problem for Canada arises when organizations from outside Canada pursue resource exploitation, shipping interests or other activities, illegal or not, contrary to Canada's stated ownership of the Arctic Archipelago, includingtheNorthwest Passage. To blunt challengesto, andforestall encroachments on, Canadian sovereignty of the Northwest Passage and therest ofits Arctic, a well-honed and robust surveillance and policing capability must beresident and ready. Muchmilitary equipment is bound to be involved in increasing Canada's arctic sovereignty footprint. Any foreseeable militaryforce violating Canadian sovereignty (intentionally or otherwise) is unlikely to be aconventional enemy of Canada. Whether air policing encounters terrorist activity, criminal actions or malfeasant commercial enterprises, the needtoact inCanada's defense willremain.ty and sovereignty protection while dealing with any calamities. The direct and indirect impacts on human health will also require study in support of offsetting the potential effects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Ring of Gyges
The paper looks at the relevance of deterrence strategies against individuals in the 2035 timeframe. It recommends a new model to analyze what types of actions may be used to deter individuals and which strategies might be effective.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Close Air Support for Counterinsurgency
This research paper will explore the best aircraft design features for close air support (CAS) for counterinsurgencies (COIN), particularly with respect to the current COIN efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. There is nostalgia for simple, small, low, slow aircraft for COIN operations. Books and movies such as "Flight of the Intruder"1 and "Saving Private Ryan"2 have popularized the notion of A-1 Skyraiders or P-51 Mustangs swooping in at the last moment, guns blazing and dropping bombs or napalm to save American soldiers just in the nick of time. The A-10 Thunderbolt II is a favorite among ground troops for its tank-killing 30mm Gatling gun and the ability to turn tightly directly above troops. Recent papers have proposed basing a future USAF COIN aircraft on a crop duster3 and the T-6A Texan II.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Stability Operations
The Department of Defense emphasis on stability operations caused the United States Army to change its operational concept to Full Spectrum Operations (FSO). The acknowledgment of the importance of stability operations however, does not translate to the ability to plan such operations. As a result, the army has revised its doctrine to meet the demands incurred since embarking on the Global War on Terrorism in 2001. These revisions were necessary and relevant to secure the lessons of eight years of war. However, doctrinal revisions failed to provide a complete theoretical foundation for ill-structured problems as described in FM 5-0, The Operations Process; nor did the revisions do more than provide examples of stakeholders much less provide a definition of such actors; and, while key leader engagements are common practice in Iraq and Afghanistan, doctrine has not provided any tools for structuring these engagements to assist in developing understanding of ill-structured problems, or how to gain consensus among divergent groups of stakeholders. Thus, this monograph outlines three methods for inclusion in future revisions of doctrine to improve the Military Decision Making Process (MDMP) specifically for stability operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Transnational Organized Crime, Terrorism, and Criminalized States in Latin America
The emergence of new hybrid (state and nonstate) transnational criminal/terrorist franchises in Latin America operating under broad state protection now pose a tier-one security threat for the United States. Similar hybrid franchise models are developing in other parts of the world, which makes the understanding of these new dynamics an important factor in a broader national security context. This threat goes well beyond the traditional nonstate theory of constraints activity, such as drug trafficking, money laundering, and human trafficking, into the potential for trafficking related to weapons of mass destruction by designated terrorist organizations and their sponsors. These activities are carried out with the support of regional and extra-regional state actors whose leadership is deeply enmeshed in criminal activity, which yields billions of dollars in illicit revenues every year. These same leaders have a publicly articulated, common doctrine of asymmetrical warfare against the United States and its allies that explicitly endorses as legitimate the use of weapons of mass destruction. The central binding element in this alliance is a hatred for the West, particularly the United States, and deep anti-Semitism, based on a shared view that the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a transformative historical event. For Islamists, it is evidence of divine favor; and for Bolivarians, a model of a successful asymmetrical strategy to defeat the "Empire." The primary architect of this theology/ideology that merges radical Islam and radical, anti-Western populism and revolutionary zeal is the convicted terrorist Ilich S獺nchez Ramirez, better known as "Carlos the Jackal," whom Ch獺vez has called a true visionary.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Malacca Dilemma
China is strengthening diplomatic ties and building naval bases along the sea lanes from the Middle East. This "String of Pearls" strategy is designed to protect its energy security, negate US influence in the region, and project power overseas. China is rapidly building a blue-water navy, developing advanced missile technology, and stockpiling undersea mines to counter US Navy capabilities, especially in the event of a conflict over Taiwan. To counter China's growing naval power, the United States can exploit a critical vulnerability-China's dependence on sea lines of communication. Eighty percent of China's oil imports pass through the Strait of Malacca; the Chinese leadership calls this strategic weakness the "Malacca Dilemma." In conjunction with naval forces, land-based airpower offers a promising way to control key maritime chokepoints and trade routes. Land-based airpower proved a decisive maritime force in the war against Japanese shipping during World War II. China, like Japan at the start of WWII, is a rising Asiatic power with similar resource aspirations. Historical evidence suggests land-based airpower can control the littorals and cut China's "String of Pearls."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Combatting Terrorism and Measuring the Results
Four and a half years after the attacks of 11 September 2001, the US continues to fight the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) with efforts both at home and abroad. "Are we winning the war?" is a question often raised to political and military figures in discussions about the GWOT. The answer to the question depends upon the measures of effectiveness one uses to gauge the progress of the war. Depending on one's viewpoint and measurement criteria, perceptions on if we are winning or not can be skewed to favor whichever argument one puts forth. Measuring effectiveness in the GWOT is difficult, yet critical. There is no distinct set of values to measure the progress in the fight against terrorism however in order to develop strategies to better address the issue, one must in fact be able to assess the current level of success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Noncombatant Evacuation Operations Decision-Making Process Effects on Efficiency
U.S. global presence is growing at unprecedented rates. As of June 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated over 3.8 million U.S. citizens lived abroad with estimates of this overseas population blossoming to over five million today. At the same time, globalization is bringing the world closer, placing U.S. interests and citizens in locations ripe with uncertainty. This poses an ever-increasing challenge for the U.S. Government to preserve vigilance while maintaining the ability to swiftly react when danger presents itself to protect its citizens. This paper takes a critical look at the way the U.S. Government conducts Noncombatant Evacuation Operations (NEOs). Through the identification of key decision-makers, the policies and processes government agencies implement, and the operational challenges they face, it is evident the process is currently not structure towards efficiency. By examining the barriers of interagency biases and lack of coordinated information sharing, it can be inferred historical success in NEOs is likely attributed to perseverance, ingenuity, and tenacity. This paper asserts through codified processes based on sound planning assumptions and the application of critical thinking, key decision-makers are provided the necessary framework and foundation to make comprehensive decisions with direct effect on the efficiency of future evacuation operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Islamic Terrorism in Southeast Asia
Islamic Terrorism in Southeast Asia constitutes the second front in the Global War on Terrorism. Jemaah Islamiyah and Abu Sayyaf, transnational terrorist organizations with ties to Al Qaeda, have frustrated U.S. efforts to eradicate terrorism and provide regional stability. Thus far, they have successfully adapted to concerted, international efforts to reduce their sphere of influence. This monograph examined these terrorist groups through the lens of Dr. Bard O'Neill's insurgency framework, with the aim of providing an effects-based counterterrorism strategy. The findings highlight an ineffective, regional strategy, with deficiencies in regional diplomacy, economic reform, financial and judicial practices and military organization. The findings recommend prioritized improvements in these areas, along with more efficient maritime control and customs procedures. The study also indicates the lack of an effective regional information campaign against terrorism. The compilation of these recommendations form an effects-based counterterrorism strategy needed to win in the Global War on Terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Fiscal Democracy in America
This book explores the U.S. federal government's need for binding budget targets to recover fiscal sustainability and boost economic growth. It details the flaws in past balanced budget amendment proposals, outlines the features of a promising new approach with broad appeal, and how the amendment might be adopted and implemented in today's political climate. Even as the U.S. economy expands, the federal government continues to run large and growing budget deficits that exceed $2 trillion per year and a debt burden eclipsing annual economic output. With debt pressures continuing to grow, Congress is almost certain to return to considering a constitutional amendment to bring the federal government's spending and revenue into balance. Congress has attempted to pass BBAs in the past, but none have succeeded despite their proliferation among advanced economies. In Fiscal Democracy in America, Kurt Couchman argues for a principles-based balanced budget amendment (BBA) that would let Congress phase out the gap between revenue and non-interest spending over a 10-year period to restore fiscal space for emergencies while encouraging Congress to overhaul the dysfunctional federal budget process. Couchman explores America's financial history, the dangers of high and rising debt burdens, and examples of other countries, state governments, and the U.S. federal government itself moving toward healthier budgeting practices. He particularly seeks to lay out neutral, predictable rules for sound governance so that members of Congress can holistically and responsibly manage federal spending and tax policies to provide ever-greater value for the American people. Aimed at policymakers and the public across the political spectrum, Couchman's proposals would guide America toward a more prosperous and democratic future.
Israeli Intelligence
This thesis uses the Israeli intelligence community's 60-year struggle to combat terrorism to identify lessons the United States can learn from as it develops and matures its own counterterrorism policy and strategy. It highlights several counterterrorism examples in Israel's recent history and examines the role intelligence played in their success or failure. Additionally, this paper looks at intelligence reforms various investigative bodies in Israel have recommended since the late 1990s to combat terrorism. From these examples and others, Israeli intelligence has brought to light many lessons learned for combating terrorism. This study identifies four. First, because of the flexibility terrorist groups enjoy, the intelligence enterprise must be designed with inherent flexibility and adaptability in order to combat this threat. Second, while human intelligence (HUMINT) is seen as increasingly important in countering terrorism, a balance must be struck between reliance on traditional intelligence disciplines and collection methods, such as HUMINT, and high-technology means. Both are essential and more effective when used in concert with each other. Third, decision makers can benefit from policy advice from the Intelligence Community. It is extremely important, however, that each understand its role with clear delineations of responsibility established, understood, and followed. Last, with respect to counterterrorism intelligence, the Intelligence Community must not silence alternative views. Dissenting opinions are essential when fighting an elusive threat that is as difficult to understand as terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Beyond Al Qaeda
This paper examines the threat posed by Islamic terrorist groups in Southeast Asia and steps being taken by individual nations, regional security organizations, and the United States to combat them. It begins with a brief discussion of the origins of Radical Islam in the region and contextual factors that contributed to its rise and sustainment. Second, the paper will examine individual terrorist groups in the Philippines, Thailand, and Jemaah Islamiyah, a regional terrorist organization operating primarily in Indonesia but with links throughout the region. While this is far from an all-inclusive list of regional terrorist or insurgent groups, these are the primary focus of regional and US concern. The paper also discusses links between Southeast Asian terror groups and al-Qaeda. Next, it examines efforts by individual states and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to combat this threat, their challenges, and additional steps that need to be taken. Finally, the paper examines the US response to the threat. Using the prism of the National Strategy for Combating Terror it addresses US efforts to identify and defeat terrorists and deny them sanctuary while diminishing the underlying causes of terror and support, describing its effectiveness and identifying additional to be taken to win the war on "Terrors' Second Front.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Department of Defense Energy Strategy
The United States has a National Security problem, energy security, in which the Department of Defense has a unique interest. The United States imports 26% of its total energy supply and 56% of the oil it consumes. The DOD is the largest single consumer of energy in the United States and energy is the key enabler of US military combat power. Huge energy consumption, increased competition for limited energy supplies, ever increasing energy costs, and no comprehensive Energy Strategy or oversight of energy issues in the DOD have created vulnerabilities. These include potential fuel and electricity supply disruptions as well as foreign policy and economic vulnerability. The DOD needs a comprehensive Energy Strategy and organizational structure to implement a strategy to improve National Security by decreasing US dependence on foreign oil, ensure access to critical energy requirements, maintain or improve combat capability, promote research for future energy security, be fiscally responsible to the American tax payer, and protect the environment. This strategy can be implemented through leadership and culture change, innovation and process efficiencies, reduced demand, and increased/ diversified energy sources.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Terrorists Across the Table
The purpose of this essay is to consider the viability of the current US strategy to combat terror, the appropriateness of negotiating with absolute and contingent terrorist organizations, and the implications of negotiations in view of US National Security Policy. The 9/11 terrorists attacks prompted US lawmakers to reconsider the efficacy of US National Security Strategy. What ensued was a change in US National Security Strategy doctrine, which among other changes, outlined the United States' policy of not negotiating with terrorists. While current US policy clearly establishes the US's resolve not to have democracy encumbered or its' sovereignty questioned, some stipulate that the fruits of such a policy have yet to be produced. Increasing terrorist activity in Iraq, resurgent terrorist activity in Afghanistan, and Bin Laden's ability to elude capture and direct credible attacks, call into question the effectiveness of the US's stated policy of non-negotiation with terrorists.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Combating Terrorism in Southeast Asia
Since the beginning of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) after the 9/11 attacks, we have learned that Al-Qaeda linked and inspired radical Islamic terrorist organizations are operating throughout the world as part of a connected global insurgency. This insurgency emerged in Southeast Asia in a horrifying and undisputed way in October 2002 with a deadly bombing in Bali, Indonesia leaving over 200 dead and over 200 others injured. Since then, several Southeast Asia countries including Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines have wrestled with this challenge and have taken various measures to eliminate radical Islamic terrorism using lessons from years of counterinsurgency activities. This paper attempts to identify areas where the U.S. can expand its contributions in fighting this global insurgency, focusing primarily on Southeast Asia efforts and using lessons from past Southeast Asia counterinsurgency operations. Although the focus is combating radical Islamic terrorism in Southeast Asia, this paper also addresses implications for combating terrorism throughout the world using the Southeast Asia model.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Sharpest Sword
Compellence, Clausewitz, and Counterinsurgency -- a seemingly strange trinity -- in actuality, they are closely related subjects with particular relevance in today's world. The United States has engaged in numerous compellent military actions during the decade of the 1990s; the first five years of the new millennium have seen this trend continue. Despite the country's obvious affinity for this form of warfare, there is little written about it in U.S. military doctrine or strategy documents. Similarly, while a clear compellence construct exists within Carl von Clausewitz's seminal book, On War -- which is studied extensively in military academies and war colleges -- the compellence aspects of Clausewitz's work have not been identified as such previously, and consequently are not emphasized or taught to military officers and strategists. This paper corrects that shortfall and presents Clausewitz's concept of compellence as a coherent framework. Furthermore, with an on-going counterinsurgency effort in Iraq, it is useful to examine the subject of insurgency and counterinsurgency from the standpoint of compellence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Primary Motivators of Suicide Terrorism
After September 11th 2001, the United States (US) has come to regard terrorism, specifically catastrophic terrorism, as one of the gravest threats to its national security. In particular, the threat from terrorism involves the use weapons of mass destruction (WMD) or attacks that generate mass casualties, enormous economic damage, catastrophic psychological effects, or some combination thereof. From 1980 to 2003, suicide terrorists conducted only three percent of all terrorist attacks yet they caused more than forty-eight percent of the casualties.2 The particular case of suicide terrorism deserves extra attention due to its demonstrated lethality and targeting accuracy. Thus, this paper focuses on the primary motivators of suicide terrorism because of the expectation that terrorist groups will most likely carry out catastrophic events through the use of suicide attacks.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
