NATO Enlargement
This paper analyzes NATO enlargement and explores the dichotomy between Articles 5 and 10 of the Washington Treaty. Drawing from previous studies on NATO enlargement (Szayna, Cox and Kendall), it introduces a dual-axis model using democratic and strategic values to predict which nations NATO will invite into the Alliance in the future. It then applies the model to the first two rounds of post Cold-War NATO enlargement, and explains anomalies. Finally, this paper attempts to predict which nations NATO will consider for the next round of enlargement, as well as applying the model to predict which nations NATO will admit to the Alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Grand Strategy for a Globalized World
Globalization has resulted in a deeply interdependent international system. Strategists and policy makers must understand globalization and its effects on multiple aspects of social interaction in order to provide well informed national security policy recommendations. Of particular importance is globalized economics. A nation#65533;s economic strength is the foundation of its national power and lends credibility to the diplomatic, military and economic actions and policies a nation undertakes in the international environment. A nation#65533;s weakening economy will inevitably lead to a loss of national power and to a declining influence in the international system. Given the stagnant United States economy and the dynamic growth in emerging economies around the world, most notably China, how should the United States respond in order to maintain its position of leadership in the international system? This research paper examines the nature of economic globalization, the shift from a unipolar to multipolar international environment, and the potential impact on United States#65533; national security. It draws its conclusions from an extensive review of current literature covering globalization, political economics, and grand strategy. It examines William Scheuerman#65533;s four characteristics of the globalization phenomenon, globalization#65533;s effect on economics, and the interrelatedness of economic vitality and national strength, and concludes that a liberal internationalist approach is the best path forward for United States grand strategy. Because of interdependency brought about by globalization, cooperative global governance must replace the coercive democratization approach the United States has followed over the last decade. If pursued with the same vigor the United States demonstrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States can rebuild its economic foundation and ensure a peaceful transition to a multilateral world order.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Peacekeeping Operations in West Africa
West Africa has one of the most efficient regional organizations on the continent. The Economic Community of Western African States or ECOWAS includes 16 countries that speak English, French and Portuguese. This language diversity seems to be a handicap for the unity of this area of Africa. However, these language differences related to the colonial history, West Africa did organize its peacekeeping operations to guarantee the security of the people of Liberia and later on, restore the regime of the democratically elected president, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, of Sierra-Leone on 10 March 1998. The aim of this study is to show how West Africa solved the security problem despite some scarcities regarding logistics and financial resources. Some political problems did evolve because of cultural differences between its members and also the existing alliances between some of them and the warring factions. The major lesson learned is that these operations can be successfully conducted provided the countries have the will to do it and then put together their assets and focus on the high interest of this region rather than on their traditional rivalries. The future of these operations seems to be bright and they will be more professionally conducted.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defending the Homeland
Fall of 2009 five Al Qa'ida operatives were arrested by federal authorities while in the final stages of separate operational plans to conduct attacks within the United States. Clearly, law enforcement was aware of their activities. Others within the United States intelligence community were aware of who some of the individuals were and of their relationships with Al Qa'ida, but they had no knowledge of the specific plots that were underway. Alarmingly, The Adjutants General (TAGs) of the states where the plots were unfolding were unaware of these activities until the individuals were arrested and the stories hit the press. This is significant because the National Guard plays a key role in the American Homeland Security (HLS) enterprise, principally in response to a chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear or explosive (CBRNE) event. Yet, they typically lack sufficient access to potentially vital information that is available via other channels until after it hits the press or has become operationally irrelevant.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The United States and ASEAN-China Relations
While the overall security situation in Southeast Asia is something of a mixed bag, with grounds for both optimism and pessimism, one of the most encouraging trends in recent years has been the development of ASEAN's relations with major external powers. Relations between China and ASEAN in particular have demonstrated a marked improvement over the past decade, thanks to a combination of burgeoning economic ties, perceptions of China as a more constructive and responsible player in regional politics, and Beijing's "charm offensive" toward Southeast Asia. Overall, the development of ASEAN-China relations poses few security challenges to the United States today: good relations between China and ASEAN enhance regional stability, and a stable Southeast Asia is clearly in America's interests, especially with Washington focused on events in the Middle East. However, although ASEAN-China relations are very positive, this does not necessarily mean the United States is losing influence in Southeast Asia, or that ASEAN members are "bandwagoning" with China--in fact, they are hedging by keeping America engaged and facilitating a continued U.S. military presence. While ASEAN-China relations are relatively benign today, in the future several sources of potential friction could create problems in Sino-U.S. relations: these are Taiwan, Burma, and the South China Sea dispute. This monograph examines each of these scenarios in turn.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When Will We Listen?
The purpose of this paper is to determine if there were indicators of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq on 2 August 1990, that were not accurately assessed by allied decision makers in time to make a difference. Moreover, based on historical precedence, these indicators were hypothesized to be available from open (not classified) sources. Using only a small sampling of the public speeches of Saddam Hussein and the pronouncements in the Iraqi press as reported by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), this research indicates the 2 August invasion should have been assessed as a near-certainty as early as 17 July. Furthermore, research of the memoirs of some the key participants as well as books chronicling the actions of decision makers during the weeks prior to the invasion, indicate that although the information identified during the research was available, it was dismissed as rhetoric rather than being recognized as indications of intent. Moreover, the research points to a continuing tendency by both analysts and decision makers to discount open-source pronouncements, even when they are congruent with empirical evidence from classified sources, because the decision makers and analysts believe the impending action would be "unthinkable."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Blue Horizons Alternative Futures Resurgent Russia
In August 2007, Major General Pavel Androsov, Commander of the Russian Strategic Bomber Force, announced with "a bit of flair" that two of his TU-95 bombers had flown from Russia to the U.S. military base in Guam during the Valiant Shield 2007 exercises and had "exchanged smiles" with U.S. fighter pilots before returning to Russia. The question is what was the motivation behind their smiles? Were they simply friendly gestures or something more akin to Jack Nicholson's evil smile in the movie "The Shining" when his axe-wielding character announced his return - "Here's Johnny!" While this recent exchange of high-altitude pleasantries is only one in a series of provocative actions that Russia has taken over the past several months (similar airborne encounters have occurred off the coast of Alaska, Norway, Japan, Iceland, and the United Kingdom), it would be premature to announce that the Russian military is once again America's military peer, far from it.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Virtual State
As is the case with many academic arguments, it is all but impossible to unequivocally prove the existence of the virtual state. That said, the evidence certainly indicates that a new breed of transnational actor is having a profound impact on the policies and behaviors of traditional states as they cope with a rapidly changing world. In reality, as the world changes, states are changing too. Consider the observations of Rosecrance. "The nation-state is becoming a tighter, more vigorous unit capable of sustaining the pressures of worldwide competition and they are downsizing--in function, if not in geographic form."21 "The world has embarked on a progressive emancipation from the land as a determinant of production and power."22 If it is true that states are streamlining by placing less emphasis on the importance of territory, they are in effect obviating one of the key structural components of the traditional state. With this in mind, the rise of a significant, completely borderless political actor, the virtual state, seems quite plausible if not inevitable. In this author's view, they are already among us and are likely to proliferate and grow in strength as the forces of globalization and rapidly advancing technology continue to shape the geopolitical landscape.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Domestic Economy and Post 9/11 National Security
The American domestic economy is the backbone of US national strength. It funds the national instruments of power that enable the United States to project influence all over the globe. However, the post 9/11 National Security Strategy (NSS) does not emphasize a domestic economic strategy or address elements of the domestic economy that relate to national security. While the current NSS provides guidance to promote global economic freedom and expansion, it seems to omit domestic economic issues and undervalue the importance of a strong domestic US economy. Presidents Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and William Clinton all included guidance for domestic economic issues in their security strategies. In fact, all three emphasized the importance of US leadership in technology along with the importance of a well educated American labor force. This domestic guidance is absent for the current NSS. President Bush's post 9/11 strategy to promote freedom and democracy all around the globe will be funded by a strong American economy. Therefore, the NSS needs guidance with regard to domestic economic issues that relate to national security. In addition, the National Economic Council (NEC) and the President's economic advisors need to assume an equal role with the National Security Council (NSC) with regards to economic issues as they apply to national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Does Your Dragon Bite?
China is one of the major actors in Asia with which the United States will have to deal in the next few decades. One especially charged topic of late has been the stated US intention to field some form of Theater Missile Defense (TMD). China has strongly opposed US deployment of such a system or systems to US Asia-Pacific allies such as Taiwan, Japan and South Korea. What is the likelihood of an arms race between China and the United States as a result of US deployment of TMD? What form might such a race take? What are the best courses of action for the United States over the next ten years? This paper addresses these questions by first briefly outlining the history of TMD development. Then it describes the considerations each country must take into account in addressing the issue of US TMD deployment into the region. This discussion includes the diplomatic or political arena, including policy statements, possible treaty implications, diplomatic relations between and among the regional actors, and relevant domestic political concerns. Next the paper addresses each country`s regional security goals, Chinese modernization efforts, and possible countermeasures to TMD; the discussion concludes with likely regional conflict scenarios in which the United States and China might become involved, and a few relevant economic considerations. After briefly analyzing the likelihood and probable nature of an arms race in light of these factors, the paper presents recommended US courses of action regarding development and deployment of TMD in the region. These courses include continuing to aggressively develop TMD; deploying TMD initially for force protection only; negotiating a TMD treaty with China; negotiating a moratorium on actions related to Taiwan; publishing a protocol outlining the specific purposes of TMD; and pursuing confidence and security building measures with China regionally as well as bilaterally.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failing and Failed States
Since the end of the Cold War, Global security has been threatened more by weak nations than by dominant ones. This post 9/11 change in understanding mandates a change in strategic thinking of threats, and therefore engagement of failing states. Failing states present many threats to the international security arena and have recently come to the fore of international security circles. States which have failed require a greater level of effort in terms of intervention to contain their global effects versus those states which are failing. The United States is the only nation with the Military and Economic resources capable of independently engaging both failed and failing states. Unfortunately, U.S. interests, national will and domestic politics all guide whether or not the U.S. intervenes in certain failing states and prevents the U.S. from engagement in others. Engaging failing states with a global perspective requires an organization that is committed to the betterment of states, regions, and the global community as a whole, and is prepared to intervene in state domestic issues in order to ensure regional and global security. To engage failing states, the world needs a globally focused organization capable of engaging a policy of prevention. This work seeks to define the threat failed and failing states present to the global security arena, and postulate that failing states can be more effectively engaged through prevention efforts thereby conserving manpower, time, and resources.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Weakness of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons and Recommendations for Change
The end of World War II was the dawn of a new age, the nuclear age. The destructive power delivered by America upon Japan successfully brought an end to the Pacific campaign but a beginning to nuclear power and nations seeking it. Technological advances and the ability to harness nuclear energy spurred a new industry and a global desire for it. The ability to export such an advanced technology and potentially dangerous capability created serious international security concerns. Controlling fissile material and the technology for proliferation became the job of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) (full treaty in Appendix B). Despite valiant efforts of the treaty and numerous other checks and balances put in place, there currently exists a present danger of nuclear proliferation to terrorist organizations and rogue states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Engaging African Sub-Regional Organizations to Improve Continental Stability and Security
Abstract The United States has been engaged on the African continent for one reason or another for many decades and despite the recent change in presidential administrations, it is likely that Africa will remain in the national security consciousness for the foreseeable future. Africa is a socially complex area of the world, with a diverse demographic, expanding population, and vast, untapped resources. The continent is important to U.S. national security objectives not only because of the threat of terrorism, but for economic and humanitarian reasons, as well. While there are several programs and initiatives to further the interests of both Africans and the United States, perhaps one of the best ways in which to engage Africa is through sub-regional organizations like ECOWAS. While engagement is important, the type of engagement and how the U.S. presents itself are equally important. Thus, an effective way to capitalize on sub-regional engagement and obtain the most benefit is to emulate the NATO Strategic Airlift Capability program. This program is a visible, viable means in which to improve ECOWAS's ability to support itself and its member states' stability and interests in the long term.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Requirements and Challenges Facing the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center
Since September 11, 2001, both the United States (US) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have undergone transformation to improve intelligence collection, analysis, production and dissemination in support of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act passed by Congress in 2004 provided guidance to the US Intelligence Community on the establishment of an integrated intelligence network.1 Similarly, NATO's Allied Command Transformation (ACT) determined that NATO's intelligence architecture must transform to meet future operational intelligence needs and proposed establishment of the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center (IFC). Officially opened by NATO on October 16, 2006, the IFC's ultimate goal is to provide a mechanism by which NATO's 26 member states can collaboratively develop and share information and intelligence in support of the common goal of winning the GWOT and promoting global peace and stability. NATO intends for the IFC "to provide the full spectrum of military production and analysis at the operational level." 2 Support to NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan will be the IFC's first major test.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Seasons of Change
The Arab Spring is an event that has radically shifted the geopolitical landscape in one of the most volatile regions of the world. Many experts and policy makers were caught off guard by the speed and organizational ability of disparate citizens that orchestrated and executed these revolutions. As the dust settles and the United States begins to reassess the new environment, this monograph asserts that certain indicators can assist planners in predicting both the nature of potential revolutions and the likelihood of stability following revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East. The purpose of this monograph is to analyze which variables played a significant role in the nature of the Arab Spring revolutions. This study hypothesizes that the civil-military relationship in the affected countries is that primary variable. This monograph uses the case study method by analyzing civil-military relationships, economics, and political pluralism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In conclusion, the constant indicator for less violent revolutions, as well as the attainment of revolutionary goals, was a universally accepted civil-military relationship. The findings of this monograph support the hypothesis of the primary impact that the civil-military relationships had in the affected countries. Each of the countries had disparate economic conditions as well as vastly different levels of political pluralism amongst their populations. These findings do not support a uniform grievance of the people, be economic or in the form of civil society enfranchisement and these variables offer little in future analysis of potential problem areas for military planners. However, the data clearly demonstrated that the civil-military relationship amongst the elites, the military, and the population was a reliable indicator as to the nature and violence level that would be characteristic of each revolution. This monograph also provides a framework for planners to approach potentially unstableThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Relations With Ukraine
The two fold purpose of the paper is to discuss the reasons for the current status of relations with Ukraine and to explore ways and topics that could be used to move Ukraine forward in its relations with both the U.S. and NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africa Command
On February 6, 2007, the Bush Administration announced its intention to create a new unified combatant command, U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, to promote U.S. national security objectives in Africa and its surrounding waters. U.S. military involvement on the continent has been divided among three commands: U.S. European Command (EUCOM), U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), and U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). The new command's area of responsibility (AOR) will include all African countries except Egypt. AFRICOM was officially launched as a sub-unified command under EUCOM on October 1, 2007, and is expected to become a stand-alone command by September 30, 2008.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Implications of Chinese Influence in the Latin America Region
Chinese engagement and influence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region has increased rapidly over the past several years. As China's search for energy resources and raw material has expanded into the LAC region, the United States can not ignore the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the region. Regional experts disagree over the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the LAC region. Some experts believe China's influence in the LAC region is not an immediate threat to the United States and actually provides economic benefits to the United States in the near term. Others believe that China's influence may be malignant in the long term, especially when viewed from a Chinese strategic perspective. The consensus expressed by General Bantz J. Craddock, former Commander, United States Southern Command provides the truest realist view: "An increasing presence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the region is an emerging dynamic that must not be ignored."1 Ramifications of Chinese economic influence in the LAC region go beyond the near term effects of securing resources. It is part of the Chinese grand strategy for securing the Chinese homeland and returning China's global preeminence. This paper compares Chinese relations in Africa and Latin America to assess potential strategic implications to China's economic, political, and military involvements in the LAC region. The United States should increase engagements in the LAC region to deal with the growing Chinese influence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The US, Turkey, Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan
The intent of this paper is to provide a general framework to be used as a road map by the US to successfully navigate the hazardous divide between the Kurds and the Turks, and the various ethnic groups of northeastern Iraq thereby guaranteeing a stable northern Iraq.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Torture
As a part of the response to the Al Qaida attacks on 11 September 2001, the United States found itself having to answer many difficult questions regarding its action in the Global War on Terrorism. One of the most contentious was the use of torture against captured enemy fighters. The United States, a strong proponent for humanitarian law, soon found itself criticized for its treatment of detainees. As a result, commentators and politicians have had endless debates about interrogation techniques and the legal applicability of international law and treaties to a nonstate enemy. The central research question derived from these issues is: Is torture a viable tool for use in achieving goals as outlined in the 2006 National Security Strategy? Interrogational torture was examined from the following standpoints: legal, effectiveness, and ethical. Results showed that torture is wrong. The next step applied the analytical results against the ethical decision-making triangle and also concluded that from the three standpoints torture was wrong and not a feasible means of achieving the United States' national security objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Planning Process and the Need for Grand Strategy
This monograph explores the strategic dilemma facing the Australian Strategic Planning System in the post Cold War environment. Previously the Australian Government and Australian Defense Organization produced Defense White Papers to provide an articulation of government policy regarding Defense. These white papers provided the primary guidance to the military from the government for setting strategic objectives and major defense tasks. Consequently, military strategy sought to attain the objectives set forth in the Defense White Papers. Since the end of the Cold War, the strategic environment in Australia's strategic area of interest has changed dramatically. These changes reflect increased regional instability, occasioned by cultural, economic, military and political change. The development of a globalized market economy has further complicated these changes. The result is the need for the Australian Government to articulate Australian national interests as a means to focus the development of economic, diplomatic, informational and military strategy. Presently no national security document exists in which to guide the development of a national approach to strategy development. This monograph proposes the development of a National Security Organization responsible to the National Security Committee of Cabinet for the production of a grand strategy that will coordinate currently separate economic, diplomatic and military strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
US Power Dominance in the 21st Century
This study comprises an analysis on why the United States will remain the world's pre-eminent superpower through examination of case studies on the Roman and British Empires and the United States. Using patterns adopted from theoretical models on political change, the author assesses the technological, economic, and military factors that led to the rise and fall of the Roman and British Empires. The conclusion is that although dominance in these areas contributed to the empires' power, deficiencies in these same areas led to their respective fall. Next the author examines the United States rise to power and then draws out similarities with and differences between the Roman and British empires with respect to the areas of technology, economics, and military power. The results of this process show that the United States, through the sustainment of its technological advantage, economic strength, and military power, will continue its reign as the global hegemon for the foreseeable future. The final section of the study includes an examination of current issues that the United States must confront to secure its position of power along with lines of rationale for continued US power dominance and implications for political and military strategists.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Bipolar Strategy for a Multi-Polar World
According to official public statements, China's nuclear arsenal exists solely to deter nuclear attacks. There are, however, growing indicators that Beijing sees broader utility in these powerful weapons. Behind the scenes debates, internally circulated publications, a puzzling array of delivery systems, and the positioning of nuclear forces in the vicinity of non-nuclear states suggests a strategy aimed at more than simply deterring nuclear attacks. This thesis attempts to cut through the veil of secrecy and ambiguity that surrounds China's nuclear policy to determine the true nature of Beijing's nuclear posture. By examining key indicators of nuclear strategy, including equipment, targeting, communication, and nuclear stated thresholds, it shows that, with respect to the United States and Russia, China maintains a minimum deterrent posture aimed solely at deterring a nuclear attack. This is consistent with its official position. With respect to potential regional adversaries however, including deployed US conventional forces, China appears to have opted for a war-fighting strategy aimed at deterring both nuclear and conventional war. This is a significant departure from Beijing's official position, and represents a shift from China's long-standing minimum deterrent posture. This thesis concludes by recommending several measures that Washington should take in light of the shift in Chinese strategy. These measures include a renewed effort to dissuade Taiwan from making overt moves toward independence, a continued demonstration of willingness to oppose Chinese attempts at forcible reunification, the dispersal and hardening of key facilities in the region, and a reiteration of the overwhelming American response to a nuclear attack the US, its allies, or American deployed forces.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of Kofi Annan's Leadership as the United Nations Secretary General and his Impact on the Implementation and Success of a Sub-Saharan Africa Agenda
There is a general understanding that leadership is the key to the success of any organization. This research examined whether the leadership style of Kofi Annan as the Secretary General of UN had an impact on the successful implementation of the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda. Annan served as the UN Secretary General for two consecutive terms between 1997 and 2006. He joined the UN in 1962 and rose through the ranks before becoming the Secretary General in 1997. The UN is the world body formed in 1945 with the purpose of bringing all nations of the world together in the quest to achieve world peace, security, stability, and economic development, based on the principles of justice, human dignity, and the well-being of all humanity. It strives to promote concerted effort among the member countries to tackle global challenges by balancing their individual national interests and the global interests. Currently, it has 192 members and 47 members are from the Sub-Saharan Africa. The Sub-Saharan Africa remains paralyzed by under-developed, poor governance, poverty, conflicts, hunger, low life expectancy, and illiteracy. Therefore, the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda during Annan's tenure was to alleviate the region from these fore-stated challenges. The study demonstrated that leaders apply diverse leadership styles to suit the prevailing situation. The study applied qualitative research methodology and revealed that Annan possessed a predominantly participative style of leadership as evidenced while implementing the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Strategic Implications of Culture
In this paper, the author used Mary Douglas' group/grid typology model for framing culture to describe the strategic implications of culture and culture's response to a changing global context. The author then applied these concepts to analyze the effect of cultural change in China and its implications for current and future US-China relations. Through this analysis, the author revealed important differences in cultural prespective between China and the US, encouraging different solutions to the common strategic problems of security and prosperity and, thus, potentially causing misperceptions and dangerous miscalculations in policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A National Security Strategy for Sweden
National security strategies should entail all instruments of power and not just the military. Furthermore, the strategy needs to identify both threats and opportunities. A national security strategy must consider the long-term if the state concerned shall stand any chance to take appropriate action and try to shape the environment in order to avoid or counter threats, mitigate undesired effects, and benefit from arising opportunities. Strategy development requires predictions of the future. A method well suited to strategy development is trend analysis. Trends are broad enough to capture all overarching patterns of change and do not include the degree of detail and speculation that scenario analysis can contain. Each trend consists of drivers and consequences. The role of strategy is to shape undesired drivers, support desired drivers, mitigate undesired consequences, and take advantage of desired consequences, in accordance with core national interests and the strategic situation of a particular country.The paper begins by identifying four foundational trends: climate change, globalization, energy transformation, and global demographic change. It goes on to describe Swedish core national values and interests, and evaluates the Swedish strategic position in the world. Finally, it develops a suggestion for a Swedish national security strategy focusing on global, regional, and local actions. The paper illustrates a method for small states to develop a national security strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations璽€(TM) Operation in Somalia
This study examines whether the UN Operation in Somalia could have succeeded with a different approach or application. Somalia plunged into catastrophic humanitarian crises amidst brutality by the repressive regime and the civil war that followed its overthrow in January 1991. After a costly lapse of time, the UN undertook a peacekeeping operation in Somalia on 24 April 1992 with the adoption of Security Council Resolution 751. During the next three years of involvement, the UN sought to alleviate human suffering, disarm the factions, and institute a government--areas that would eventually determine success or failure. Given the major turns of events, the UN proved unequal to the task in each stage because of a chain of continuing flaws. However, this study suggests that chances for success were there and a different approach and application were needed. First, an early involvement could have yielded a positive outcome. Second, decisive and pragmatic approach during the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) I promised to be yet another way of being successful. The last possibility of success was linked with ability to capitalize on and continue the improved security and humanitarian situations that was achieved by the Unified Task Force. This particular possibility, as the study recommends, was the most practicable one.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense or Diplomacy? Geographic Combatant Commands
Concerns over issues such as the militarization of foreign policy and current fiscal realities in the United States could lead to decreased relevance, downsizing, and/or dissolution of the Geographic Combatant Command unless the commands are able to redefine their contribution to Phase Zero contributions. In a globalized, increasingly complex security environment, there will be a corresponding increase in diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. Currently, the Department of Defense shoulders the lion's share of the load for 'Phase Zero operations, ' those operations designed to assure or solidify relationships with US friends and allies. This mission clearly overlaps with the responsibilities of the Department of State. Recent congressionally mandated studies cite this imbalance and recommend changes that could affect the future of the Geographic Combatant Command.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Discerning Iran's Nuclear Strategy
Unable to forge a world consensus against the potential dangers of a nuclear armed Iran, US policy makers must prepare for the inevitable. The development of successful US policy with regards to this issue demands an appreciation of Iran's potential nuclear strategy. Does Iran view nuclear weapons as tools of coercion, useful deterrents, or the ultimate survival guarantee for Shi'ism and Persian culture?Key to speculation about potential strategies is first discerning what motivates Iran's nuclear aspirations, the influences of what Colin Gray calls the "strategic culture," and speculation on the rationality of Iran's policy process.The evidence suggests Iran is perhaps more rational with regards to strategy development than generally believed if we view decisions in terms of the Iranian experience and key influences on decision makers. It seems likely Iran intends to use nuclear weapons as deterrents to further US and Israeli action in the region, while at the same time enhancing its prestige. US policy based on traditional deterrence theory may apply with respect to countering Iran's eventual nuclear capability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Security Implications of Inexpensive Space Access
The government of the United States is now embarked on an ambitious enterprise. It is planning to make a significant leap forward in repeatable and economical access to space. Some believe that this routine access to orbit will give the United States a clear advantage in the ability to use near Earth space to serve national political, economic, and military interests. Those responsible for making national space policy and writing military space doctrine are, however, still doing so based upon infrequent and expensive access to space. This assumption may soon be made obsolete by new political, economic, and technological realities. Planning for a world in which access to space is relatively frequent and inexpensive may provide both short and long term opportunities for the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States of America and the People璽€(TM)s Republic of China in Africa
Africa has recently become strategically important to the US and China, mainly for economic reasons. The US and China, the leading consumers of oil in the world, have devised strategies to secure and expand their interests, especially the quest for resources in Africa. This involves the employment of the DIME instruments of national power to achieve their objectives. The strategies being adopted by both countries in pursuing their interests in Africa differ in principle and implementation. Many conflicts in Africa have been linked to the ways through which the US and the USSR pursued their policies in Africa during the Cold War. This research seeks to point out the likelihood of the Cold War mechanics being replicated with the increased presence of the US and China in Africa. It examines the possibility of instability increasing from the ways through which China and the US are pursuing their policies in Africa, using Nigeria and Sudan as case studies. The research concludes that although the Cold War model cannot be applied to this new competition, there are similarities that cause concern. The research outlines some recommendations to be adopted to prevent intrastate conflicts or at least to minimize their effects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The China Syndrome in Latin America
Since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, the US has regarded the Western Hemisphere as its own domain. Until the early 21st Century, Latin America was a low priority for China, which viewed the region as too geographically remote to be relevant to the international relationships that preoccupied China. Yet in just the past decade, the Chinese are winning over the hearts and minds of citizens of Latin American countries. Increased Chinese involvement in Latin America is undermining US hegemony, foreign policy and security concerns in the region by promoting better diplomatic relations, economic ties, trade, and military interoperability between China and Latin America. China's interest in Latin America is focused on two key areas; trade for raw materials and diplomatic relations to isolate Taiwan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hard Power and Soft Power
Power is one of the more contestable concepts in political theory. In recent decades, scholars and commentators have chosen to distinguish between two kinds of power, "hard" and "soft." The former is achieved through military threat or use, and by means of economic menace or reward. The latter is the ability to have influence by co-opting others to share some of one's values and, as a consequence, to share some key elements on one's agenda for international order and security. Whereas hard power obliges its addressees to consider their interests in terms mainly of calculable costs and benefits, soft power works through the persuasive potency of ideas that foreigners find attractive. It is highly desirable if much of the world external to America wants, or can be brought to want, a great deal of what America happens to favor also. Coalitions of the genuinely willing have to be vastly superior to the alternatives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Russian Foreign Policy for the New Millenium
Russian foreign policy during 2001-2002 revealed an entirely new approach as President Vladimir Putin and his Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov, expanded the scope of Russian external relations both in terms of numbers of nations and the depth of the relationships. The preceding administration of Boris Yeltsin had alienated many people both internally and externally and there was much to do to repair the damage. The events of 11 September vaulted the Russians into a position of prominence that Putin and Ivanov could not imagine possible. A fast and firm show of support for the United States by Putin and his promise to assist in the war against terrorism in any way put Moscow at the center of the war against terrorism, both as a regional hegemon and as a U.S. partner.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Holy Jerusalem
This paper explores the Middle East Peace Process in terms of the historical and cultural attachment the three monolithic religions have toward the city of Jerusalem. Although conventional wisdom ascribes to four majors issues preventing a comprehensive settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians: namely borders, security, right of return and Jerusalem, it is actually only Jerusalem that is of ultimate concern. If the issue of Jerusalem's sovereignty can be solved a compromise solution for the other three will be found.Unfortunately, the common ground required for a negotiated settlement in regards to Jerusalem will never be found. Its religious value to Muslims, Jews and Christians alike have contributed to three millennia of monumental abuse, depravity and sacrifice, which acts as a limitless reservoir of cultural 'sunk costs' no contemporary government can or will ignore. Therefore, the only way a lasting solution to peace in the Middle East can be found is by a forced settlement that Israelis and Palestinians will find palatable. If all parties perceive that there is no real winner then they are more likely to accept a mandate that is less than desired.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maximizing Deterrence With Respect to a Nuclear Weapons Capable Iran
This study addresses U.S. policy options to maximize deterrence of a nuclear armed Iran. It explores the possible stages of an Iranian nuclear weapons program and lists the desired objectives of U.S. deterrence policy with respect to Iran. It further explores on whom deterrence policies should be focused for maximum effect and what diplomatic, military and economic strategies the U.S. could employ to achieve those objectives. The paper looks at cooperative security agreements in the Persian Gulf region to bolster deterrence and recognizes and explores some limitations and constraints on U.S. policies following Iran's development of nuclear weapons.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The North Korean Ballistic Missile Program
North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs have drawn international attention for years. In the early 1960s, Pyongyang began to pursue the capability to produce advanced weapons systems, including rockets and missiles. However, foreign assistance and technology, particularly from China and the Soviet Union, were instrumental in the acquisition of these capabilities. The ballistic missile inventory now totals about 800 road-mobile missiles, including about 200 Nodong missiles that could strike Japan. In April 2007, North Korea for the first time displayed two new missiles: a short-range tactical missile that poses a threat to Seoul and U.S. Forces in South Korea, and an intermediate-range missile that could potentially strike Guam. Although North Korea has not demonstrated the ability to produce a nuclear warhead package for its missiles, its missiles are believed to be capable of delivering chemical and possibly biological munitions. North Korean media and government officials claim the country needs a nuclear deterrent to cope with the "hostile policy of the United States," but Pyongyang has never officially abandoned its objective of "completing the revolution in the south." Little is known about North Korean military doctrine and the role of its ballistic missiles, but National Defense Commission Chairman Kim Ch?ng-il has ultimate authority over their disposition.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Saudi Arabian Reactions to a Nuclear Iran
An Iran with nuclear weapons would greatly increase the risk of other nations in the Middle East following suit, especially Saudi Arabia, resulting in a possible nuclear "Domino Effect" throughout the region. This research paper focuses on the likely Saudi Arabian reactions to counter and ultimately deter an Iran with a nuclear weapons program. Overall, Iran could pursue four different options with regard to its nuclear weapons program: virtual (e.g. Japan), ambiguous (e.g. Israel), declared (e.g. North Korea), or elimination (e.g. Brazil, Libya). This paper contends that Iran will pursue a virtual program and attempt to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, but have the capacity in-place to quickly build nuclear weapons. To the Iranian leadership, a virtual program would meet their national security interests of regime survival, protecting the homeland, and increasing regional influence. Saudi Arabia looks across the Persian Gulf and sees four grave threats: Iran's pursuit of regional hegemonic power, the impacts of a broadening Shi'a vs. Sunni religious-divide and escalating conflict, the possibility of Iranian missile attacks on its homeland, and the possible weakening of U.S. credibility with respect to its security guarantees with Saudi Arabia. These perceived threats, along with Iran's virtual capability, will eventually drive Saudi Arabia to pursue a nuclear weapons program of their own. This paper concludes that Saudi Arabia in the short-term will seek to "borrow" nuclear weapons from Pakistan. This agreement might also involve deployment of Pakistani Air Force nuclear-capable fighters onto Saudi soil. Similar to U.S. deployment of tactical nuclear weapons onto European soil, this "borrow" option would allow Saudi Arabia to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, thereby reducing the possibility of international sanctions. In the long-term Saudi Arabia will construct the infrastructure, obtain required technology, and train the scientists necessarThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military-to-Military Contacts With the People's Liberation Army
The growth and importance of the People's Republic of China (PRC) necessitates that the United States foster a relationship that ensures a stable, prosperous, and peaceful Asia-Pacific region. Given the status and role that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) takes in the PRC, military-to-military contact between the United States Armed Forces and the PLA is vital. Mirroring the political tides between the two countries--from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979 to the halting of military-to-military contacts after the Belgrade Embassy bombing in 1999 and EP-3 incident in April 2001-- military-to-military contact is slowly growing again. The purpose and intent of the contacts are to foster access and understanding. Weak reciprocity and inadequate transparency by the PLA are issues that hamper relations. Information about the efficacy of military-to-military contact with the PLA is difficult to gather, thus this analysis draws on analogous experiences from previous contact programs with the Soviet Union and Indonesia to argue that the contact programs can foster behavior supporting U.S. interests. The thesis concludes with recommendations to improve the contact programs between the U.S. Armed Forces and the PLA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Wooing the Dark Continent
This monograph evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of Chinese foreign policy towards Africa, discusses the history of engagement of the People's Republic of China with the African continent, and examines the implications of this relationship in regards to the United States (U.S.). The monograph examines the opinions of Africans regarding the continent's status as a major resource provider for the 21st century and the associated interest from leading economic powers around the world. Finally with the emergence of Africa Command (AFRICOM), this paper lays out recommendations to ensure a more complete understanding of Chinese intentions in Africa and provides AFRICOM planners with methods and means to compete and compliment Chinese efforts across the continent. This paper takes into account both current arguments regarding China as both a partner and competitor and provides an unbiased framework for working with China and Africa that meets U.S. strategic interests and needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three Capitals for Two States
This study argues that there are historical reasons to focus on Jerusalem first and to use an international Holy Basin methodology to bring Israel and the Palestinian National Authority together towards a workable compromise. This analysis identifies the strategic compromises required to create two distinct capital zones that grants sovereignty and legitimacy over respective capitals for the State of Israel and a future State of Palestine. To address the Arab-Israeli conflict, there have been numerous Middle East peace processes, two intifada's, and six U.S. administrations with little demonstrated progress. In terms of religion and national identity, Jerusalem is a central factor for both Israelis and Palestinians, to the people of three world religions, and to the international community. The critical factors to achieve compromise are sovereignty over their respective capitals combined with international recognition and possible control over remaining contested Holy Places. Resolving the city's role as a national capital for two states can lead to resolving other critical Arab-Israeli issues. The international community has perpetuated the conflict by withholding Jerusalem sovereignty from Israel and the Arab population. When Britain ended their Palestine mandate in 1948, the UN failed to deliberately enforce their vision of a separate Jerusalem entity, or Corpus Separatum. The UN continued to withhold sovereignty while the city was divided for nineteen years between Jordan and Israel and when the city was reunited in 1967. The lack of an international mandate for sixty-four years, while fighting for utopian concepts has perpetuated the conflict by delaying the self-determination of the Palestinian population and withholding sovereignty over Israel's declared capital. Peace negotiations must recognize and incorporate the interests of both sides, but until each side is ready to strictly divide the Old City, an international Holy Basin zone has the potential to crThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Revenge of Europe
The collapse of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the emergence of the European Union (EU) have all raised questions regarding the United States' transatlantic relationship and the subsequent role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The author takes a brief look at past US-European relations and provides an enlightening and provocative analysis of the current state of affairs. Recent tensions in the relationship, he concludes, are a result of the EU's growing role as a state actor in the international system. Policy differences between the United States and the EU are merely symptoms of the changes resulting from the EU's new role. The author proposes a tentative typology of alliances and concludes that the United States and the EU have a co-dependent relationship, with the United States subsidizing the EU's pursuit of policies that, whether by accident or design, undermine US interests. The author calls for a reformulation of the alliance that allows both the United States and the European Union to pursue their own interests while forcing the EU to take responsibility for its own defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The US Policy of Dual Containment Toward Iran and Iraq in Theory and Practice
The policy of dual containment has been adopted by the Clinton administration as a method whereby the nations of Iran and Iraq may be simultaneously prevented from embarking upon actions deemed counter to the interests of the international community in general, and the United States in particular. This is a departure from policies of previous administrations which had sought a balance of power between the two nations in order to contain whichever nation seemed to present the greatest threat at the time. The ability of the United States to embark on a strategy of containing these two states at once, is a result of the new world order in which America finds itself as the sole remaining superpower, able to work its will with a degree of impunity heretofore unknown. The problem to be considered here is whether this strategy is indeed appropriate and whether it will achieve the desired outcomes with respect to US security strategy. This paper analyzes the position of the Clinton administration in light of current and historic US interests in the Persian Gulf region. It examines the opinions of various strategists and academicians regarding the policy of dual containment in order to determine if this policy can be an effective one. The conclusion of this research is that a linkage of US policy between the two nations of Iran and Iraq is inappropriate. While the state of Iraq must be contained to prevent its aggressive activities, diplomatic methods should be applied to Iran in the hope of engendering a renewed relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Targeting National Security
Many theories have arisen to describe how best to use the military as a coercive tool. This thesis develops another of these coercive theories. This is a security-based model that ... describes the actual mechanism behind effective military coercion. This theory--Targeting National Security (TNS)--is based on the nation's need for security and how security erosion can begin a sequence of events that leads to coercion. To develop this theory, this thesis uses a case study approach involving Japan's surrender in W.W. II, the Rolling Thunder and Linebacker air campaigns in the Vietnam War, and Operation El Dorado Canyon, the 1986 US airstrike on Libya.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Nuclear Forces
Recent books and journal articles published in China provide new insights into nuclear doctrine, operations, training, and the employment of the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) strategic rocket forces. The major insights come from exploiting sections of a doctrinal text published for PLA institutions of higher military education by the Chinese National Defense University, A Guide to the Study of Campaign Theory (Zhanyi Lilun Xuexi Zhinan). In the view of many in the PLA, the military power of the United States, the potential to use that power to coerce or dominate China, and the ability to threaten China's pursuit of its own its interests, presents a latent threat to China. Additionally, China's own threats against democratic Taiwan, and the fact that PLA leaders believe that the United States is likely to come to Taiwan's assistance in the event of Chinese aggression in the Taiwan Strait, magnifies the threat that PLA officers perceive from the United States. This perceived threat drives the PLA to follow U.S. military developments more carefully than those of other nations and to be prepared to counter American forces. The PLA is mixing nuclear and conventional missile forces in its military doctrine. Also, some in China are questioning whether the doctrine of "no-first-use" of nuclear weapons serves China's deterrent needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India in Africa
This monograph examines India's rapidly expanding network of influence in Africa. The author analyzes the country's burgeoning public and private investments in the region as well as its policies vis-?-vis African regional organizations and individual states, especially in the security sector. After reviewing the historic role that India has played in Africa, the author looks at the principal motivations for India's approach to Africa-including the former's quests for the resources, business opportunities, diplomatic influence, and security-and Africans' responses to it. In the context of the broader U.S.-India strategic partnership, as well as American political and security interests in Africa, India's willingness to make significant contributions to African peacekeeping and to extend its maritime security cover to the continent's eastern littoral ought to be welcomed, not least because of the potential positive impact on regional stability and development. Consequently, the author believes the opportunity thus presented in Africa for greater engagement between the United States and India ought to be seized upon.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalness
The purpose of this thesis is to take the first steps toward a military space power theory. It begins by answering the question: Why does the US military need space power theory? The United States or any military space-faring nation needs theory because space power is more than simply a force enhancer but is a separate and unique form of military power with the capacity to deter and compel. An analysis of the fundamental attributes of military power-identified here as presence, perspective, response, and destructive capability-demonstrates the unique advantages and disadvantages of space vis-?-vis land, sea, and airpower. A unifying principle of "globalness" links the laws, rules, and precepts of a prototype theory based on space power's unique capabilities. The space power theory provides a common vision that allows a space-faring nation to take full advantage of these unique capabilities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Why Efforts to Centralize the US Intelligence Community Fail
Prior to World War II, the formal collection and exploitation of foreign intelligence in the United States fell almost exclusively in the domain of the military. The attack on Pearl Harbor and other events during that war created a growing consensus that the nation required a central authority to manage national intelligence pertinent to multiple departments of the government. In response, the national security act of 1947 created the central intelligence agency and the position of director of central intelligence. Over the next half-century, numerous commissions and panels found neither the agency nor the director ever wielded effective control over the diverse and growing intelligence community. In response to such findings, presidents issued National Security Council directives and executive orders and congress signed multiple bills to reinforce the CIA and DCI's authority over the intelligence community, but the problems of decentralization persist. The terrorist attack of 9/11 provided sufficient impetus to make the first significant structural changes to the failed us intelligence community since 1947. To evaluate the prospects of the national intelligence reform act of 2004 to establish effective central control over the community it is helpful to identify the factors that frustrated previous reform efforts.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
