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Coercive Complementarity
This study explores the complementary nature of the economic and military instruments of power in coercive diplomacy. The study seeks to determine if the combined application of military and economic power can amplify coercive effects, and if so, how they might be integrated. Targeted primarily at practitioners of national security, the study combines a primer on the capabilities of the economic instrument of power, a comparison of the economic and military literature on coercion, and a study of strategies used against Iraq and Serbia in the 1990s.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Grand Strategy for a Globalized World
Globalization has resulted in a deeply interdependent international system. Strategists and policy makers must understand globalization and its effects on multiple aspects of social interaction in order to provide well informed national security policy recommendations. Of particular importance is globalized economics. A nation#65533;s economic strength is the foundation of its national power and lends credibility to the diplomatic, military and economic actions and policies a nation undertakes in the international environment. A nation#65533;s weakening economy will inevitably lead to a loss of national power and to a declining influence in the international system. Given the stagnant United States economy and the dynamic growth in emerging economies around the world, most notably China, how should the United States respond in order to maintain its position of leadership in the international system? This research paper examines the nature of economic globalization, the shift from a unipolar to multipolar international environment, and the potential impact on United States#65533; national security. It draws its conclusions from an extensive review of current literature covering globalization, political economics, and grand strategy. It examines William Scheuerman#65533;s four characteristics of the globalization phenomenon, globalization#65533;s effect on economics, and the interrelatedness of economic vitality and national strength, and concludes that a liberal internationalist approach is the best path forward for United States grand strategy. Because of interdependency brought about by globalization, cooperative global governance must replace the coercive democratization approach the United States has followed over the last decade. If pursued with the same vigor the United States demonstrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States can rebuild its economic foundation and ensure a peaceful transition to a multilateral world order.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Guantanamo Bay
This paper compares the costs of detention operations at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba against the benefits derived from holding suspected terrorists there. When Operation Enduring Freedom began, the Bush Administration needed a place to detain enemy fighters captured on the battlefield that the US deemed to be a high threat while also possessing a high intelligence value. The Administration issued policy guidance concerning detainees and the detention center at Guantanamo Bay opened soon thereafter. In the following six years, there has been a great deal of legal analysis and ongoing litigation concerning the legality of the detentions at Guantanamo Bay, including the application of the Geneva Convention to detainees and the permissibility of the pending military commissions. These continue to be contentious issues as the US forges ahead in its efforts in the Global War on Terror (GWOT). Putting the legal questions aside, it is possible to analyze the issues at Guantanamo Bay from a purely cost-benefit standpoint. This paper seeks to conduct this analysis by comparing costs, including monetary, personnel, negative public relations, investigative and Congressional costs against the benefits of operations, including intelligence, positive public relations and deterrence benefits realized by the continued detention of enemy fighters.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Operational Implications of Private Military Companies in the Global War on Terror
This monograph discusses the implications of private military companies (PMCs) in the global war on terror (GWOT). The recent upsurge in the use of PMCs to support the prosecution of the global war on terror has impinged increasingly on what is traditionally seen as the state monopoly on violence. PMCs as entities on the stage of conflict are widely misunderstood and as a result, often operate in an area of scant regulation, limited oversight, and ineffective control. As PMCs become increasingly involved in operations, the implications for the military are wide ranging and planners and commanders need to be aware of the capabilities and limitations of PMCs. Currently, little doctrine and guidance exists on PMCs. Specifically, this monograph examines the myriad factors concerned with PMCs, their benefits and disadvantages. The purpose of this paper is to assess the operational implications of the employment of PMCs. It will analyze the identity and current state of the PMC industry. The hypothesis is that the current level of PMC use is not a deliberate policy decision, but a result of assumptions of the nature of the GWOT and that the current state of legislation and contractual oversight is woefully inadequate. Why are armed civilians operating with legal impunity in Iraq? How much is the military aware of this and why is there no doctrine available for commanders or planners to consult regarding PMCs? Through the application of a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats analysis, the above questions will be answered. The analysis is then presented, primarily, through the lens of the elements of operational design. The monograph concludes that the considerable utility of PMCs should not be overlooked and that they can be valuable contributors and partners in the war against terror. Currently though, numerous issues regarding PMCs need attention. The study suggests that the rapid growth of the use of PMCs is largely unregulated and not under proper control.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Toward a More Perfect Union
The international security environment is transforming in the aftermath of the Cold War. Leveraging the trends of globalization, technology proliferation, borderless finance, and communications, "super-empowered angry young men" are able to threaten nation-states as only large armies previously could, while simultaneously emasculating the nation-state's traditional tools of security. Combating these forces requires incorporating the very elements of "globalization" and the "informal society" that empower the threats. It also means embracing and addressing the sources of discontent that breed populations seeking to undermine America's preeminence. America's National Security Strategy recognizes this shifting ground, proposes a broad array of cooperative efforts aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict and terrorism, and thereby links American values of liberty, democracy, human rights, and open markets with national security. Unfortunately, the institutions, which underpin America's national security strategy, vestiges of the Cold War, remain ill equipped for implementing this strategy. Therefore, American must reconstruct its security architecture to reflect the realities of the 21st century international environment. Such an effort begins with a positive, well considered, and consistent message communicated via a magnified, coordinated and comprehensive international public affairs effort. Secondly, supporting international and domestic institutions should be developed or modified to integrate all elements of national power toward a common strategy. Thirdly, the United States must re-allocate financial resources consistent with advancing its stated strategy. Finally, Washington must develop the human resources so critical to engaging convincingly on complicated regional agendas. Constructing a national security architecture consistent with America's security strategy offers the best hope for a stable, secure environment at home and abroad. Failure to do soThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Virtual State
As is the case with many academic arguments, it is all but impossible to unequivocally prove the existence of the virtual state. That said, the evidence certainly indicates that a new breed of transnational actor is having a profound impact on the policies and behaviors of traditional states as they cope with a rapidly changing world. In reality, as the world changes, states are changing too. Consider the observations of Rosecrance. "The nation-state is becoming a tighter, more vigorous unit capable of sustaining the pressures of worldwide competition and they are downsizing--in function, if not in geographic form."21 "The world has embarked on a progressive emancipation from the land as a determinant of production and power."22 If it is true that states are streamlining by placing less emphasis on the importance of territory, they are in effect obviating one of the key structural components of the traditional state. With this in mind, the rise of a significant, completely borderless political actor, the virtual state, seems quite plausible if not inevitable. In this author's view, they are already among us and are likely to proliferate and grow in strength as the forces of globalization and rapidly advancing technology continue to shape the geopolitical landscape.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Potential for Normal Political Relations Between the United States and Iran Following Presidential Elections in Each Country
With Presidential elections in both the United States and Iran occurring within eight months of each other, one can suspect major changes in the political environment. This environment is not just the relationship between the U.S. and Iran, but the entire world, and more specifically the Middle East. With one new President and another possible new President in Iran, the impacts could be dramatic. The author believes that the political landscape will change, however, the unilateral relationship between the United States and Iran will not change substantially. The basic factors examined are limited, but the assumptions would be the same if the base were expanded. The major efforts are put into the history of the relationship between the United States and Iran. This history points out that despite the various stages there was once a congenial relationship. The historical review depicts that both countries have had both positive and negative events that influenced the relationships. This fact in itself would lead to believe that if it was so once, it could be possible again. The use of terrorism throughout the world has created a new paradigm for political processes and expectations by state and non-state actors. Terrorism is not a political recognized bargaining tool, but many countries are now expending millions if not billions of dollars attempting to defeat it. These efforts are wide-ranging and influence relationships across the globe. More specifically, terrorism has negative impacts in almost all countries. The use of terrorism by a state actors, or countries that expect respect is a limiting factor in this world of instant information. Terrorism is a limiting factor when trying to establish relationships, however, non-state actors can negatively influence these attempted relationship-building efforts. Nuclear weapons play a critical role in the political process. The ability to produce and delivery reliable nuclear weapons is a major bargaining chip. The full hThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Philippines as a Major Non-NATO Ally and the War on Terror
The aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the US created a fundamental change in the global security environment as terrorism moved into the forefront of the challenge faced by the international community. At the same time, it became the primary driver for a reinvigorated RP-US defense relationship as the Philippines joined the fight against terrorism.President George W. Bush designated the Philippines as a US Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) in 2003 raising hopes that the AFP capability development and modernization be accelerated especially in the light of its active participation in counter-terror operations.The MNNA designation represents the best chance for the Philippines to accelerate its capability development and contribute in its current defense reform programs under the Philippine Defense Reform (PDR).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preparing for the Inevitable
Many lessons from the Multinational Force and Observer (MFO) mission to the Sinai and the Multinational Force II (MNFII) mission to Lebanon are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the Occupied Territories (OT). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a US-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the MFO and challenged the MNFII must be considered before US involvement in Israel and the OT. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the US are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the OT more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the MFO and MNFII still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the OT. Critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkey and Iran
Appraises the factors affecting the power potential of Turkey and Iran in international affairs, with particular reference to the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defeating a Genocide
"Using the Rwandan genocide as a backdrop, this paper will show how genocide intervention requires a new way of planning, training, organizing and executing. It will attempt to provide a lens that will help government, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors more effectively view options so the horrors of 1994 Rwanda are truly experienced never again."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Gulf Security in the Twenty-First Century
This Document was developed to explore the various aspects of security for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which includes Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. A short review of the history of the area provides some guidance toward understanding the culture, beliefs and governing basics that apply today. The recent events in the Gulf, Iraq invading Kuwait and the US invading Iraq, requires the development and implementation of a strategic security plan that meets the needs of all countries of the area. This document addresses this situation and provides some starting recommendations which will move the countries forward toward a safe and secure future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Russian Military Equipment
Russia is flooding world markets with military equipment. This flood of equipment is acting like a fuel source for terrorist organizations and countries around the world to use force against their enemies. This paper analyses the effects of this flood of equipment in four regions of the world. Russian proliferation is marginalizing the effectiveness of US airpower because the US doesn't have quick and regular access to the thousands of hot spots military proliferation creates. Our current model for airpower application is old and inflexible. It suffers from a need for access and logistic lines of supply.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
When Will We Listen?
The purpose of this paper is to determine if there were indicators of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq on 2 August 1990, that were not accurately assessed by allied decision makers in time to make a difference. Moreover, based on historical precedence, these indicators were hypothesized to be available from open (not classified) sources. Using only a small sampling of the public speeches of Saddam Hussein and the pronouncements in the Iraqi press as reported by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), this research indicates the 2 August invasion should have been assessed as a near-certainty as early as 17 July. Furthermore, research of the memoirs of some the key participants as well as books chronicling the actions of decision makers during the weeks prior to the invasion, indicate that although the information identified during the research was available, it was dismissed as rhetoric rather than being recognized as indications of intent. Moreover, the research points to a continuing tendency by both analysts and decision makers to discount open-source pronouncements, even when they are congruent with empirical evidence from classified sources, because the decision makers and analysts believe the impending action would be "unthinkable."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Russian Foreign Policy for the New Millenium
Russian foreign policy during 2001-2002 revealed an entirely new approach as President Vladimir Putin and his Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov, expanded the scope of Russian external relations both in terms of numbers of nations and the depth of the relationships. The preceding administration of Boris Yeltsin had alienated many people both internally and externally and there was much to do to repair the damage. The events of 11 September vaulted the Russians into a position of prominence that Putin and Ivanov could not imagine possible. A fast and firm show of support for the United States by Putin and his promise to assist in the war against terrorism in any way put Moscow at the center of the war against terrorism, both as a regional hegemon and as a U.S. partner.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of China's Possible Military Intervention in the Event of a Sudden Change in North Korea
This study addresses potential scenarios as to how a North Korean collapse could occur, whether China's military would engage in North Korea, and how China's military might intervene if it did so. First, regarding the likely scenarios for a North Korean collapse, this study looks at a power struggle, a military coup, or a popular uprising as potential scenarios of internal origin. Additionally, it discusses a military conflict between the two Koreas and U.S. military operations against North Korea as scenarios of conflict with an external origin. Second, based on an analysis of China's external environment and national interests, this study proposes that China's military would intervene only if a North Korean collapse were caused by an internal conflict. This study also posits that, despite its military alliance obligations, China would not intervene militarily on the Korean Peninsula if the collapse was due to an external conflict. Finally, concerning the form of China's military intervention in case of an internally driven collapse, based on Lykke's military strategy model, this study compares the advantages and disadvantages of a unilateral intervention, multinational operations, and UN-led peacekeeping operations and concludes that China would prefer a UN-led PKO because such an operation would best balance the ends, ways, and means and present acceptable risks for China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Nuclear Forces
Recent books and journal articles published in China provide new insights into nuclear doctrine, operations, training, and the employment of the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) strategic rocket forces. The major insights come from exploiting sections of a doctrinal text published for PLA institutions of higher military education by the Chinese National Defense University, A Guide to the Study of Campaign Theory (Zhanyi Lilun Xuexi Zhinan). In the view of many in the PLA, the military power of the United States, the potential to use that power to coerce or dominate China, and the ability to threaten China's pursuit of its own its interests, presents a latent threat to China. Additionally, China's own threats against democratic Taiwan, and the fact that PLA leaders believe that the United States is likely to come to Taiwan's assistance in the event of Chinese aggression in the Taiwan Strait, magnifies the threat that PLA officers perceive from the United States. This perceived threat drives the PLA to follow U.S. military developments more carefully than those of other nations and to be prepared to counter American forces. The PLA is mixing nuclear and conventional missile forces in its military doctrine. Also, some in China are questioning whether the doctrine of "no-first-use" of nuclear weapons serves China's deterrent needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India in Africa
This monograph examines India's rapidly expanding network of influence in Africa. The author analyzes the country's burgeoning public and private investments in the region as well as its policies vis-?-vis African regional organizations and individual states, especially in the security sector. After reviewing the historic role that India has played in Africa, the author looks at the principal motivations for India's approach to Africa-including the former's quests for the resources, business opportunities, diplomatic influence, and security-and Africans' responses to it. In the context of the broader U.S.-India strategic partnership, as well as American political and security interests in Africa, India's willingness to make significant contributions to African peacekeeping and to extend its maritime security cover to the continent's eastern littoral ought to be welcomed, not least because of the potential positive impact on regional stability and development. Consequently, the author believes the opportunity thus presented in Africa for greater engagement between the United States and India ought to be seized upon.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Theater Nuclear Forces and Extended Deterrence in a Multipolar World
The role played by nonstrategic nuclear forces in the cold war logic of extended deterrence is changing dramatically, as the US and Soviet Union retreat from the quasi-confrontational military postures of the past 40 years. What do present changes in the global security picture portend for this class of weapons? The author evaluates possibilities using a matrix of considerations: trends in the international system: strategic ways, means, and perceptions: intrinsic capabilities of new generations of nuclear weapons: and operative views of extended nuclear deterrence. One conclusion is that, owing to the desirability of having a graduated means of deterring conflict and controlling escalation, theater nuclear weapons may remain important elements of US military capability in the global environment of the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding Measures of Effectiveness in Counterinsurgency Operations
Both the National Security Strategy and the National Defense Strategy recently recognized that insurgency is causing an increased threat to the security of the world. This recognition combined with the fact that the military's counterinsurgency effort in Iraq is the central front on the Global War on Terrorism has caused the military to reorient its capabilities towards defeating the threat of an insurgency. An important piece of this reorientation needs to be focused on an increased understanding of measures of effectiveness and their integration into the operational framework of a counterinsurgency campaign. An examination of the theory, history, and doctrine of counterinsurgency operations is conducted to develop a general framework of an insurgency. An understanding of the general insurgency framework is then used to develop an operational design for counterinsurgency campaigns that applies logical lines of operations that are linked to the strategic end state. This framework makes it possible to develop the theory that to be useful, measures of effectiveness must contain certain characteristics. To be a valuable analytical tool that assists the commander in making decisions, a measure of effectiveness must contain the following characteristics; it must be meaningful, it must be linked to the strategic end state, it must have a strong identifiable relationship between cause and effect, it must be observable, it must be quantifiable, and it must be precise. The better a measure of effectiveness adheres to these characteristics the more valuable a tool it will be for the commander. In addition to these characteristics, an attribute of measures of effectiveness is that they must be correlated to changes in the environment to attain timeliness as the operation progresses. To validate the proposed theory that a measure of effectiveness that adheres to certain characteristics becomes a valuable evaluation tool to determine if counterinsurgency operations are meetingThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Why Efforts to Centralize the US Intelligence Community Fail
Prior to World War II, the formal collection and exploitation of foreign intelligence in the United States fell almost exclusively in the domain of the military. The attack on Pearl Harbor and other events during that war created a growing consensus that the nation required a central authority to manage national intelligence pertinent to multiple departments of the government. In response, the national security act of 1947 created the central intelligence agency and the position of director of central intelligence. Over the next half-century, numerous commissions and panels found neither the agency nor the director ever wielded effective control over the diverse and growing intelligence community. In response to such findings, presidents issued National Security Council directives and executive orders and congress signed multiple bills to reinforce the CIA and DCI's authority over the intelligence community, but the problems of decentralization persist. The terrorist attack of 9/11 provided sufficient impetus to make the first significant structural changes to the failed us intelligence community since 1947. To evaluate the prospects of the national intelligence reform act of 2004 to establish effective central control over the community it is helpful to identify the factors that frustrated previous reform efforts.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Implications of Chinese Influence in the Latin America Region
Chinese engagement and influence in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region has increased rapidly over the past several years. As China's search for energy resources and raw material has expanded into the LAC region, the United States can not ignore the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the region. Regional experts disagree over the ramifications of Chinese involvement in the LAC region. Some experts believe China's influence in the LAC region is not an immediate threat to the United States and actually provides economic benefits to the United States in the near term. Others believe that China's influence may be malignant in the long term, especially when viewed from a Chinese strategic perspective. The consensus expressed by General Bantz J. Craddock, former Commander, United States Southern Command provides the truest realist view: "An increasing presence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the region is an emerging dynamic that must not be ignored."1 Ramifications of Chinese economic influence in the LAC region go beyond the near term effects of securing resources. It is part of the Chinese grand strategy for securing the Chinese homeland and returning China's global preeminence. This paper compares Chinese relations in Africa and Latin America to assess potential strategic implications to China's economic, political, and military involvements in the LAC region. The United States should increase engagements in the LAC region to deal with the growing Chinese influence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Study of Central Asia to Identify Future Threats to Regional Stability
The breakup of the former Soviet Union led to the independence of 11 states called the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). With all the positive attributes associated with this monumental event there are several challenges that threaten the security of the region. This paper will attempt to answer the question: what are the salient challenges to USCENTCOM inherent within the Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Open source material provided the background information necessary to write this paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How is MS-13 a Threat to US National Security?
Street gangs have been a regional problem in the United States for a long time, but today's gangs seem more violent and organized than ever. Some even seem to be growing and evolving into transnational threats. The most widely recognized and publicized of these evolving gangs is Mara Salvatrucha (aka MS-13). This paper looks at the international threat from MS-13 by examining the gang's history and identifying the characteristics that make MS-13 an international problem. Building on this analysis, the paper identifies immediate and developing areas of concern and recommends how the US should mitigate the resulting threats.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Big Brother or Big Bully? Future Scenarios of the Role of the United States on the Geopolitical Stage
The geopolitical evolution of the US will play a pivotal role as the world struggles to address the effects of globalization on the complex 21st Century security environment. In this environment, if America continues with its largely unilateral, militarily focused strategy to spread democracy, prosperity, and defend our national interests, will the world of 2020 be a more peaceful, secure place? As the world's only superpower, does the US risk bankrupting its international legitimacy as we attempt to impose our will on all who oppose our interests, or do we become more inclusive and less belligerent in our rhetoric? This paper uses the scenarios-based future planning methodology described by Peter Schwartz in The Art of the Long View: Planning for the Future in an Uncertain World to explore future scenarios that might be faced by the US on the geopolitical stage, discussing possible implications for our evolving national security strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Blue Horizons Alternative Futures Resurgent Russia
In August 2007, Major General Pavel Androsov, Commander of the Russian Strategic Bomber Force, announced with "a bit of flair" that two of his TU-95 bombers had flown from Russia to the U.S. military base in Guam during the Valiant Shield 2007 exercises and had "exchanged smiles" with U.S. fighter pilots before returning to Russia. The question is what was the motivation behind their smiles? Were they simply friendly gestures or something more akin to Jack Nicholson's evil smile in the movie "The Shining" when his axe-wielding character announced his return - "Here's Johnny!" While this recent exchange of high-altitude pleasantries is only one in a series of provocative actions that Russia has taken over the past several months (similar airborne encounters have occurred off the coast of Alaska, Norway, Japan, Iceland, and the United Kingdom), it would be premature to announce that the Russian military is once again America's military peer, far from it.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Western Balkans as Base for Radical Islamists
This thesis addresses the primary research question: Are the Balkans becoming a European sanctuary for radical Islamists. Research is focused on what are the factors that contribute in creation of favorable condition for radical Islamists in the Western Balkans. There are three perspectives addressed in the analysis. First, the European influence in relations of geopolitical communication with the Western Balkans. The second perspective is the Western Balkans as a primary region and how its countries with their actions (or passiveness) are contributing to creation of the factors that favor radical Islamists. The last perspective is Balkan Muslims and their role in this complex environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Domestic Economy and Post 9/11 National Security
The American domestic economy is the backbone of US national strength. It funds the national instruments of power that enable the United States to project influence all over the globe. However, the post 9/11 National Security Strategy (NSS) does not emphasize a domestic economic strategy or address elements of the domestic economy that relate to national security. While the current NSS provides guidance to promote global economic freedom and expansion, it seems to omit domestic economic issues and undervalue the importance of a strong domestic US economy. Presidents Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and William Clinton all included guidance for domestic economic issues in their security strategies. In fact, all three emphasized the importance of US leadership in technology along with the importance of a well educated American labor force. This domestic guidance is absent for the current NSS. President Bush's post 9/11 strategy to promote freedom and democracy all around the globe will be funded by a strong American economy. Therefore, the NSS needs guidance with regard to domestic economic issues that relate to national security. In addition, the National Economic Council (NEC) and the President's economic advisors need to assume an equal role with the National Security Council (NSC) with regards to economic issues as they apply to national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Piracy or Maritime Terrorism? Developing a Comprehensive U.S. Counter-Piracy Policy
In this post-9/11 world, maritime security has taken on a much greater importance than in the past. No longer can the U.S. rely on vast ocean expanses to protect its homeland from seaborne attack or think of maritime violence as a law enforcement problem. Modern piracy is as ruthless and violent as it has ever been, only nowadays the stakes are substantially higher and its instruments far deadlier. Global piracy and violence at sea are now national security threats and must be dealt with as such. Piracy and international terrorism are no longer mutually exclusive; one supports the other. To protect its national interests and provide for maritime security, the U.S. must develop a comprehensive counter-piracy policy that utilizes a multi-faceted approach in order to combat the global threat that modern piracy brings. With the U.S. deeply integrated into the global economy, it is imperative that security on our oceans remains undeniable in order to provide uninterrupted trade routes and secure access to U.S. shores. The U.S. is a key actor in supporting international efforts to repress piracy and must continue to lead the fight. However, the U.S. can not do it alone. Constant budgetary constraints, expanding international trade, and the oceans' vast expanse won't allow it. By looking at current terrorist ties to piracy, potential maritime threats, international law considerations, and current U.S. counter-piracy efforts, five recommendations are offered for developing a comprehensive U.S. counter-piracy policy. Only through international and inter-agency cooperation can we maximize our ability to provide global maritime security and repress piracy on the high seas.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The US Policy of Dual Containment Toward Iran and Iraq in Theory and Practice
The policy of dual containment has been adopted by the Clinton administration as a method whereby the nations of Iran and Iraq may be simultaneously prevented from embarking upon actions deemed counter to the interests of the international community in general, and the United States in particular. This is a departure from policies of previous administrations which had sought a balance of power between the two nations in order to contain whichever nation seemed to present the greatest threat at the time. The ability of the United States to embark on a strategy of containing these two states at once, is a result of the new world order in which America finds itself as the sole remaining superpower, able to work its will with a degree of impunity heretofore unknown. The problem to be considered here is whether this strategy is indeed appropriate and whether it will achieve the desired outcomes with respect to US security strategy. This paper analyzes the position of the Clinton administration in light of current and historic US interests in the Persian Gulf region. It examines the opinions of various strategists and academicians regarding the policy of dual containment in order to determine if this policy can be an effective one. The conclusion of this research is that a linkage of US policy between the two nations of Iran and Iraq is inappropriate. While the state of Iraq must be contained to prevent its aggressive activities, diplomatic methods should be applied to Iran in the hope of engendering a renewed relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Intergovernmental Organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa is emerging as a region of strategic importance. Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) in Africa should be considered accelerators for implementing US policy objectives aimed at helping Africans solve African problems. This USAWC resident student paper examines the value of seeing IGOs as key organizations that provide structures, fluid channels of communication, and capabilities to facilitate capacity building and maintaining security in Sub-Saharan Africa and concludes that given the consonance of US and IGO objectives and complementary organization structures for implementing objectives-oriented activities, the US should engage in robust partnerships with the IGOs for effective implementation of activities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Right Sizing the People's Liberation Army
This volume addresses how the leadership of China and the PLA view what size of PLA best meets China's requirements. Among other things, this analytical process makes important new contributions on the question of PLA transparency, long an issue among PLA watchers. A great deal of emphasis has been put on understanding not only how, but also why a military modernizes itself. Some of the determining factors are national policies and strategy, doctrine, organizational structure, missions, and service cultures. While this list is not exhaustive, it does begin to paint a picture of just how broad and deep military interests run. It is important when we look at the structure and strategy for growth within the Chinese military that we see the world as China sees it. We need to see a world in which the "Taiwan issue" as well as that of North Korea and others are not viewed as short-term concerns, but fit into how China sees itself in a long-term leadership role in the region and in the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The European Theater Missile Defense Program
"One of the primary impacts of the Gulf War on Western opinion was to underline the reality of a ballistic missile threat. The USA subsequently gave top priority to the development of a system against tactical ballistic missiles as part of the National Missile Defense program. NATO and the WEU has agreed it needs capabilities to defend the entire spectrum of air threats including tactical ballistic missiles (TBMs), tactical aerodynamic missiles (TAMs), and manned aircraft (MA) through an extension of the existing Integrated Air Defense System (IADS). This research concentrates on Theater Missile Defense, compares the US program and the European approaches in NATO and WEU and analyzes the current European dependence on US assets, especially on space assets for early warning and reconnaissance, and the current limited capabilities of the European NATO allies in active ballistic missile defense issues. Furthermore it looks for fields of equal and fair multinational cooperation as a way to reduce costs and to optimize limited resources by sharing technology and capabilities. It shows that the European industries are capable to develop military space assets and able to participate in multinational cooperation's. It also shows, that it is very difficult in Europe and NATO to bring all nations together for the developing of an European Ballistic Missile Defense architecture and to provide the necessary funding."--Abstract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The End of Hegemony
The era of US global hegemony is drawing to a close. Within the next quarter century, revolutionary technological developments and new military capabilities will fracture the geopolitical strategic landscape, propelling today's near peer states into a parity position with the US. A shift to an information-centric globe will see ongoing conflict over the control of information through the new global commons of space and cyberspace. Technological advances in these areas coupled with the deterrent value of nuclear weapons will reduce the effectiveness of US conventional forces, and US interests will be challenged on a global scale. A new reality of continuous conflict over information will emerge in space and cyberspace where it will not be possible for a single state to maintain dominance. Through a deliberate focus on information and space control technologies, China and Russia are positioned to gain strategic military parity with the United States, resulting in the emergence of a new tri-polar world. Three examples of technologies critical to the conflict over information control are explored: information warfare, space operations, and nuclear weapons. The Chinese have embarked on a campaign of "Informationization"; to attain mastery of both the electromagnetic spectrum and the global cyber sphere. This approach includes the attempted dominance of air, space, and cyber mediums, through cyber operations, information operations, electronic attack, and kinetic attack.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Resurgent Russia in 2030? A Study of the Past, Present, and Possible Future Political Situation With the Russian Federation
Mark Twain once said, "The art of prophecy is very difficult - especially with respect to the future." It can be argued that trying to predict ANYTHING in 2030 is all but impossible. One hundred years ago, attempting to predict 23 years into the future was difficult. Today, as the world flattens, as technology and information continue to spread, the rate of change of any given scenario will accelerate and make extrapolation or correlation extremely difficult. Leading indicators may show trend data, but at an accelerated rate of decaying accuracy. Thus, confirming or denouncing a present strategic plan will require speed, agility, and adaptability. Even the best holistic approaches are not likely to produce significant accuracy beyond a few years. Thus, the United States must be ready to compete with all comers using all aspects of state power over a wide range of possible scenarios. In the future, the greater challenges facing the US could be a non-kinetic information operation based in cyberspace or an all out conventional war against a peer competitor. The future success of the United States rests in our ability to plan for a future difficult to predict, but must be prepared for nonetheless. It is within this framework that a plausible explanation for a resurgent Russia in 2030 will be developed. The US must be ready for the challenge and the USAF must shape its forces to meet such a threat. This will require a Grand Strategy that incorporates all aspects of national power: diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME). Within the broader context of the Blue Horizons project, each of these aspects will be discussed in detail. However, within this paper, only the political situation in Russia will be examined. This paper will provide an in-depth analysis of the current political situation, develop plausible trend lines affecting the political future, and meld them into one credible scenario which results in a resurgent Russia in 2030.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China-ASEAN Relations
The author traces the evolution of China-ASEAN relations since the early 1990s and examines some of the key factors that have contributed to the positive developments in bilateral ties. He describes and analyzes how China and ASEAN have managed the territorial disputes through negotiation and compromises; looks at the expanding economic ties between China and ASEAN member states and examines the politico-strategic, as well as economic rationales for establishing a free trade area; and evaluates the emerging yet still limited defense and security ties between the two. He also assesses the implications of the growing China-ASEAN ties for U.S. interests in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO
NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself-that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists-is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
UN Security Council Enlargement
The United Nations Security Council has had in its history a single flash of true international relevance. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) signed up for Security Council relevance with the publication by Mikhail Gorbachev of Reality and Safeguards for a Secure World. That document heralded the USSR's preference that the United Nations fill the power vacuum left by its contracting empire rather than the United States, which was the other obvious choice then as now. Owing to this entirely unique, and relatively peaceful implosion of the USSR's global empire, the USSR consciously, if temporarily, reinvigorated the United Nations and sought to re-join the ranks of Roosevelt's "four policemen." A few years later for the United States, President George H.W. Bush, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, took the USSR up on its offer and announced that, "Out of these troubled times and a new world order can emerge and built upon a United Nations that performs as envisaged by its founders."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impacts of F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter Exports to the Middle East
In recent decades, stealth technology has provided the US with an unprecedented advantage in military conflict. F-117 stealth fielders, which proved practically invisible to Iraqi air defenses in Desert Storm, sparked a revolution in aircraft design. The US has committed billions of dollars toward this technology by demanding stealth to be a fundamental capability of current and future aircraft designs including the B-2 Stealth bomber, the F-22 Raptor and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). The US will likely never again purchase a non-stealthy aircraft.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of China's Nuclear Capability
The strategic arms control process to reduce nuclear weapons and contain the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a center piece of the United States arms control policy. To be effective in arms control negotiations with the Chinese, the United States must understand China's past experience and perspectives regarding nuclear weapons. What drove the Chinese to develop nuclear weapons? What kind of force structure was required? How many? How would they deploy and employ these weapons? This paper will address these questions and argue the United States is negotiating arms control policies with the Chinese without a clear understanding of the Chinese perspectives, interests, and concerns.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Does the NATO Decision Process Support the Rapid Response Capabilities of the NATO Response Force?
The end of the Cold War ushered in a new security environment, one that was more diverse, and more dynamic than the previous 50 years. In the years since the end of the Cold War, NATO has worked to transform its missions, streamline its military command and upgrade its capabilities. However, the political decision making process within NATO has stayed static, despite the changes and evolution in the security environment since the founding of the Alliance.The current decision-making process works well in clear-cut, controversy-free issues such as humanitarian efforts. While, NATO successfully activated the NATO Response Force (NRF) for the first time in response to the earthquake in Pakistan, it isn't clear that the decision process will work that well in a controversial crisis. While several proposals exist to transform the decision process, each has its weaknesses and there does not seem to be the political will to implement them. Additionally none of the proposals examined appear to decreases the process timeline.The speed with which NATO could respond to a crisis will remain dependent on political factors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Enlargement
This paper analyzes NATO enlargement and explores the dichotomy between Articles 5 and 10 of the Washington Treaty. Drawing from previous studies on NATO enlargement (Szayna, Cox and Kendall), it introduces a dual-axis model using democratic and strategic values to predict which nations NATO will invite into the Alliance in the future. It then applies the model to the first two rounds of post Cold-War NATO enlargement, and explains anomalies. Finally, this paper attempts to predict which nations NATO will consider for the next round of enlargement, as well as applying the model to predict which nations NATO will admit to the Alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Proliferation Security Initiative
This Air University research paper is an examination of the Proliferation Security Initiative. Through extensive research and review of academic journals, governmental sources, and press reporting, combined with interviews of relevant personnel in the Departments of Defense and State, the Proliferation Security Initiative is chronicled from its inception in early 2002 through the latest multinational exercises. Special attention is given to the guidelines governing participation in PSI and the key issues -- legal authorities and intelligence sharing -- relevant to PSI operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation Weapons of Mass Destruction and International Insecurity
In present discussions on international security the issue of "Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)" plays an important role. The problem itself is not a new one. However, the problem is of increasing importance due to various traditional and current risks. To clearly define and control these risks is getting more complicated since the clear cut international structures of the "Cold War" era no longer exist. NATO addressed the problem in the "Alliance New Strategic Concept" in 1991 as a challenge and a risk to international security without defining the particular competence of NATO in this field. However, the Alliance obliged itself to continue and strengthen cooperative efforts to prevent or reverse proliferation. For this purpose in 1994 NATO established working groups to examine the implications of proliferation for the defense planning and capabilities of NATO and its members and to consider what measures can be taken in the defense field. The working groups are tasked to accomplish their mission by summer of 1996.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Denting the Hub, or Strengthening the Spokes?
In March 2007, Japan and Australia signed a Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation (JADSC)--Japan's first such agreement with any country other than the United States since World War II (WWII). The agreement pledges cooperation on counter-terrorism, maritime security, peacekeeping operations, and disaster relief. Prevailing international relations theories fail to adequately explain the logic for such a Japan-Australia security agreement. They also do not explain its acceptance by the United States or negative reactions toward it by China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The South China Sea
The economic, political and military influence of China continues to grow at a rapid rate. As China increasingly gazes outward beyond its shores, the United States is playing a complex political game attempting to control China's rise while maintaining US influence in the Pacific. Nowhere is this great power duel being played out more concretely than in the South China Sea (SCS). There are some politicians, pundits, and journalists who indicate to the world that war between China, its neighbors, and possibly the United States over the SCS issue is likely or even inevitable. A deeper understanding of the SCS issue reveals, however, that war on a large scale is highly unlikely and counter to the interests of all the players who have a stake in the issue. Regardless of how the rhetoric ebbs and flows on the SCS debate, it will likely remain a controversial, yet controllable, issue between all interested parties. The SCS will remain a source of tension, yet indicators point towards peace rather than conflict in the SCS.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing SOUTHCOM's Role in US Foreign Policy in Latin America
The last decade has experienced an increased role of the military in shaping and implementing US foreign policy in Latin America as the focus shifted seamlessly from fighting communism to combating drug trafficking and now prosecuting the war on terror. This paper argues that the armed forces dominate relations between the US and Latin American nations because the Pentagon has the largest official presence in the western hemisphere; hence displacing foreign affairs organizations traditionally chartered to conduct diplomacy, perform development assistance and foster understanding. However, this bleeding of civilian responsibilities to the military weakens the Secretary of State's ability to successfully conduct US relations with foreign countries and undermines the Secretary of Defense's focus on war fighting, as military solutions gain prominence over diplomacy. It cautions American leaders to understand the implications of empowering the armed forces of nascent democracies and the consequences of encouraging law enforcement roles for the military to address public order challenges. The analysis reveals the need for a more balanced foreign policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean, which demands the enhancement of civilian agencies and programs by boosting their funding to bring those levels of engagement on par with and complement humanitarian assistance, training and other foreign aid already provided by the military. Unity of effort between the State Department and the Pentagon will strengthen interagency solutions by combining the diplomatic, information, military and economic instruments of national power. In the long run, an integrated approach that addresses the symptoms as well as the causes of the many problems that afflict our neighbors to the south should not only benefit Latin American and Caribbean nations; but also improve US security and mutual regional interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
