Countering Asymmetric Strategies
"This paper examines diversity as it relates to countering asymmetric security threats. It views diversity as more than equal opportunity. It attempts to describe how various pieces of diversity come together to serve as a force multiplier. It also asserts that the Force Development concept plays a large role in ensuring the right mix of people, are in the right place, at the right time. More importantly, it contends leadership is the most important aspect in fitting the pieces of the diversity puzzle together."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Japan's New National Defense Program Guideline
This paper analyzes Japan's National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), which was approved by the Security Council and Cabinet on 10 December 2004. This paper will look at what led to the updated NDPG. It will also analyze the three-pronged approach of the new NDPG: building up of Japan's own defenses, continuing the strong alliance with the United States and more cooperation with the international community. In the new NDPG, while continuing to emphasize the importance of the US-Japan security alliance, Japan seems to be taking steps to forge its own role in security policy, not only in Asia, but throughout the world. This paper examines the role Japan hopes to take in the future. It also looks at ramifications of the new NDPG. Research was taken from current press accounts of the impact of the new NDPG in addition to publications from the government of Japan and other sources who have an interest in Northeast Asian security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing SOUTHCOM's Role in US Foreign Policy in Latin America
The last decade has experienced an increased role of the military in shaping and implementing US foreign policy in Latin America as the focus shifted seamlessly from fighting communism to combating drug trafficking and now prosecuting the war on terror. This paper argues that the armed forces dominate relations between the US and Latin American nations because the Pentagon has the largest official presence in the western hemisphere; hence displacing foreign affairs organizations traditionally chartered to conduct diplomacy, perform development assistance and foster understanding. However, this bleeding of civilian responsibilities to the military weakens the Secretary of State's ability to successfully conduct US relations with foreign countries and undermines the Secretary of Defense's focus on war fighting, as military solutions gain prominence over diplomacy. It cautions American leaders to understand the implications of empowering the armed forces of nascent democracies and the consequences of encouraging law enforcement roles for the military to address public order challenges. The analysis reveals the need for a more balanced foreign policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean, which demands the enhancement of civilian agencies and programs by boosting their funding to bring those levels of engagement on par with and complement humanitarian assistance, training and other foreign aid already provided by the military. Unity of effort between the State Department and the Pentagon will strengthen interagency solutions by combining the diplomatic, information, military and economic instruments of national power. In the long run, an integrated approach that addresses the symptoms as well as the causes of the many problems that afflict our neighbors to the south should not only benefit Latin American and Caribbean nations; but also improve US security and mutual regional interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation Weapons of Mass Destruction and International Insecurity
In present discussions on international security the issue of "Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)" plays an important role. The problem itself is not a new one. However, the problem is of increasing importance due to various traditional and current risks. To clearly define and control these risks is getting more complicated since the clear cut international structures of the "Cold War" era no longer exist. NATO addressed the problem in the "Alliance New Strategic Concept" in 1991 as a challenge and a risk to international security without defining the particular competence of NATO in this field. However, the Alliance obliged itself to continue and strengthen cooperative efforts to prevent or reverse proliferation. For this purpose in 1994 NATO established working groups to examine the implications of proliferation for the defense planning and capabilities of NATO and its members and to consider what measures can be taken in the defense field. The working groups are tasked to accomplish their mission by summer of 1996.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Resurgent Russia in 2030? A Study of the Past, Present, and Possible Future Political Situation With the Russian Federation
Mark Twain once said, "The art of prophecy is very difficult - especially with respect to the future." It can be argued that trying to predict ANYTHING in 2030 is all but impossible. One hundred years ago, attempting to predict 23 years into the future was difficult. Today, as the world flattens, as technology and information continue to spread, the rate of change of any given scenario will accelerate and make extrapolation or correlation extremely difficult. Leading indicators may show trend data, but at an accelerated rate of decaying accuracy. Thus, confirming or denouncing a present strategic plan will require speed, agility, and adaptability. Even the best holistic approaches are not likely to produce significant accuracy beyond a few years. Thus, the United States must be ready to compete with all comers using all aspects of state power over a wide range of possible scenarios. In the future, the greater challenges facing the US could be a non-kinetic information operation based in cyberspace or an all out conventional war against a peer competitor. The future success of the United States rests in our ability to plan for a future difficult to predict, but must be prepared for nonetheless. It is within this framework that a plausible explanation for a resurgent Russia in 2030 will be developed. The US must be ready for the challenge and the USAF must shape its forces to meet such a threat. This will require a Grand Strategy that incorporates all aspects of national power: diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME). Within the broader context of the Blue Horizons project, each of these aspects will be discussed in detail. However, within this paper, only the political situation in Russia will be examined. This paper will provide an in-depth analysis of the current political situation, develop plausible trend lines affecting the political future, and meld them into one credible scenario which results in a resurgent Russia in 2030.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Loose Words, Not Nukes
America appears poised to redefine its extended deterrent commitment to NATO. This paper evaluates a selection of U.S. signals surrounding the slow-burning debate on the future of Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons (NSNW) in Europe to determine a prevailing European understanding of the American NSNW policy preference. Despite the conspicuous silence in American intellectual and foreign policy circles defining what President Obama's Global Nuclear Zero commitment means to the future of NATOs NSNW, the most consistent thread among U.S. actions and rhetoric is an American perception of a changed threat environment. The result is a deliberate policy vector that reinterprets deterrence and intellectually relegates NSNW to the dustbin of history as a dangerous Cold War relic. This intent is interpreted by European allies through the prism of flexible response strategy resulting in a loss of commitment perception, linked to historical perceptions of graduated deterrence. The U.S. has had difficulty communicating and convincing our NATO allies to accept and adopt this strategic recasting because American policy elites have thus far failed to offer a compelling theoretical construct that continues to extend historically understood security assurances. This has caused the beginning of a reexamination of core alliance functions, potentially undermining the strength of consultative norms and shared purpose.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Strategic Implications of Culture
In this paper, the author used Mary Douglas' group/grid typology model for framing culture to describe the strategic implications of culture and culture's response to a changing global context. The author then applied these concepts to analyze the effect of cultural change in China and its implications for current and future US-China relations. Through this analysis, the author revealed important differences in cultural prespective between China and the US, encouraging different solutions to the common strategic problems of security and prosperity and, thus, potentially causing misperceptions and dangerous miscalculations in policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Planning Process and the Need for Grand Strategy
This monograph explores the strategic dilemma facing the Australian Strategic Planning System in the post Cold War environment. Previously the Australian Government and Australian Defense Organization produced Defense White Papers to provide an articulation of government policy regarding Defense. These white papers provided the primary guidance to the military from the government for setting strategic objectives and major defense tasks. Consequently, military strategy sought to attain the objectives set forth in the Defense White Papers. Since the end of the Cold War, the strategic environment in Australia's strategic area of interest has changed dramatically. These changes reflect increased regional instability, occasioned by cultural, economic, military and political change. The development of a globalized market economy has further complicated these changes. The result is the need for the Australian Government to articulate Australian national interests as a means to focus the development of economic, diplomatic, informational and military strategy. Presently no national security document exists in which to guide the development of a national approach to strategy development. This monograph proposes the development of a National Security Organization responsible to the National Security Committee of Cabinet for the production of a grand strategy that will coordinate currently separate economic, diplomatic and military strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Torture
As a part of the response to the Al Qaida attacks on 11 September 2001, the United States found itself having to answer many difficult questions regarding its action in the Global War on Terrorism. One of the most contentious was the use of torture against captured enemy fighters. The United States, a strong proponent for humanitarian law, soon found itself criticized for its treatment of detainees. As a result, commentators and politicians have had endless debates about interrogation techniques and the legal applicability of international law and treaties to a nonstate enemy. The central research question derived from these issues is: Is torture a viable tool for use in achieving goals as outlined in the 2006 National Security Strategy? Interrogational torture was examined from the following standpoints: legal, effectiveness, and ethical. Results showed that torture is wrong. The next step applied the analytical results against the ethical decision-making triangle and also concluded that from the three standpoints torture was wrong and not a feasible means of achieving the United States' national security objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Bipolar Strategy for a Multi-Polar World
According to official public statements, China's nuclear arsenal exists solely to deter nuclear attacks. There are, however, growing indicators that Beijing sees broader utility in these powerful weapons. Behind the scenes debates, internally circulated publications, a puzzling array of delivery systems, and the positioning of nuclear forces in the vicinity of non-nuclear states suggests a strategy aimed at more than simply deterring nuclear attacks. This thesis attempts to cut through the veil of secrecy and ambiguity that surrounds China's nuclear policy to determine the true nature of Beijing's nuclear posture. By examining key indicators of nuclear strategy, including equipment, targeting, communication, and nuclear stated thresholds, it shows that, with respect to the United States and Russia, China maintains a minimum deterrent posture aimed solely at deterring a nuclear attack. This is consistent with its official position. With respect to potential regional adversaries however, including deployed US conventional forces, China appears to have opted for a war-fighting strategy aimed at deterring both nuclear and conventional war. This is a significant departure from Beijing's official position, and represents a shift from China's long-standing minimum deterrent posture. This thesis concludes by recommending several measures that Washington should take in light of the shift in Chinese strategy. These measures include a renewed effort to dissuade Taiwan from making overt moves toward independence, a continued demonstration of willingness to oppose Chinese attempts at forcible reunification, the dispersal and hardening of key facilities in the region, and a reiteration of the overwhelming American response to a nuclear attack the US, its allies, or American deployed forces.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations璽€(TM) Operation in Somalia
This study examines whether the UN Operation in Somalia could have succeeded with a different approach or application. Somalia plunged into catastrophic humanitarian crises amidst brutality by the repressive regime and the civil war that followed its overthrow in January 1991. After a costly lapse of time, the UN undertook a peacekeeping operation in Somalia on 24 April 1992 with the adoption of Security Council Resolution 751. During the next three years of involvement, the UN sought to alleviate human suffering, disarm the factions, and institute a government--areas that would eventually determine success or failure. Given the major turns of events, the UN proved unequal to the task in each stage because of a chain of continuing flaws. However, this study suggests that chances for success were there and a different approach and application were needed. First, an early involvement could have yielded a positive outcome. Second, decisive and pragmatic approach during the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) I promised to be yet another way of being successful. The last possibility of success was linked with ability to capitalize on and continue the improved security and humanitarian situations that was achieved by the Unified Task Force. This particular possibility, as the study recommends, was the most practicable one.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A National Security Strategy for Sweden
National security strategies should entail all instruments of power and not just the military. Furthermore, the strategy needs to identify both threats and opportunities. A national security strategy must consider the long-term if the state concerned shall stand any chance to take appropriate action and try to shape the environment in order to avoid or counter threats, mitigate undesired effects, and benefit from arising opportunities. Strategy development requires predictions of the future. A method well suited to strategy development is trend analysis. Trends are broad enough to capture all overarching patterns of change and do not include the degree of detail and speculation that scenario analysis can contain. Each trend consists of drivers and consequences. The role of strategy is to shape undesired drivers, support desired drivers, mitigate undesired consequences, and take advantage of desired consequences, in accordance with core national interests and the strategic situation of a particular country.The paper begins by identifying four foundational trends: climate change, globalization, energy transformation, and global demographic change. It goes on to describe Swedish core national values and interests, and evaluates the Swedish strategic position in the world. Finally, it develops a suggestion for a Swedish national security strategy focusing on global, regional, and local actions. The paper illustrates a method for small states to develop a national security strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense or Diplomacy? Geographic Combatant Commands
Concerns over issues such as the militarization of foreign policy and current fiscal realities in the United States could lead to decreased relevance, downsizing, and/or dissolution of the Geographic Combatant Command unless the commands are able to redefine their contribution to Phase Zero contributions. In a globalized, increasingly complex security environment, there will be a corresponding increase in diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. Currently, the Department of Defense shoulders the lion's share of the load for 'Phase Zero operations, ' those operations designed to assure or solidify relationships with US friends and allies. This mission clearly overlaps with the responsibilities of the Department of State. Recent congressionally mandated studies cite this imbalance and recommend changes that could affect the future of the Geographic Combatant Command.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of Kofi Annan's Leadership as the United Nations Secretary General and his Impact on the Implementation and Success of a Sub-Saharan Africa Agenda
There is a general understanding that leadership is the key to the success of any organization. This research examined whether the leadership style of Kofi Annan as the Secretary General of UN had an impact on the successful implementation of the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda. Annan served as the UN Secretary General for two consecutive terms between 1997 and 2006. He joined the UN in 1962 and rose through the ranks before becoming the Secretary General in 1997. The UN is the world body formed in 1945 with the purpose of bringing all nations of the world together in the quest to achieve world peace, security, stability, and economic development, based on the principles of justice, human dignity, and the well-being of all humanity. It strives to promote concerted effort among the member countries to tackle global challenges by balancing their individual national interests and the global interests. Currently, it has 192 members and 47 members are from the Sub-Saharan Africa. The Sub-Saharan Africa remains paralyzed by under-developed, poor governance, poverty, conflicts, hunger, low life expectancy, and illiteracy. Therefore, the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda during Annan's tenure was to alleviate the region from these fore-stated challenges. The study demonstrated that leaders apply diverse leadership styles to suit the prevailing situation. The study applied qualitative research methodology and revealed that Annan possessed a predominantly participative style of leadership as evidenced while implementing the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States of America and the People璽€(TM)s Republic of China in Africa
Africa has recently become strategically important to the US and China, mainly for economic reasons. The US and China, the leading consumers of oil in the world, have devised strategies to secure and expand their interests, especially the quest for resources in Africa. This involves the employment of the DIME instruments of national power to achieve their objectives. The strategies being adopted by both countries in pursuing their interests in Africa differ in principle and implementation. Many conflicts in Africa have been linked to the ways through which the US and the USSR pursued their policies in Africa during the Cold War. This research seeks to point out the likelihood of the Cold War mechanics being replicated with the increased presence of the US and China in Africa. It examines the possibility of instability increasing from the ways through which China and the US are pursuing their policies in Africa, using Nigeria and Sudan as case studies. The research concludes that although the Cold War model cannot be applied to this new competition, there are similarities that cause concern. The research outlines some recommendations to be adopted to prevent intrastate conflicts or at least to minimize their effects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Discerning Iran's Nuclear Strategy
Unable to forge a world consensus against the potential dangers of a nuclear armed Iran, US policy makers must prepare for the inevitable. The development of successful US policy with regards to this issue demands an appreciation of Iran's potential nuclear strategy. Does Iran view nuclear weapons as tools of coercion, useful deterrents, or the ultimate survival guarantee for Shi'ism and Persian culture?Key to speculation about potential strategies is first discerning what motivates Iran's nuclear aspirations, the influences of what Colin Gray calls the "strategic culture," and speculation on the rationality of Iran's policy process.The evidence suggests Iran is perhaps more rational with regards to strategy development than generally believed if we view decisions in terms of the Iranian experience and key influences on decision makers. It seems likely Iran intends to use nuclear weapons as deterrents to further US and Israeli action in the region, while at the same time enhancing its prestige. US policy based on traditional deterrence theory may apply with respect to countering Iran's eventual nuclear capability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Security Implications of Inexpensive Space Access
The government of the United States is now embarked on an ambitious enterprise. It is planning to make a significant leap forward in repeatable and economical access to space. Some believe that this routine access to orbit will give the United States a clear advantage in the ability to use near Earth space to serve national political, economic, and military interests. Those responsible for making national space policy and writing military space doctrine are, however, still doing so based upon infrequent and expensive access to space. This assumption may soon be made obsolete by new political, economic, and technological realities. Planning for a world in which access to space is relatively frequent and inexpensive may provide both short and long term opportunities for the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The North Korean Ballistic Missile Program
North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs have drawn international attention for years. In the early 1960s, Pyongyang began to pursue the capability to produce advanced weapons systems, including rockets and missiles. However, foreign assistance and technology, particularly from China and the Soviet Union, were instrumental in the acquisition of these capabilities. The ballistic missile inventory now totals about 800 road-mobile missiles, including about 200 Nodong missiles that could strike Japan. In April 2007, North Korea for the first time displayed two new missiles: a short-range tactical missile that poses a threat to Seoul and U.S. Forces in South Korea, and an intermediate-range missile that could potentially strike Guam. Although North Korea has not demonstrated the ability to produce a nuclear warhead package for its missiles, its missiles are believed to be capable of delivering chemical and possibly biological munitions. North Korean media and government officials claim the country needs a nuclear deterrent to cope with the "hostile policy of the United States," but Pyongyang has never officially abandoned its objective of "completing the revolution in the south." Little is known about North Korean military doctrine and the role of its ballistic missiles, but National Defense Commission Chairman Kim Ch?ng-il has ultimate authority over their disposition.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hard Power and Soft Power
Power is one of the more contestable concepts in political theory. In recent decades, scholars and commentators have chosen to distinguish between two kinds of power, "hard" and "soft." The former is achieved through military threat or use, and by means of economic menace or reward. The latter is the ability to have influence by co-opting others to share some of one's values and, as a consequence, to share some key elements on one's agenda for international order and security. Whereas hard power obliges its addressees to consider their interests in terms mainly of calculable costs and benefits, soft power works through the persuasive potency of ideas that foreigners find attractive. It is highly desirable if much of the world external to America wants, or can be brought to want, a great deal of what America happens to favor also. Coalitions of the genuinely willing have to be vastly superior to the alternatives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The China Syndrome in Latin America
Since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, the US has regarded the Western Hemisphere as its own domain. Until the early 21st Century, Latin America was a low priority for China, which viewed the region as too geographically remote to be relevant to the international relationships that preoccupied China. Yet in just the past decade, the Chinese are winning over the hearts and minds of citizens of Latin American countries. Increased Chinese involvement in Latin America is undermining US hegemony, foreign policy and security concerns in the region by promoting better diplomatic relations, economic ties, trade, and military interoperability between China and Latin America. China's interest in Latin America is focused on two key areas; trade for raw materials and diplomatic relations to isolate Taiwan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Russian Foreign Policy for the New Millenium
Russian foreign policy during 2001-2002 revealed an entirely new approach as President Vladimir Putin and his Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov, expanded the scope of Russian external relations both in terms of numbers of nations and the depth of the relationships. The preceding administration of Boris Yeltsin had alienated many people both internally and externally and there was much to do to repair the damage. The events of 11 September vaulted the Russians into a position of prominence that Putin and Ivanov could not imagine possible. A fast and firm show of support for the United States by Putin and his promise to assist in the war against terrorism in any way put Moscow at the center of the war against terrorism, both as a regional hegemon and as a U.S. partner.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Patterns of War Termination
This research uses an advanced statistical technique to expand upon the current understanding of war termination. Specifically, this thesis addressed questions concerning the most relevant factors toward predicting both the outcomes of interstate wars and the winners of intrastate and extra-systemic wars, within the limitations of the available data. Open-source war data from the Correlates of War Project was analyzed using both binary and multinomial logistic regression techniques. While the Correlates of War Project did not necessarily focus its data collection efforts on those variables historically associated with war termination, it did provide a sufficient number of variables with which to demonstrate the applicability of logistic regression techniques to war termination analyses. As a consequence, every significant logistic regression model contains a single relevant variable. For both intrastate and extra-systemic wars, the duration of the conflict was found to be most relevant to predicting the winner. In contrast, the proportion of total casualties borne by a nation in an interstate war was most relevant to predicting the manner in which an interstate war ends. Conclusions drawn from this research and suggestions for future statistical applications to war termination studies were also discussed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
US Power Dominance in the 21st Century
This study comprises an analysis on why the United States will remain the world's pre-eminent superpower through examination of case studies on the Roman and British Empires and the United States. Using patterns adopted from theoretical models on political change, the author assesses the technological, economic, and military factors that led to the rise and fall of the Roman and British Empires. The conclusion is that although dominance in these areas contributed to the empires' power, deficiencies in these same areas led to their respective fall. Next the author examines the United States rise to power and then draws out similarities with and differences between the Roman and British empires with respect to the areas of technology, economics, and military power. The results of this process show that the United States, through the sustainment of its technological advantage, economic strength, and military power, will continue its reign as the global hegemon for the foreseeable future. The final section of the study includes an examination of current issues that the United States must confront to secure its position of power along with lines of rationale for continued US power dominance and implications for political and military strategists.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maximizing Deterrence With Respect to a Nuclear Weapons Capable Iran
This study addresses U.S. policy options to maximize deterrence of a nuclear armed Iran. It explores the possible stages of an Iranian nuclear weapons program and lists the desired objectives of U.S. deterrence policy with respect to Iran. It further explores on whom deterrence policies should be focused for maximum effect and what diplomatic, military and economic strategies the U.S. could employ to achieve those objectives. The paper looks at cooperative security agreements in the Persian Gulf region to bolster deterrence and recognizes and explores some limitations and constraints on U.S. policies following Iran's development of nuclear weapons.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Holy Jerusalem
This paper explores the Middle East Peace Process in terms of the historical and cultural attachment the three monolithic religions have toward the city of Jerusalem. Although conventional wisdom ascribes to four majors issues preventing a comprehensive settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians: namely borders, security, right of return and Jerusalem, it is actually only Jerusalem that is of ultimate concern. If the issue of Jerusalem's sovereignty can be solved a compromise solution for the other three will be found.Unfortunately, the common ground required for a negotiated settlement in regards to Jerusalem will never be found. Its religious value to Muslims, Jews and Christians alike have contributed to three millennia of monumental abuse, depravity and sacrifice, which acts as a limitless reservoir of cultural 'sunk costs' no contemporary government can or will ignore. Therefore, the only way a lasting solution to peace in the Middle East can be found is by a forced settlement that Israelis and Palestinians will find palatable. If all parties perceive that there is no real winner then they are more likely to accept a mandate that is less than desired.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Saudi Arabian Reactions to a Nuclear Iran
An Iran with nuclear weapons would greatly increase the risk of other nations in the Middle East following suit, especially Saudi Arabia, resulting in a possible nuclear "Domino Effect" throughout the region. This research paper focuses on the likely Saudi Arabian reactions to counter and ultimately deter an Iran with a nuclear weapons program. Overall, Iran could pursue four different options with regard to its nuclear weapons program: virtual (e.g. Japan), ambiguous (e.g. Israel), declared (e.g. North Korea), or elimination (e.g. Brazil, Libya). This paper contends that Iran will pursue a virtual program and attempt to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, but have the capacity in-place to quickly build nuclear weapons. To the Iranian leadership, a virtual program would meet their national security interests of regime survival, protecting the homeland, and increasing regional influence. Saudi Arabia looks across the Persian Gulf and sees four grave threats: Iran's pursuit of regional hegemonic power, the impacts of a broadening Shi'a vs. Sunni religious-divide and escalating conflict, the possibility of Iranian missile attacks on its homeland, and the possible weakening of U.S. credibility with respect to its security guarantees with Saudi Arabia. These perceived threats, along with Iran's virtual capability, will eventually drive Saudi Arabia to pursue a nuclear weapons program of their own. This paper concludes that Saudi Arabia in the short-term will seek to "borrow" nuclear weapons from Pakistan. This agreement might also involve deployment of Pakistani Air Force nuclear-capable fighters onto Saudi soil. Similar to U.S. deployment of tactical nuclear weapons onto European soil, this "borrow" option would allow Saudi Arabia to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, thereby reducing the possibility of international sanctions. In the long-term Saudi Arabia will construct the infrastructure, obtain required technology, and train the scientists necessarThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Wooing the Dark Continent
This monograph evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of Chinese foreign policy towards Africa, discusses the history of engagement of the People's Republic of China with the African continent, and examines the implications of this relationship in regards to the United States (U.S.). The monograph examines the opinions of Africans regarding the continent's status as a major resource provider for the 21st century and the associated interest from leading economic powers around the world. Finally with the emergence of Africa Command (AFRICOM), this paper lays out recommendations to ensure a more complete understanding of Chinese intentions in Africa and provides AFRICOM planners with methods and means to compete and compliment Chinese efforts across the continent. This paper takes into account both current arguments regarding China as both a partner and competitor and provides an unbiased framework for working with China and Africa that meets U.S. strategic interests and needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military-to-Military Contacts With the People's Liberation Army
The growth and importance of the People's Republic of China (PRC) necessitates that the United States foster a relationship that ensures a stable, prosperous, and peaceful Asia-Pacific region. Given the status and role that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) takes in the PRC, military-to-military contact between the United States Armed Forces and the PLA is vital. Mirroring the political tides between the two countries--from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979 to the halting of military-to-military contacts after the Belgrade Embassy bombing in 1999 and EP-3 incident in April 2001-- military-to-military contact is slowly growing again. The purpose and intent of the contacts are to foster access and understanding. Weak reciprocity and inadequate transparency by the PLA are issues that hamper relations. Information about the efficacy of military-to-military contact with the PLA is difficult to gather, thus this analysis draws on analogous experiences from previous contact programs with the Soviet Union and Indonesia to argue that the contact programs can foster behavior supporting U.S. interests. The thesis concludes with recommendations to improve the contact programs between the U.S. Armed Forces and the PLA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations Peacekeeping in the Twenty-First Century
This study objectively analyzes, within a systemic approach, the causes that undermined the responsiveness and legitimacy of the United Nations peace operations in four case studies: Korea, the Suez Canal crisis, the Persian Gulf War, and UNPROFOR. The focus of the analysis is the Security Council and its decision-making process. The study was accomplished by submitting the historical facts regarding the four case studies to the analytical questions that were established in order to frame the two screening criteria: responsiveness and legitimacy. The literature review established the main conceptual principles and three mainstream schools of thought were defined: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The findings point out that in order to face the challenges of the current operational environment, the United Nations needs to reform its Security Council and its decision-making process so that it better reflects the current geopolitical realities and it more effectively achieves the objectives of the complex peacekeeping operations of the twenty-first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO's New Strategic Concept
The evolution of the Strategic Concept, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) blueprint for its approach to the global security environment, has undergone substantial change during the last ten years. These changes reflect the vastly different international world order precipitated by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The United States, as a member of NATO, has been equally involved with the developments of the post bi-polar world. It has begun to restructure its military in an attempt to better respond to the full-spectrum of conflict and higher tempo of contemporary operations. The potential for complex multinational operations, coupled with the unique military and strategic dynamics found within such an environment, will ultimately demand a higher level of understanding of such operations from members of the United States Army. Using a contemporary analytical strategy to explore the development of NATO's Strategic Concept, coupled with an examination of Army service specific doctrine, this monograph will answer the problem statement of this research: Is the United States Army aware of the operational ramifications contained within NATO's new strategic concept? The most visible evidence of alliance understanding and awareness rests within the cornerstone publications and service doctrine. This monograph concludes that there is insufficient attention paid to alliance and multinational operations within its doctrine and manuals and points to After Action Reviews from Kosovo and Bosnia to support these findings. The extensive experience accumulated by U.S. Army commanders since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords must be cultivated and ultimately integrated into future doctrine development.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India as a Responsible Nuclear Power
"After the tests of 1998, India has merely moved sideways from existential to minimum deterrence. From the options available to it, India would in all probability opt for a nuclear posture in the form of a "force-in-being" which implies that India's nuclear capabilities will be strategically active, but operationally dormant. This would give her capability to execute retaliatory action within a matter of hours to a few weeks. India's draft Nuclear Doctrine is by no means the last word on the subject. India's nuclear doctrine and should be seen as an evolving system of beliefs that governs the rationale and use of nuclear weapons. India's declared policy on the use of nuclear weapons is one of "no first use" but an "assured and massive retaliation" in case of nuclear aggression on the part of its enemies. In keeping with this policy, avoiding the high costs of a ready arsenal and to reinforce its long tradition of strict civilian control over the military, India would try to acquire only a nominal deterrence capability against Pakistan and China. This "de-alerted" capability would be reflected in the form of completed nuclear weapons stored in a dissembled condition, i.e., warheads along with the sub-assemblies and delivery systems being kept at different locations separated by large geographical distances."--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalized Security Reshaping America's Defense Trade Policy
Globalism is altering military, economic, and political forces, and their confluence has become out of balance with respect to defense trade policy. This paper asks the question, "Are U.S. defense trade policies achieving an effective balance between technology transfer, security, and economic growth?" A variety documents, articles, speeches, and books are reviewed to gain an appreciation of the arguments surrounding US defense trade policy. Interviews are also conducted with individuals from the US and United Kingdom governments, industry, and academic community. While the current policy protects critical technologies, it also guards technologies obtainable through other sources. Additionally, it also alienates the US military from its allies, prevents industry from developing markets, and stimulates unwanted arms production and proliferation abroad. US resistance to multinational cooperation is further undermining the development of a more effective policy of controlling armament exports. Three areas are recommended for improvement: 1. Reconstruct the export licensing process by overhauling the munitions list, increasing resources, reducing congressional review, and assessing enforcement effectiveness. 2. Stop sheltering industry with protectionist policies and practices, reevaluate international merger frameworks, and encourage a cooperative global industrial base. 3. Support international cooperation through the Defense Trade and Security Initiative, DoD liaisons in the European Union, joint ventures, and an effective conventional arms control regime.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Why Efforts to Centralize the US Intelligence Community Fail
Prior to World War II, the formal collection and exploitation of foreign intelligence in the United States fell almost exclusively in the domain of the military. The attack on Pearl Harbor and other events during that war created a growing consensus that the nation required a central authority to manage national intelligence pertinent to multiple departments of the government. In response, the national security act of 1947 created the central intelligence agency and the position of director of central intelligence. Over the next half-century, numerous commissions and panels found neither the agency nor the director ever wielded effective control over the diverse and growing intelligence community. In response to such findings, presidents issued National Security Council directives and executive orders and congress signed multiple bills to reinforce the CIA and DCI's authority over the intelligence community, but the problems of decentralization persist. The terrorist attack of 9/11 provided sufficient impetus to make the first significant structural changes to the failed us intelligence community since 1947. To evaluate the prospects of the national intelligence reform act of 2004 to establish effective central control over the community it is helpful to identify the factors that frustrated previous reform efforts.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear Iran
"Iran will have nuclear weapons. Diplomatically, the United States is unable to stop it. Economically, the United States is unable to stop it. If the United States attacks Iran pre-emptively, Iran will use its oil reserves as leverage to cripple the United States economy, damaging global economies in the process. The international community at large would then pressure the United States to cease all operations against Iran. This paper looks at these issues in-depth while using a scenario-based approach to form a U.S. response to a nuclear-armed Iran. If the United States elects to be proactive in dealing with Iran, it will seek regime change. Yet, the Iranian people have now rallied behind their current regime in the face of U.S. opposition. For this reason and others, the United States must use internal actors in Iran to bring about regime change. Ultimately, the question becomes, how quickly does the regime change need to take place?"--Abstract from web site.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalness
The purpose of this thesis is to take the first steps toward a military space power theory. It begins by answering the question: Why does the US military need space power theory? The United States or any military space-faring nation needs theory because space power is more than simply a force enhancer but is a separate and unique form of military power with the capacity to deter and compel. An analysis of the fundamental attributes of military power-identified here as presence, perspective, response, and destructive capability-demonstrates the unique advantages and disadvantages of space vis-?-vis land, sea, and airpower. A unifying principle of "globalness" links the laws, rules, and precepts of a prototype theory based on space power's unique capabilities. The space power theory provides a common vision that allows a space-faring nation to take full advantage of these unique capabilities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russia in the Arctic
The Arctic has returned with a vengeance as an area of international contention. Beginning in 2007, Russia has continued to make aggressive moves and claims regarding territory in the Arctic Ocean. These moves undoubtedly have been prompted by global climate change and the importance of energy, with which Russia believes the Arctic is lavishly supplied. These moves apparently were intended to compel other Arctic states, like Norway, to come to terms with Russia. Nonetheless, the tendency to invoke military and security issues and instruments in this region of the world continues apace. These essays, taken from SSI's 2010 conference on Russia, fully explore the Russian and international competition for influence and rights over the exploration and commercial exploitation of the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
CSAT Occasional Paper No. 68, Discord or 璽€œHarmonious Society璽€?
With its ancient cultural roots intact, the government of China, regarded by many of its people as having a "mandate of heaven," is leading China into the future at almost blinding speed. Within the time frame covered in this monograph, China will supplant the United States as the greatest economic power on Earth. While its military capabilities are expected to lag slightly behind, by 2030 China will be, for all practical purposes, a peer of the United States in terms of its ability to influence interactions within the nation-state system. That China will be an adversary is not a foregone conclusion. Neither is its friendship. While this study concludes that it is China's intent to seek mutually beneficial relations with the West, internal forces have the potential to drive China toward conflict. Should this occur, the most likely outcome would be a proxy war, where US and Chinese interests could clash.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Keeping the Peace
During the Cold War, the United Nations developed the mission termed "peacekeeping" to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions of lives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for the political settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the United Nations found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and the demands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. This thesis examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. It asks if the international community's singular focus on the United Nations as the vehicle for peacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more to international security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contribute significantly to international peace, then what role should the Defense Department play in supporting these efforts?Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past with mixed results. This thesis examines the intervention by the Organization of American States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in the Central American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operations illustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping.This study concludes that in order for peacekeepers to achieve their mandate, it is critical to possess strong political will and a minimum of operational support. Furthermore, regional organizations run the gamut in both political will and operational capability. Their performance indicates that when their national interests are at stake, the regionals demonstrate the required political will to persevere in a mission. Furthermore, they indicate an increasingly strong determination to participate in peacekeeping missions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Rising Dragon
The United States Air Force's Center for Strategy and Technology was established atthe Air War College in 1996. Its purpose is to engage in long-term strategic thinkingabout technology and its implications for United States national security. The Center(CSAT) focuses on education, research, and publications that support the integrationof technology into national strategy and policy. This document is one of thesepublications.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eastern Dimension of America's New European Allies
Without a realistic prospect for NATO and EU accession, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia will become sources of domestic and regional instability and objects of Russia's neo-imperialist ambitions that will undermine American and European strategic interests. The new members of NATO and the EU have sought to develop credible policies for consolidating democratic reforms among their eastern neighbors, enhancing their prospects for inclusion in NATO and the EU, and containing a resurgent and assertive Russia. The new European democracies have also endeavored to more closely involve Washington in the process of Euro-Atlantic enlargement as a more effective Eastern Dimension jointly pursued by the U.S., NATO, and the EU would significantly consolidate trans-Atlantic security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States National Security Interests and North Korea
United States (US) policy towards North Korea has struggled to adequately address the US national security interests. Contrary to interests delineated in the US National Security Strategy, North Korea possesses nuclear weapons, demonstrates the propensity to proliferate weapons of mass destruction (WMD), destabilizes the Korean Peninsula with its military threat, violates the human rights and dignity of its citizens, and is listed as a state sponsor of terrorism, . This work identifies opportunities for cooperation with China, Japan, South Korea, and Russia to meet US security interests while exposing the challenges for the same. With the exception of terrorism, all countries share US interests related to North Korea. However, a significant divergence in ways and means complicates a coordinated approach. In general, the US and Japan support hard power, favoring all instruments of national power, while China, Russia, and South Korea favor a diplomatic approach to issues. In considering the positions of each country, the US should encourage a regional country to lead efforts in addressing common security interests through attractive diplomatic and economic means generally favored by China, Russia, and South Korea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
No Fly Zones
This study attempts to determine if no-fly zones are effective tools of US foreign policy. In doing so, the author first defines what a no-fly zone is, what its key characteristics are, and what usable analogies are available to help decision-makers understand them. From there, he evaluates how the strategy development process applies to no-fly zones, and arrives at a framework that will provide beneficial for evaluating no-zones. This framework, broken into three levels of grand strategic, operational military, and domestic political, allows the reader to compare similar costs and benefits in a comprehensive manner arriving at useful conclusions. Next, the author applies this framework to the three no-fly zones the US has conducted since 1991-northern Iraq, southern Iraq, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using these case studies, the author shows that although expensive in some aspects no-fly zones are effective strategic tools that decision-makers should always consider when faced with national security challenges. The final section briefly points out conditions that can be manipulated by the US to reduce no-fly zone costs and/or increase their benefits as tools of US foreign policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Unraveling the Persian Knot
In 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini's indirect approach ignited existing socio-economic conditions during the Iranian Revolution to topple the Shah. A similar indirect approach using psychological operations to target audiences through key vulnerabilities and networks may have applicability for strategies today. Joint Pub 5-0 defines the indirect approach as the employment of attacks on an adversary's derived vulnerabilities when conditions do not permit direct attacks against a defined center of gravity (COG). "A COG can be viewed as the set of characteristics, capabilities, and sources of power from which a system derives its moral or physical strength, freedom of action, and will to act." Using a combination of operations, an indirect approach targets the COG by attacking key adversary weaknesses or requirements. When performed successfully, an indirect approach can isolate, sever, defeat, or degrade adversary capabilities to ultimately prevent their use. In the Shah's case, Khomeini focused on Iranian public opinion to degrade the monarch's legitimacy, and also military morale and unity to effectively neutralize the Iranian armed forces. Ayatollah Khomeini effectively unified various Iranian opposition groups through a common hatred and desire to overthrow the Shah. Most significant, the Ayatollah accomplished this while residing entirely outside Iran's borders using psychological operations as the primary arm of his approach. Joint doctrine defines psychological operations as, "planned operations to convey selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence the emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and ultimately the behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals." Often misunderstood, psychological operations require sufficient time in order to work but given appropriate time the effects can often be dramatic. Khomeini's synchronization of psychological operations with coordinated internal political violence successfully deThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When is Russia Joining NATO? Russian Security Orientation in the Twenty-First Century
This study seeks to analyze Russia's security situation, its relationship with NATO and if NATO can solve, or help solve Russia's security problems. The Cold War set the stage for NATO - USSR/ Russian relationship and this long common history has colored the parties' perceptions and affected their decisions. In the years after 1991 and the USSR collapse, Russia emerged as the leader of the former USSR republics, while it tried to maintain its status and power. NATO continued to function and started an enlargement process creeping closer and closer to Russian borders, infringing on what Russia perceived as its sphere of interests. The tension between the adversaries from the Cold War continued into the twenty-first century. Russia has three significant challenges they need to find solutions to or to mitigate potentially negative outcomes. These challenges include; their overreliance on a raw material based economy, a grim demographical trend, and problems associated with the 'near-abroad' nations. Put together these challenges force Russia to reevaluate their security environment. This study concludes that Russia has more significant problems than NATO and that it would be beneficial for Russia to seek a closer relationship with the Alliance. Russia should view NATO as a friend rather than its biggest threat. NATO is the only organization that has the credibility and capability to provide Russia with increased stability and security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Denting the Hub, or Strengthening the Spokes?
In March 2007, Japan and Australia signed a Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation (JADSC)--Japan's first such agreement with any country other than the United States since World War II (WWII). The agreement pledges cooperation on counter-terrorism, maritime security, peacekeeping operations, and disaster relief. Prevailing international relations theories fail to adequately explain the logic for such a Japan-Australia security agreement. They also do not explain its acceptance by the United States or negative reactions toward it by China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Mechanism for Strategic Coercion
In the post-cold war environment of shrinking budgets and uncertain threats, America can no longer politically, nor economically, afford strategies that rely on our traditional military strategy of annihilation and exhaustion. Furthermore, America's position as the single remaining superpower virtually guarantees that our vital interests will not be directly challenged. This means that the use of military force is becoming even more politicized. Despite military leaders' apparent adherence to Clausewitz's maxim that war is an extension of policy, they usually approach strategic planning as if the application of force can be planned separately from the political effort. The traditional American military brute-force strategy does not always meet our national needs in this new world order.Strategic Coercion offers one alternative to this brute-force approach. Simply stated, strategic coercion is the act of inducing or compelling an adversary to do something to which he is averse. It involves using force and threatening action to compel an adversary to cease his current activity, or coerce him to reverse actions already taken. Two contemporary theories of strategic coercion seem to offer promising alternatives to brute force.First, Robert Pape's Denial Theory is based on the assumption that states make decisions as if they are rational, unitary actors attempting to maximize the utility of their choices. Essentially, nations perform a cost-benefit evaluation to determine the best course of action. Theoretically, one may be able to coerce a target nation by raising the expected costs to a prohibitive level, but Pape advocates that this is generally ineffective in conventional conflicts. Instead, coercion requires that the target nation be denied the probability of achieving the sought-after benefits. Denial Theory proposes that the specific means for coercion is the opponent's military vulnerability: defeating an opponent's military strategy denies him the probabilityThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding the Form, Function, and Logic of Clandestine Cellular Networks
Since the events of September 11, 2001 the United States military counternetwork operations, theory, and doctrine have failed to account for the form, function, and logic of clandestine cellular networks used by both interstate insurgencies, such as those in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as by global insurgencies, like al Qaeda and its associated movements. The failure to understand the form, function, and logic of clandestine cellular networks has led to the incorrect application of counternetwork theories. Counternetwork operations specifically targeting key leaders, facilitators, individuals with special skills, or highly connected individuals, intuitively seem to be the correct targets for disconnecting clandestine cellular networks. However, there has been little comparative analysis done to verify if these operations are in fact having the overall effect required to disrupt, neutralize, defeat, or ultimately destroy these networks. Understanding the form, function, and logic of clandestine cellular networks reveals that the removal of single individuals, regardless of function, is well within the tolerance of this type of organizational structure and thus has little long-term effect. At the same time, highly connected nodes violate the principles of clandestine operations since they are obviously highly visible when compared to a competent clandestine practitioner that does not want a discernable signature in order to remain hidden from the counterinsurgent. Thus, by focusing on the highly connected individuals as high priority targets, US efforts have effectively "culled the herd" of poor clandestine practitioners. These two examples provide the two most common errors in the current counternetwork theories and operations, and the errors are all due to a lack of a systemic understanding of clandestine cellular networks. This monograph uses a modified process-trace methodology to analyze the form, function, and logic of clandestine cellular networks in order tThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Coercive Complementarity
This study explores the complementary nature of the economic and military instruments of power in coercive diplomacy. The study seeks to determine if the combined application of military and economic power can amplify coercive effects, and if so, how they might be integrated. Targeted primarily at practitioners of national security, the study combines a primer on the capabilities of the economic instrument of power, a comparison of the economic and military literature on coercion, and a study of strategies used against Iraq and Serbia in the 1990s.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
