Humanitarian Intervention in Kosovo
During 1999, NATO instituted a bombing campaign and other military operations against the former Yugoslavia (Kosovo) in order to restore peace and prevent their humanitarian crisis from causing further conflicts within the Balkans. The justification for these operations was to secure international peace and security in the region and to ensure the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia complied with peace demands made by the Security Council. The debate in the international community arose whether the bombing was justified in order to quell the humanitarian crisis. As a humanitarian intervention, it entails complicated legal and moral issues that support this justification. Understanding the legal and moral issues in conflict is important and should be considered by military planners and policy makers. The Kosovo conflict, as a "humanitarian intervention" provides a case study for such an analysis. The legal issues in this monograph are focused on the International Court of Justice case of May 1999, Yugoslavia vs. the United States. The court case brought out that the law is unclear whether humanitarian purposes override use of force under Articles 2(4), 51, and 53. There are also some provisions under customary and traditional law that leave this question open to future interpretation depending on the prevailing political situation. A review of the literature shows that moral arguments for the intervention had and can have a large effect on support or lack thereof, in the US and in the international community. This can contribute to the swift initiation or the termination of a humanitarian intervention. These considerations are applicable to 2007 and beyond, when military planners and policy makers will need to apply a legal and moral lens to viewing and understanding conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Miscalculated Ambiguity
This study analyzes how the new nuclear declaratory policy, espoused in the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, balances the goals of deterrence and nonproliferation. The author concludes that increasing complexity in the nuclear arena makes reliance on the legacy policy of "calculated ambiguity" both increasingly hazardous for deterrence and decreasingly effective as a nonproliferation tool. These detrimental outcomes demand innovation in strategic thinking and revision of nuclear declaratory policy, specifically through adoption of a sole-purpose nuclear policy. Employed in the assessment of the new policy is a multiple methodological approach using historical, theoretical and practical frameworks. This study undertakes an appraisal of historic deterrence policies and nonproliferation initiatives exposing the essential elements of each. Building off these assessments, a comparative analysis of the new policy, dubbed "Lead-but-Hedge", and a sole-purpose policy illuminates the strengths and shortfalls of each. Finally, the author examines the strategic consequences of the new policy on the nuclear decision-making of allies (Japan), competitors (India), and rivals (Iran).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese National Security Strategy
Examination of Chinese national security issues is incomplete without a frame of reference that includes Chinese dynastic history, culture, and thought. Additionally, such examination requires viewing through lenses created by modern China's economics and politics. When viewed in this holistic fashion, Chinese defense strategies and concerns, especially with respect to two extremely important and timely issues, modernization of the PLA and Taiwan, can be discerned in a clearer light, resulting in an better, if more complex, understanding of the potential for military action on behalf of China tempered by the realities and difficulties China faces in improving a military force under their worldview and, also, their political and economic restraints. Accordingly, as a part of a coordinated effort, the US Air Force can provide both significant deterrence for military action in the Pacific in the form of appropriate force deployment and employment, as well as dissuasion from a potentially perceived Chinese requirement for military action through taking a "longer view" in understanding the value of activities such as military-to-military engagement.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of the U.S. War on Terrorism for U.S.-China Policy
The catastrophic terrorist attacks of September 11 2001 (9/11) provide both challenges and opportunities for U.S. foreign policy. As the war on terrorism continues, U.S.-China relations must be viewed through the lens of combating the terrorist threat. In "Implications of the U.S. War on Terrorism for U.S.-China Policy: A Strategic Window," the authors offer six proposals for U.S. policy vis-a-vis China in light of the war on terrorism. Each proposal stands on its own merits, providing a menu of graded options for policy makers to consider. The authors evaluate each proposal according to four criteria: organization and technical means required for implementation (shown as feasibility in the Proposal Evaluation Summary chart at the end of this summary), issues of U.S. domestic political support, issues of allied support, issues of China's perspective and provide an overall assessment. The individual criteria and the overall prospects for each proposal are graded as "straightforward," "challenging," or "difficult" to indicate the anticipated level of effort required in implementing the policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will Japan Rearm?
This thesis examines the possibility of Japanese rearmament using a comparative case study approach examining the periods 1870 to 1945 and 1945 to 1976. Major actors in each period are examined in order to understand the role they play and their views toward rearmament. For the period 1870 to 1945, the actors are the Emperor, the politicians, the military, the population, and the economic sector. During the later period, these same actors together with the American Occupation force are examined. The shift of political power and influence during each period is charted in order to determine any significant similarities between the two. An examination of the literature of both periods allows for additional similarities to be drawn. It is concluded that Japan probably will continue along a course of conventional but gradual rearmament.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is the United Nation's Current Policy in Iraq Effective? Evaluation of Economic Sanctions and the Oil-for-Food Program
The United Nations policy toward Iraq, consisting of economic sanctions and what has come to be known as the Oil for Food program, is flawed- it does not meet either the national security objectives or the humanitarian objectives it was set out to accomplish. Saddam Hussein is still a threat and the Oil for Food program, the largest humanitarian program ever administered by the United Nations (UN), has done little to stop the widespread suffering of the Iraqi people. On one hand, the policy is evaluated on its success or failure in terms of national security by the United States Administration and a number of prominent U.S. think-tanks. On the other hand, it is evaluated based on its success or failure as humanitarian intervention by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the World Health Organization, the World Food Program, and a number of non-governmental organizations. Conclusions are based on the respective 'frame of reference' thereby polarizing the issue. A comprehensive policy for Iraq must address both national security and humanitarian concerns if it is to be successful. Politics and humanitarian intervention cannot be separated.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Diplomacy
This paper details the campaign that Saddam executed in 2000 and impresses upon the reader that various public diplomacy techniques such as "faces with a name" can sway public opinion. Using this campaign as background, and to illustrate the value of capturing the information terrain, the events of 9/11 presented an opportunity to review the United States Government and Department of Defense's public diplomacy strategy from its infancy as the military prepared for Operation Enduring Freedom. In examining the first hundred days of this operation, the initial criticism is harsh as the administration stumbled into a different type of war engaging a non-nation-state and with little or no preparation time. As the campaign continued, handling public diplomacy gradually became a priority. Along with convincing our coalition partners that this was not a war against Islam, staffs throughout the United States Government knew that continued public support for a protracted war against terrorism would be needed, especially as the military began to suffer casualties. Now, months into Operation Enduring Freedom, public support in the United States remains high as a result of a refined effort and better understanding of public diplomacy, and the United States Government can focus on maintaining the information superiority it won back from Usama Bin Laden and the Taliban.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
North Korea's Military Threat
North Korea's conventional capabilities have eroded but remain significant, including its sizeable contingent of special operations forces. Meanwhile, Pyongyang continues the vigorous development of its nuclear and missile programs, and has ongoing chemical and biological weapons programs. Perhaps the biggest unanswered questions concern North Korea's military intentions. Does the Korean People's Army have an offensive or defensive doctrine? Does Pyongyang intend to use its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles to replace the threat posed by its eroding conventional forces? Or is its intention to use conventional and unconventional forces in what it might view as a winning combination? In theory, U.S. forces could carry out preemptive precision attacks to destroy known North Korean nuclear facilities and missile emplacements, but such attacks might provoke North Korean retaliation and trigger a general conflict. Washington and Seoul cannot overthrow the North Korean regime by force or destroy its strategic military assets without risking devastating losses in the process. Meanwhile, North Korea cannot invade the South without inviting a fatal counterattack from the United States and South Korea. Thus, the balance of forces that emerged from the Korean War, and which helped maintain the armistice for more than 50 years, remains in place.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prompt Global Strikes Through Space
The Air Force and U.S. Space Command have long-range plans to demonstrate the technologies necessary to execute prompt global strikes with precision conventional weapons through space launched from the U.S. homeland to any point on the globe in 90 minutes or less. While the Space Operations Vehicle concept is the postulated delivery vehicle early in the 2010 decade, long-range conventional ballistic missiles could provide an initial capability as early as 2005. In light of the potentially aggressive use of weapons of mass destruction by rogue adversaries in future wars, this paper explores the potential benefits and drawbacks of a capability to conduct prompt global strikes through space with conventional ballistic missiles and the Space Operations Vehicle. Political and military factors involved in the strategic decision to acquire, deploy, and employ such a capability are also examined, with emphasis on the Air Force's role.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China-Latin America Military Engagement
This monograph examines Chinese military engagement with Latin America in five areas: (1) meetings between senior military officials; (2) lower-level military-to-military interactions; (3) military sales; (4) military-relevant commercial interactions; and, (5) Chinese physical presence within Latin America, all of which have military-strategic implications. This monograph finds that the level of PRC military engagement with the region is higher than is generally recognized, and has expanded in important ways in recent years: High-level trips by Latin American defense and security personnel to the PRC and visits by their Chinese counterparts to Latin America have become commonplace. The volume and sophistication of Chinese arms sold to the region has increased. Officer exchange programs, institutional visits, and other lower-level ties have also expanded. Chinese military personnel have begun participating in operations in the region in a modest, yet symbolically important manner. The monograph also argues that in the short term, PRC military engagement with Latin America does not focus on establishing alliances or base access to the United States, but rather, supporting objectives of national development and regime survival, such as building understanding and political leverage among important commercial partners, creating the tools to protect PRC interests in the countries where it does business, and selling Chinese products and moving up the value-added chain in strategically important sectors. It concludes that Chinese military engagement may both contribute to legitimate regional security needs, and foster misunderstanding. It argues that the U.S. should work for greater transparency with the PRC in regard to those activities, as well as to analyze how the Chinese presence will impact the calculation of the region's actors in the context of specific future scenarios.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
CTSS Transatlantic Perspectives 2
The Center for Transatlantic Security Studies (CTSS) serves as a national and international focal point and resource center for multidisciplinary research on issues relating to transatlantic security. The Center provides recommendations to senior U.S. and international government and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) officials, publishes its research, and conducts a broad range of outreach activities to inform the broader U.S. national and transatlantic security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Supporting Civil Society in Somalia
The international community intervened repeatedly in Somalia since the central government fell in 1991. These interventions failed to produce a stable, elected government. Instead, over the last 20 years Somalis faced famine, terrorism, sexual violence and lack of basic public services. Somalia's problems stem from lack political unity and rule of corrupt elites who misappropriate foreign aid and national resources. However, even with the pressures of the last two decades, parts of Somali society prospered and show the development of civil society that would serve as counterweights to a predatory government. The international community and the US should provide support around the edges of Somali politics and society. Actively engaging the center through a brokered peace deal or lengthy military occupation invites corruption and mistrust. Aggressive intervention such as establishing an international administration over Somalia would unnecessarily cause friction. It also would delay Somalia's development as a unified, strong country. Numerous Somalis possess the technical ability to run a government. What is missing is accountability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Misunderstood Dragon or Underestimated Panda
This study uses the theory of strategic culture to analyze how China reacts to an external national security crisis. Following an overview of the theory, the author introduces a strategic culture framework. Three cases studies (Korean War, Vietnam War, and 1995 Taiwan crisis) serve as qualitative evidence for the framework. This study concludes that strategic culture is useful as a supplementary lens in understanding Chinese responses to a security crisis. The framework also provides a rough translation of Chinese strategic concepts into familiar US concepts. The framework can aid a US strategist by helping anticipate how Chinese strategic culture will lead Beijing to react during a security crisis. A sample application of the framework in a real-world scenario is included as an appendix.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Power Projection
This study concludes airpower will play an increasingly dominant role in future US contingency responses. Power projection is defined as the finite application of military power by national command authority to achieve discrete political ends outside the borders of the United States, its territories, and possessions. Power projection contingencies are characterized as wars and operations short of war, but not conflicts that are global or total in nature. Future contingencies that demand a US response may occur without warning, be time sensitive, and require short duration deployments. US forces may not have immediate access to or a previously established presence in potential theaters of operation. Due to the changing nature of the international environment and domestic priorities, the President defined a new National Security Strategy that emphasizes projecting military forces in response to regional conflicts. The military services are currently modifying their doctrine and force structures to reflect the shift towards power projection. The services agree power projection forces must be lethal, flexible, deployable, mobile, and capable of surviving an increasingly hostile threat environment. Comparing force characteristics reveals airpower has greater flexibility, deployability, mobility, and is better able to survive future threat environments than surface forces. New domestic imperatives have also forced the services to engage in a healthy competition to preserve their share of a shrinking defense budget. In terms of efficiency, apportioning resources according to an arcane formula that does not reflect force capabilities or the future utility of primary service functions is illogical. Building a strong power projection capability requires a thorough evaluation of the relative efficacy of air, land, and sea power to perform the power projection mission. This evaluation concludes airpower has a great potential to achieve national security objectives decisively iThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The US Policy of Dual Containment Toward Iran and Iraq in Theory and Practice
The policy of dual containment has been adopted by the Clinton administration as a method whereby the nations of Iran and Iraq may be simultaneously prevented from embarking upon actions deemed counter to the interests of the international community in general, and the United States in particular. This is a departure from policies of previous administrations which had sought a balance of power between the two nations in order to contain whichever nation seemed to present the greatest threat at the time. The ability of the United States to embark on a strategy of containing these two states at once, is a result of the new world order in which America finds itself as the sole remaining superpower, able to work its will with a degree of impunity heretofore unknown. The problem to be considered here is whether this strategy is indeed appropriate and whether it will achieve the desired outcomes with respect to US security strategy. This paper analyzes the position of the Clinton administration in light of current and historic US interests in the Persian Gulf region. It examines the opinions of various strategists and academicians regarding the policy of dual containment in order to determine if this policy can be an effective one. The conclusion of this research is that a linkage of US policy between the two nations of Iran and Iraq is inappropriate. While the state of Iraq must be contained to prevent its aggressive activities, diplomatic methods should be applied to Iran in the hope of engendering a renewed relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
From Islands to Networks
From Islands to Networks A Blueprint for a Comprehensive US Security Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region Historic precedent and power transition theory predict the likelihood of armed conflict between a rising China as it overtakes the world's leading superpower, the United States. Taiwan highlights the dilemma by exposing conflicting US and Chinese interests and the changing nature of China's power. This long-term dilemma complicates the emerging alignment of Asia-Pacific interests. A comprehensive US Asia-Pacific strategy of Assured Partnership would safely manage this dilemma by incorporating a multi-tiered, inclusive, institutional approach. The strategy will decrease the likelihood of a US-China military confrontation for several reasons. First, existing bilateral alliances give the strategy its underpinnings, providing an anchor of assurance to allies and a deterrent to the rise of Chinese hegemony. Second, the strategy transforms the ASEAN Regional Forum into a cooperative security institution, the Organization of Asia-Pacific Cooperation. It will provide continuous dialogue, a region-wide security forum, and an enhanced ability to implement preventive diplomacy, consequence management, and peace support operations. Complimenting it, the Asia-Pacific Council consists of current or developing regional powers including the U.S., China, Japan, Australia, India, and Russia. The council preserves regional power strategic agility while providing for continuous regional direction, leadership, and power balance. Third, the strategy builds military transparency, trust and predictability through an institutionalized military cooperative regime, the Partnership for Security and Peace, similar to Europe's Partnership for Peace program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Information As Power
The U.S. Army War College is pleased to present this anthology of selected student work from Academic Year 2011 representing examples of well-written and in-depth analyses on the vital subject of Information as Power. This is the sixth volume of an effort that began in 2006. The anthology is an important component of an effort to coordinate and recommend the design, development and integration of content and courses related to the information element of power into a curriculum to prepare our students for senior leadership positions. Broken into sections emphasizing information effects in the cyberspace domain and the cognitive dimension as well as information sharing, the anthology provides a holistic overview of important national security issues in that regard. We hope that "Information as Power" will serve not only to showcase the efforts of the College but to inform the broader body of knowledge as the Nation considers how best to operate effectively and proactively within this environment while countering our adversaries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Focus Targeting in a COIN Environment
Senior military leaders in Afghanistan recognize that there is a systemic problem in how our intelligence community is trained to look at the enemy and provide proper support to the military's counterinsurgency strategy. Where in the past, the intelligence community focused on enemy forces of a nation state, finding the enemy in a counterinsurgency COIN environment requires a holistic understanding of the environment. At the operational and tactical level, reaching this level of understanding requires intelligence assets to focus on the social networks and how they interrelate. Additionally, effective targeting in today's COIN environment requires a much different approach as well. Dynamic targeting models like the Find, Fix, Finish, Exploit, Analyze, and Disseminate (F3EAD) model, are extremely useful tools for rapidly processing information into useful intelligence for targeting.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Targeting National Security
Many theories have arisen to describe how best to use the military as a coercive tool. This thesis develops another of these coercive theories. This is a security-based model that ... describes the actual mechanism behind effective military coercion. This theory--Targeting National Security (TNS)--is based on the nation's need for security and how security erosion can begin a sequence of events that leads to coercion. To develop this theory, this thesis uses a case study approach involving Japan's surrender in W.W. II, the Rolling Thunder and Linebacker air campaigns in the Vietnam War, and Operation El Dorado Canyon, the 1986 US airstrike on Libya.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Revenge of Europe
The collapse of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the emergence of the European Union (EU) have all raised questions regarding the United States' transatlantic relationship and the subsequent role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The author takes a brief look at past US-European relations and provides an enlightening and provocative analysis of the current state of affairs. Recent tensions in the relationship, he concludes, are a result of the EU's growing role as a state actor in the international system. Policy differences between the United States and the EU are merely symptoms of the changes resulting from the EU's new role. The author proposes a tentative typology of alliances and concludes that the United States and the EU have a co-dependent relationship, with the United States subsidizing the EU's pursuit of policies that, whether by accident or design, undermine US interests. The author calls for a reformulation of the alliance that allows both the United States and the European Union to pursue their own interests while forcing the EU to take responsibility for its own defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three Capitals for Two States
This study argues that there are historical reasons to focus on Jerusalem first and to use an international Holy Basin methodology to bring Israel and the Palestinian National Authority together towards a workable compromise. This analysis identifies the strategic compromises required to create two distinct capital zones that grants sovereignty and legitimacy over respective capitals for the State of Israel and a future State of Palestine. To address the Arab-Israeli conflict, there have been numerous Middle East peace processes, two intifada's, and six U.S. administrations with little demonstrated progress. In terms of religion and national identity, Jerusalem is a central factor for both Israelis and Palestinians, to the people of three world religions, and to the international community. The critical factors to achieve compromise are sovereignty over their respective capitals combined with international recognition and possible control over remaining contested Holy Places. Resolving the city's role as a national capital for two states can lead to resolving other critical Arab-Israeli issues. The international community has perpetuated the conflict by withholding Jerusalem sovereignty from Israel and the Arab population. When Britain ended their Palestine mandate in 1948, the UN failed to deliberately enforce their vision of a separate Jerusalem entity, or Corpus Separatum. The UN continued to withhold sovereignty while the city was divided for nineteen years between Jordan and Israel and when the city was reunited in 1967. The lack of an international mandate for sixty-four years, while fighting for utopian concepts has perpetuated the conflict by delaying the self-determination of the Palestinian population and withholding sovereignty over Israel's declared capital. Peace negotiations must recognize and incorporate the interests of both sides, but until each side is ready to strictly divide the Old City, an international Holy Basin zone has the potential to crThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leveraging U.S. Intelligence to Defeat Mexican Drug Trafficking Organization
According to the Mexican daily newspaper Reforma, in 2009 there were 6,567 drug-related homicides in Mexico, with over 2,100 of these killings occurring in the Mexican border town of Ciudad Ju?ƒ?癒rez. Though in many ways this extreme violence has become the face of the drug war in Mexico, it is arguably what is occurring below the surface that is of greater concern to the governments of Mexico and the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of China's Possible Military Intervention in the Event of a Sudden Change in North Korea
This study addresses potential scenarios as to how a North Korean collapse could occur, whether China's military would engage in North Korea, and how China's military might intervene if it did so. First, regarding the likely scenarios for a North Korean collapse, this study looks at a power struggle, a military coup, or a popular uprising as potential scenarios of internal origin. Additionally, it discusses a military conflict between the two Koreas and U.S. military operations against North Korea as scenarios of conflict with an external origin. Second, based on an analysis of China's external environment and national interests, this study proposes that China's military would intervene only if a North Korean collapse were caused by an internal conflict. This study also posits that, despite its military alliance obligations, China would not intervene militarily on the Korean Peninsula if the collapse was due to an external conflict. Finally, concerning the form of China's military intervention in case of an internally driven collapse, based on Lykke's military strategy model, this study compares the advantages and disadvantages of a unilateral intervention, multinational operations, and UN-led peacekeeping operations and concludes that China would prefer a UN-led PKO because such an operation would best balance the ends, ways, and means and present acceptable risks for China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Mapro
The Mass Atrocity Prevention and Response Options (MAPRO) Policy Planning Handbook is a collaborative effort intended to assist the policy community in addressing mass atrocity situations. The MAPRO Handbook supplements the Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) Military Planning Handbook, which was developed by the Harvard Kennedy School's Carr Center for Human Rights Policy and PKSOI. The MAPRO Handbook provides guidelines and frameworks for the formulation of options, policies, and plans, and discusses the application of all elements of national influence in order to prevent or respond to mass atrocities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Western Balkans as Base for Radical Islamists
This thesis addresses the primary research question: Are the Balkans becoming a European sanctuary for radical Islamists. Research is focused on what are the factors that contribute in creation of favorable condition for radical Islamists in the Western Balkans. There are three perspectives addressed in the analysis. First, the European influence in relations of geopolitical communication with the Western Balkans. The second perspective is the Western Balkans as a primary region and how its countries with their actions (or passiveness) are contributing to creation of the factors that favor radical Islamists. The last perspective is Balkan Muslims and their role in this complex environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Post-Cold War American Foreign Policy
This study assesses American foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. As the world's sole superpower, American leadership has followed one of four policies in the post-Cold War period: unilateral engagement, multilateral engagement through existing organizations, multilateral engagement through ad hoc coalitions, and non-engagement or engagement through a third party. The author assesses three case studies for each policy category, identifying the intervening variables leading American foreign policy decision-makers to each outcome. The case studies identify six intervening variables: American interest, leadership, legitimacy, required capabilities, available multilateral organizations, and alternate willing actors. The author then constructs a framework for American foreign policy decision-making, applying the six intervening variables as they lead to each of the four possible policy outcomes. Following this, the writer uses one case demonstrating the critical need to adequately contextualize the situation in order to avoid inaccurate results emerging from the framework. Finally, two recent cases of American foreign policy, not yet mature enough to allow comprehensive analysis, validate the potential to apply the framework. Ultimately, the author concludes that, while there is no one foreign policy option for the United States to apply as the lone superpower, the correct analysis of the given situation results in predictable policy choices. The policy choices are recognizable not only for the American policy-makers, but also the domestic population as it scrutinizes its government and the international community as it tries to identify what it expects from the global leader. The framework produced offers a lens to examine American foreign policy-making for this purpose.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Transatlantic Community and China in the Age of Disruption
This volume analyzes what China's rise means for the transatlantic community in a new age of disruption-an age marked by great power rivalry, technological upheavals, and the diffusion of power.
An Introduction to International Negotiation
This book provides a comprehensive introduction to the international negotiation system - its key elements and processes, what major issues and challenges it faces today, and its impacts on international relations. Negotiation can resolve conflicts and promote cooperation peacefully.
Routledge Handbook of Disinformation and National Security
This interdisciplinary Handbook provides an in-depth analysis of the complex security phenomenon of disinformation and offers a toolkit to counter such tactics.
Public Administration Theory
What is theory? What do theorists do? Doctoral students and academics often engage with theory, but there is sometimes misunderstanding about what theory is, does, and explains. This book explores these questions. The aim of the volume is to demystify the word 'theory'.
Great Power Cyber Competition
This volume conceptualizes the threats, challenges, opportunities, and boundaries of great power cyber competition in the 21st century.
Patterns of War Termination
This research uses an advanced statistical technique to expand upon the current understanding of war termination. Specifically, this thesis addressed questions concerning the most relevant factors toward predicting both the outcomes of interstate wars and the winners of intrastate and extra-systemic wars, within the limitations of the available data. Open-source war data from the Correlates of War Project was analyzed using both binary and multinomial logistic regression techniques. While the Correlates of War Project did not necessarily focus its data collection efforts on those variables historically associated with war termination, it did provide a sufficient number of variables with which to demonstrate the applicability of logistic regression techniques to war termination analyses. As a consequence, every significant logistic regression model contains a single relevant variable. For both intrastate and extra-systemic wars, the duration of the conflict was found to be most relevant to predicting the winner. In contrast, the proportion of total casualties borne by a nation in an interstate war was most relevant to predicting the manner in which an interstate war ends. Conclusions drawn from this research and suggestions for future statistical applications to war termination studies were also discussed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Interpreting Chinese Cyber Attacks of 2007
Cyberspace is rapidly gaining acceptance in the US defense community as a warfighting domain on par with air, land, and sea. However, the Chinese recognized this over ten years ago and have been steadily developing doctrine, building military forces, and conducting training in order to utilize the cyber domain to its best advantage. In 2007, Chinese cyber espionage activities caused a large media buzz both based on their sophistication and volume. The attacks led to several questions, specifically: Who caused these attacks? What were their purposes? What do they tell us about future Chinese cyber operations? After analyzing the targets of the these attacks and the methods used, it is apparent that the People's Liberation Army of China is actively conducting a cyber campaign targeting the diplomatic, military, informational, and economic capabilities of western nations (to include Taiwan and Japan). China has multiple cyber resources, from the military to university scholars to information technology corporations. Chinese military officers emphasize the importance of cyber warfare in China's national and military strategy; they view it as on par with a combat system. In assessing China's capabilities, intent, and previous actions, I assert that China is conducting a systematic, long-range cyber campaign designed to achieve regional hegemony, continued economic advancement, and global superpower status.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Unraveling the Persian Knot
In 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini's indirect approach ignited existing socio-economic conditions during the Iranian Revolution to topple the Shah. A similar indirect approach using psychological operations to target audiences through key vulnerabilities and networks may have applicability for strategies today. Joint Pub 5-0 defines the indirect approach as the employment of attacks on an adversary's derived vulnerabilities when conditions do not permit direct attacks against a defined center of gravity (COG). "A COG can be viewed as the set of characteristics, capabilities, and sources of power from which a system derives its moral or physical strength, freedom of action, and will to act." Using a combination of operations, an indirect approach targets the COG by attacking key adversary weaknesses or requirements. When performed successfully, an indirect approach can isolate, sever, defeat, or degrade adversary capabilities to ultimately prevent their use. In the Shah's case, Khomeini focused on Iranian public opinion to degrade the monarch's legitimacy, and also military morale and unity to effectively neutralize the Iranian armed forces. Ayatollah Khomeini effectively unified various Iranian opposition groups through a common hatred and desire to overthrow the Shah. Most significant, the Ayatollah accomplished this while residing entirely outside Iran's borders using psychological operations as the primary arm of his approach. Joint doctrine defines psychological operations as, "planned operations to convey selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence the emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and ultimately the behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals." Often misunderstood, psychological operations require sufficient time in order to work but given appropriate time the effects can often be dramatic. Khomeini's synchronization of psychological operations with coordinated internal political violence successfully deThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India in Africa
This monograph examines India's rapidly expanding network of influence in Africa. The author analyzes the country's burgeoning public and private investments in the region as well as its policies vis-?-vis African regional organizations and individual states, especially in the security sector. After reviewing the historic role that India has played in Africa, the author looks at the principal motivations for India's approach to Africa-including the former's quests for the resources, business opportunities, diplomatic influence, and security-and Africans' responses to it. In the context of the broader U.S.-India strategic partnership, as well as American political and security interests in Africa, India's willingness to make significant contributions to African peacekeeping and to extend its maritime security cover to the continent's eastern littoral ought to be welcomed, not least because of the potential positive impact on regional stability and development. Consequently, the author believes the opportunity thus presented in Africa for greater engagement between the United States and India ought to be seized upon.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dilemmas of Brazilian Grand Strategy
This monograph analyzes Brazilian grand strategy under President Luiz In獺cio Lula da Silva. During Lula's nearly 8 years in office, he has pursued a multi-tiered grand strategy aimed at hastening the transition from unipolarity to a multipolar order in which international rules, norms, and institutions are more favorable to Brazilian interests. Lula has done so by emphasizing three diplomatic strategies: soft-balancing, coalition-building, and seeking to position Brazil as the leader of a more united South America. This strategy has successfully raised Brazil's profile and increased its diplomatic flexibility, but it has also exposed the country to four potent strategic dilemmas that could complicate or undermine its ascent. These dilemmas touch on issues ranging from anemic macroeconomic performance to rising tensions in Brazil's relationship with the United States. In the future, the efficacy of Brazilian grand strategy-and its implications for U.S. interests and the global system-will be contingent on how Lula's successors address these dilemmas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Fallacy of the Shiite Crescent and Arab Unity
Ever since King Abdullah II of Jordan quipped that the Middle East may soon see a Shiite Crescent stretching from Iran to Lebanon the United States and the Arab nations of the Middle East have been obsessed with Iran's increased influence in the region. Some believe that Iran will merge the Shiite populations of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon into a sort of Shiite super state. In contrast, a second school of thought believes that a Shiite Crescent will not emerge due to Arab unity in the face of Persian expansion. Both of these theories are flawed and subscribing to them can significantly decrease the efficacy of any U.S. initiatives in the region. Without a doubt Iran has increased its influence. The removal of Iran's chief antagonists Saddam Hussein and the Taliban, paved the way for increased Iranian engagement throughout the Persian Gulf, the Caucasus and the Middle East. Furthermore, Hezbollah's 2006 strategic victory over Israel, the seeming international paralysis at dealing with Iran's nuclear transgressions and the United States' focus in Iraq and Afghanistan have emboldened Iran.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear Iran
"Iran will have nuclear weapons. Diplomatically, the United States is unable to stop it. Economically, the United States is unable to stop it. If the United States attacks Iran pre-emptively, Iran will use its oil reserves as leverage to cripple the United States economy, damaging global economies in the process. The international community at large would then pressure the United States to cease all operations against Iran. This paper looks at these issues in-depth while using a scenario-based approach to form a U.S. response to a nuclear-armed Iran. If the United States elects to be proactive in dealing with Iran, it will seek regime change. Yet, the Iranian people have now rallied behind their current regime in the face of U.S. opposition. For this reason and others, the United States must use internal actors in Iran to bring about regime change. Ultimately, the question becomes, how quickly does the regime change need to take place?"--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Post-Cold War American Foreign Policy
This study assesses American foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. As the world's sole superpower, American leadership has followed one of four policies in the post-Cold War period: unilateral engagement, multilateral engagement through existing organizations, multilateral engagement through ad hoc coalitions, and non-engagement or engagement through a third party. The author assesses three case studies for each policy category, identifying the intervening variables leading American foreign policy decision-makers to each outcome. The case studies identify six intervening variables: American interest, leadership, legitimacy, required capabilities, available multilateral organizations, and alternate willing actors. The author then constructs a framework for American foreign policy decision-making, applying the six intervening variables as they lead to each of the four possible policy outcomes. Following this, the writer uses one case demonstrating the critical need to adequately contextualize the situation in order to avoid inaccurate results emerging from the framework. Finally, two recent cases of American foreign policy, not yet mature enough to allow comprehensive analysis, validate the potential to apply the framework. Ultimately, the author concludes that, while there is no one foreign policy option for the United States to apply as the lone superpower, the correct analysis of the given situation results in predictable policy choices. The policy choices are recognizable not only for the American policy-makers, but also the domestic population as it scrutinizes its government and the international community as it tries to identify what it expects from the global leader. The framework produced offers a lens to examine American foreign policy-making for this purpose.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Special Operations Forces Requirements for Africa Command
Africa holds growing geo-strategic importance and is a high priority of this Administration. It is a place of promise and opportunity, linked to the United States by history, culture, commerce, and strategic significance." In order assist the U.S. in meeting these growing promises and opportunities, President Bush directed the establishment of the United States Africa Command (USAFRICOM) on February 6, 2007 with the intent that it would be fully operational by the end of fiscal year 2008. Under this new command, a sub-unified command, Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAFRICA), will emerge with geographic responsibility for Special Operations Forces (SOF) and SOF missions in the USAFRICOM Area of Responsibility (AOR). Furthermore, under the umbrella of its global responsibility for planning, synchronizing, and executing global operations against terrorist networks, United States Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) will also conduct operations in this AOR. At issue is the best way for SOF, from both SOCAFRICA and USSOCOM, to be employed across Africa. Based upon a research method of literature search of current sources, particularly of open source news articles, press releases, reports, policy, directives, and doctrine, this paper is presented to provide key requirements and recommendations for SOF in Africa.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Strategic Implications of Culture
In this paper, the author used Mary Douglas' group/grid typology model for framing culture to describe the strategic implications of culture and culture's response to a changing global context. The author then applied these concepts to analyze the effect of cultural change in China and its implications for current and future US-China relations. Through this analysis, the author revealed important differences in cultural prespective between China and the US, encouraging different solutions to the common strategic problems of security and prosperity and, thus, potentially causing misperceptions and dangerous miscalculations in policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Bush's New World Order
The phrase "new world order" has been widely used on the political scene since first publicly coined by former president, George Bush, in 1990. Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of the 1990s, few people actually agree on what "new world order" really means. Since "new world order," while elusive in definition, is most frequently used to describe aspects of the post Cold War international scenario, understanding the true meaning of that phase is critical to projecting our future strategic environment and prospects for the new millennium. The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true meaning. Historical analysis will be the primary methodology used to reveal the meaning of George Bush's specific terminology describing his concept of "new world order." In a January 16, 1991 speech, he identified the opportunity to build a new world order "where the rule of law. . .governs the conduct of nations," and "in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the UN's founders." These words will be dissected and historically analyzed to develop a clear picture of the "new world order." Additionally, the primary mechanisms for implementing new world order will be addressed; and finally, specific strategic environment and national security implications will be drawn from those conclusions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Winning the Firefight is not Enough
This monograph establishes a theoretical foundation for stability operations doctrine. It defines a tactical approach to 璽€~limited warfare', applicable across a wide range of stability scenarios, with the hope that the reader will gain a higher level of understanding of these complex types of missions. Planning and executing stability operations is somewhat problematic, given the US Army's almost exclusive doctrinal focus on conventional operations since the introduction of Active Defense in 1976. Efforts are being made to correct this. Recent drafts of FM 100-5 Operations, FM 100-22 Stability Operations and FM 100-40 Offensive and Defensive Tactics, address the Army's role in stability operations, and elevate the importance of these operations in relation to offensive and defensive combat missions. This monograph attempts to contribute to the current discussion concerning stability operations doctrine. The monograph uses documentary evidence to present a general theory of limited war, putting into context the various types of military interventions that are classified as stability operations. It uses contemporary ideas of 璽€~chaos' and 璽€~complexity' to define the environment into which stability forces deploy. In order to overcome the complexities inherent in modern social conflict, the monograph suggests adherence to three general principles. These are derived from a synthesis of Clausewitzian concepts, counter-revolutionary theories and general systems theory. The first principle is that the people remain the most important element in a conflict, the operational center of gravity for all sides. The second principle holds that Intelligence is critical to seizing and maintaining the initiative. The third principle is that there must be a low-level integration of military combat and non-combat, and civilian and information operations under one common operational concept. Primary and secondary source evidence of the US Army's pacification of the Philippines 1898-1902 isThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS China Strategic Perspectives 4
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Industrial Policy in Turkey
At a time when many advanced and emerging economies are adopting more active industrial policies, this book provides an in-depth historical-empirical account of industrial policy in Turkey - its rise, retreat and return. This study adopts a multidisciplinary approach and covers the role of the state from Turkey's initial industrialisation to the current period of restructuring and potential technological upgrading of its manufacturing base. The analysis traces how industrial policy has been shaped by state capacity, the waves of reforms following economic crises, the dearth of long-term finance for industrialisation and, more recently, the need to address issues such as low-tech industrial structure and pre-mature de-industrialisation.
When is Russia Joining NATO? Russian Security Orientation in the Twenty-First Century
This study seeks to analyze Russia's security situation, its relationship with NATO and if NATO can solve, or help solve Russia's security problems. The Cold War set the stage for NATO - USSR/ Russian relationship and this long common history has colored the parties' perceptions and affected their decisions. In the years after 1991 and the USSR collapse, Russia emerged as the leader of the former USSR republics, while it tried to maintain its status and power. NATO continued to function and started an enlargement process creeping closer and closer to Russian borders, infringing on what Russia perceived as its sphere of interests. The tension between the adversaries from the Cold War continued into the twenty-first century. Russia has three significant challenges they need to find solutions to or to mitigate potentially negative outcomes. These challenges include; their overreliance on a raw material based economy, a grim demographical trend, and problems associated with the 'near-abroad' nations. Put together these challenges force Russia to reevaluate their security environment. This study concludes that Russia has more significant problems than NATO and that it would be beneficial for Russia to seek a closer relationship with the Alliance. Russia should view NATO as a friend rather than its biggest threat. NATO is the only organization that has the credibility and capability to provide Russia with increased stability and security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India as a Responsible Nuclear Power
"After the tests of 1998, India has merely moved sideways from existential to minimum deterrence. From the options available to it, India would in all probability opt for a nuclear posture in the form of a "force-in-being" which implies that India's nuclear capabilities will be strategically active, but operationally dormant. This would give her capability to execute retaliatory action within a matter of hours to a few weeks. India's draft Nuclear Doctrine is by no means the last word on the subject. India's nuclear doctrine and should be seen as an evolving system of beliefs that governs the rationale and use of nuclear weapons. India's declared policy on the use of nuclear weapons is one of "no first use" but an "assured and massive retaliation" in case of nuclear aggression on the part of its enemies. In keeping with this policy, avoiding the high costs of a ready arsenal and to reinforce its long tradition of strict civilian control over the military, India would try to acquire only a nominal deterrence capability against Pakistan and China. This "de-alerted" capability would be reflected in the form of completed nuclear weapons stored in a dissembled condition, i.e., warheads along with the sub-assemblies and delivery systems being kept at different locations separated by large geographical distances."--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Full Steam Ahead
This research paper analyzes the international political factors associated with deploying a ballistic missile defense system (BMDS) in Eastern Europe. The analysis focuses on potential benefits to US national security, domestic considerations in the countries involved, Russia's viewpoint and objections to the plan, and a scrutiny of the threat. Due to the currency of this topic, most of the research relied on current event documents, including both pro- and anti-BMDS perspectives. Additional resources included official US, Polish, Czech, Russian, and Iranian publications. Ultimately the research supports the paper's thesis, which is that deploying BMDS to Eastern Europe will enhance US security interests. The United States proposed a deployment of ten interceptor missiles to Poland and a tracking radar system to the Czech Republic to counter the proliferation of ballistic missile technology throughout the world. Iran is working to enhance its missile capabilities and may be able to target Europe and the United States with long-range missiles by 2015. Other potentially hostile nations are likely to follow in Iran's footsteps as such technology becomes available. Poland and the Czech Republic are ideally positioned so that BMDS can effectively counter long-range missiles launched from the Middle East and destined for Europe or the United States. Both countries endorsed the proposal at the NATO Summit in April 2008, but neither country has actually granted final approval. Although the governments of Poland and the Czech Republic are generally in favor of BMDS, their citizens are less supportive.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
