Improving Southeast Asian Security Within the ASEAN Framework -- Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies
Since the end of the Cold War, changing global dynamics have brought about important political, social and economic developments to Southeast Asia. Foreign relations between the Southeast Asian states have also improved, reducing intra-regional tensions to the degree where inter-state armed conflicts are no longer likely. The domestic security situation of some Southeast Asian nations, however, remain precarious as local insurgencies resulting from political disagreements, ideological divergences and socio-economic gaps continue to plague these states. Terrorism, a second-order effect of these conflicts, has also become a security concern as regional terrorist groups, such as the Jemaah Islamiah and the Abu Sayyaf Group, have been working with global jihadist organizations to establish an ideological presence within these troubled states. If unchecked, these threats could potentially disrupt the peace in Southeast Asia and de-stabilize the region. This thesis will analyze Southeast Asia's ongoing insurgencies as well as its counterinsurgency efforts. It will examine whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), under the constraints imposed by its organizational principles, is able to play a more significant role than it has thus far in improving regional security by addressing the problem of insurgencies within its member states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Future Options for Swedish Security Policy
The situation in Europe and the tendencies affecting its future security environment challenge current Swedish policy of neutrality and nonalignment. This study investigates the official policy, the situation in Europe, and the Baltic Region to deduce factors that are important for Swedish security in 2007-2010. The study evaluates options and focuses on two rarely discussed: collective defense with Finland and regional Baltic collective security. The most favorable option for Sweden is collective security. This study emphasizes the need for a mixed security arrangement, with focus on soft preventive security, linked to the European security process. This provides a framework to influence organizations and nations. Hence, Sweden obtains long term security, along with the greatest possible freedom of action to achieve national interests and to select its role in Europe and the Baltic Region. The study examines the risks, regionalization and the relative strength, of a collective structure. This study explains the concept of neutrality and nonalignment, as well as Sweden's rationale to pursue them. The study suggests the need to change the current policy due to the altered situation in Europe and the subsequent transformation of nonalignment. Collective defense has only marginal advantages compared to the current policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese National Security Strategy
Examination of Chinese national security issues is incomplete without a frame of reference that includes Chinese dynastic history, culture, and thought. Additionally, such examination requires viewing through lenses created by modern China's economics and politics. When viewed in this holistic fashion, Chinese defense strategies and concerns, especially with respect to two extremely important and timely issues, modernization of the PLA and Taiwan, can be discerned in a clearer light, resulting in an better, if more complex, understanding of the potential for military action on behalf of China tempered by the realities and difficulties China faces in improving a military force under their worldview and, also, their political and economic restraints. Accordingly, as a part of a coordinated effort, the US Air Force can provide both significant deterrence for military action in the Pacific in the form of appropriate force deployment and employment, as well as dissuasion from a potentially perceived Chinese requirement for military action through taking a "longer view" in understanding the value of activities such as military-to-military engagement.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Torture
As a part of the response to the Al Qaida attacks on 11 September 2001, the United States found itself having to answer many difficult questions regarding its action in the Global War on Terrorism. One of the most contentious was the use of torture against captured enemy fighters. The United States, a strong proponent for humanitarian law, soon found itself criticized for its treatment of detainees. As a result, commentators and politicians have had endless debates about interrogation techniques and the legal applicability of international law and treaties to a nonstate enemy. The central research question derived from these issues is: Is torture a viable tool for use in achieving goals as outlined in the 2006 National Security Strategy? Interrogational torture was examined from the following standpoints: legal, effectiveness, and ethical. Results showed that torture is wrong. The next step applied the analytical results against the ethical decision-making triangle and also concluded that from the three standpoints torture was wrong and not a feasible means of achieving the United States' national security objectives.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Principles of Insurgency and Counterinsurgency, and Support in Counterinsurgency to a Developing Nation
Beneath a nuclear umbrella insurgency has proliferated amongst the developing nations of the world. Insurgency if unchecked poses a threat to the stability of the world. To maintain stability, developed nations might have to support developing nations to combat insurgency. This support should be based upon common principles of insurgency, counterinsurgency and counterinsurgency support to the host nation. Using the principles of revolutionary warfare evolved by the British Staff College, Camberley, the author has examined the validity of those principles.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pre-Emption and Precedent
In 1981, Israel conducted a pre-emptive strike on Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor. Then Israel bombed a Syrian nuclear reactor at al-Kibar in 2007. Today, Israel is facing a new challenge as it considers Iran's nuclear program. This thesis is a comparative case study analyzing how Israel utilized its instruments of national power to deal with the threats in Iraq and Syria and how the international community responded after Israel destroyed their nuclear reactors. After determining the similarities and differences between cases, this thesis draws implications for Israel's ongoing efforts to deal with Iran's nuclear program. This study is significant because it is the first comparative case study to analyze Israel's experiences dealing with Iraq and Syria's nuclear programs. The findings of this study offer insight to US strategic planners as they consider strategies and timelines for dealing with Tehran's nuclear program, recognizing that Israel is willing to act unilaterally as historical events attest. The findings will assist US decision makers as they formulate policy concerning Iran, Israel, and the uncertain road ahead.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Leveraging Interdependence to Avoid Armed Conflict Between the US and China
Today, many analysts predict China's growing economy and military strength will eventually create a peer competitor for the United States (US). Others fear China's globally expanding influence will threaten US national security interests and question whether the rise of China as an economic and political world power can be accomplished without armed conflict, especially armed conflict with the US. The purpose of the thesis is to identify key friction points between the US and China, discover areas of interdependence, and discuss management options that can be used to minimize friction and avoid a military conflict. The study provides a focused look at the US-China relationship and offers insights into how the US strategy with respect to China could be shaped to enable a more informed, tailored, and effective strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Changing Dynamics of Military Advantage in the Information Age
The information revolution causes dramatic changes in the geopolitical environment, which result in new challenges to U.S. national security, particularly from a new form of global insurgency. The continued development and proliferation of information technology impacts the very nature of conflict and military competitive advantage. Can the U.S. expect to maintain its current unprecedented degree of military advantage in the information-age? This thesis examines this question using a qualitative research methodology. The research analyzes the impact of information technology on the geopolitical system, the nature of conflict, and the realm of military competition. Within this context, the research examines the changing nature of military advantage. Three elements of advantage are analyzed to determine qualitative changes that result from the changing conditions of the information-age. The elements are power, legitimacy, and effects. The research also includes a comparative analysis that seeks to determine how these changing conditions affect the ability of both the U.S. military and global insurgents to gain advantage. The research concludes that U.S. military advantage will decline relative to a global insurgency. As a result, the U.S. will face significant challenges in its effort to achieve lasting success in the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance and Optimal Structure of the Military in Jamaica in the Current and Emerging Geo-Security Environment
In most democratic countries that are not engaged in conflict one can expect debates regarding the amount of the gross domestic product (GDP) that is spent on national security. The issue is even more significant in small states with limited resources. The Jamaican military is occasionally the subject of such debates. The arguments raised against expenditure on an active military force, as opposed to the police force, include the view that there is no apparent conventional external threat, while the internal police-type tasks are increasing. This study considers current and emerging threats to determine what capabilities are required to face them. Case studies of Costa Rica, Iceland, Singapore and the Eastern Caribbean States, are used to determine some of the options available for small-state security linked to the issue of sovereignty. Interviews of both military and nonmilitary experts on national security issues provide additional data for comparison and contrast. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for retaining the military's distinct character, with a reduced regular/active force structure, though not necessarily less personnel, and a significantly larger reserve component. The main theme is that Jamaica cannot afford to be complacent because the nature of security threats globally is evolving.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cohesion in Multinational Military Units
Several studies have described the relationship between leadership and cohesion, albeit not within a multinational context. Previous researchers have also identified a variety of factors that appear to influence the performance of multinational units. The literature has yet to address how a military leader can foster multinational unit cohesiveness. This research describes the importance of unit cohesion and how it can be fostered in multinational units. Using synthesis of findings from document study and the oral group interview data this thesis develops a framework whose key factors include (a) the conditions that exist in cohesive units and (b) the qualities and the tools that might help leaders facilitate a small multinational unit's cohesion. Unit cohesion evolves from mutual loyalty, trust, and compatibility of norms, values, and goals of all unit members. Leadership in multinational units is different than leadership in homogeneous units in many areas. Leaders of multinational units may cultivate unit cohesion if they exhibit interpersonal and emotional intelligence, cultural intelligence, and adaptable leadership style.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Inter-American Defense Board
This study attempts to determine how well the IADB has performed it s mission within the inter-American security system. The investigation relies on historical analysis of the Board's performance over the past four decades, application of alliance politics theory, and interpretation of a questionnaire administered to both military and non-military students from the United States and Latin America. Investigation reveals that the hemispheric security environment and the nature of the threat have changed tremendously during the period since the founding of the oldest international military organization in the Free World. Consequently, the Board has had to adapt, seeking new roles and functions while some of its members question its basic mission of planning for an external threat to the Western Hemisphere. Attempts have been made by the IADB to establish a more formal institutional link with the Organization of American States, but these have so far proven futile due to insurmountable political and bureaucratic hurdles. The board has performed many useful tasks, but usually in obscurity, due in part to contradictory security visions among its member nations and also to political intransigence stemming from distrust of the Latin American military. Looming over the entire inter-American military system is the fact of traditional dominance by the United States. Elements of this Imbalance have begun to dissipate in recent years, but the resulting divisive tendencies have made it more difficult to maintain a sense of solidarity. The study concludes that the IADB should be retained, but revitalized to fit the security needs and the political tenor of the times. Specific recommendations are offered in the final chapter, to include: (1) A closer, more formal relationship between IADB and the OAS, or at least a formal charter for the Board delimiting the complementary roles of the two organizations: (2) establishment of an Inter-American Security Council to replace the impotenThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failure to End the Kivu Conflict
A long conflict has been going on in the Kivu region of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Today, in its later stages, the conflict has become an amalgamation of insurgencies by the former Rwanda Armed Forces (FAR) and genocidal forces under the umbrella of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), fighting to overthrow the Government of Rwanda, a multitude of Congolese militias, insurgents and renegade Congolese soldiers, and bandits fighting for varying causes. Rwanda, on the other side of the border, the country recovering from its horrible past of conflict and genocide, has always been wary of these negative forces a few miles from its Western Province, seeing it as a powder keg waiting to explode and upset the current development strategies taken. All stakeholders seem to be aware that this conflict is a big sore in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, but have failed to end it. This thesis will show that as long as this conflict in North and South Kivu Provinces of the DRC is not resolved, the political, military, security, and economic stability of Rwanda will be at risk. It will also recommend some possible solutions to ending this persistent conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
CSAT Occasional Paper No. 68, Discord or 璽€œHarmonious Society璽€?
With its ancient cultural roots intact, the government of China, regarded by many of its people as having a "mandate of heaven," is leading China into the future at almost blinding speed. Within the time frame covered in this monograph, China will supplant the United States as the greatest economic power on Earth. While its military capabilities are expected to lag slightly behind, by 2030 China will be, for all practical purposes, a peer of the United States in terms of its ability to influence interactions within the nation-state system. That China will be an adversary is not a foregone conclusion. Neither is its friendship. While this study concludes that it is China's intent to seek mutually beneficial relations with the West, internal forces have the potential to drive China toward conflict. Should this occur, the most likely outcome would be a proxy war, where US and Chinese interests could clash.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Search of an Identity
In the twenty-first century military organizations throughout the world are going through an identity crisis in a changing world as the international community is faced with the vagaries of major shifts in the security environment. This environment is characterized with complexities and changes as new security issues and challenges are brought to the fore. In this complex and challenging international security environment, the problem is that the military in the English-speaking Caribbean cannot continue doing business as usual. The military cannot continue to exist without a Caribbean identity, without a Caribbean mandate, without a Caribbean philosophy, and without a Caribbean doctrine. The primary research question is therefore: Can the military in the English-speaking Caribbean develop its own identity and redefine national security from a Caribbean perspective in the twenty-first century? This study examines the historical perspectives that shape the identity of the military, the international security environment that impact on the military, and the Caribbean security environment within which the military operates. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the study analyses the military within each of these criteria.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Forcing Doctrine to Match Reality
Australian military forces across a broad spectrum of military rank and branch are serving a crucial operational requisite for enduring stability in Iraq through the training of Iraqi security forces. There most certainly exist numerous circumstances suited to Special Operations Forces assuming the lead of providing Foreign Military Training; however, to assume sole responsibility only serves to impede the development of the capability in the rest of the Australian Defence Force. Whilst it behooves the Special Operations community to maintain excellence in what has become a traditional role, conventional single services and branches must similarly embrace the role and be prepared to conduct the full spectrum of military operations. A great deal can be learned from historical case studies of foreign military training models. Similarly, contemporary models are equally valuable in establishing 璽€~best practices' for what is a scantily documented and often misinterpreted capability. Australian military forces possess a proud tradition of training foreign militaries both historically and contemporarily. However, they have repeatedly failed to produce timely formal doctrine for subsequent use and professional development. Australia has identified an enduring requirement to provide foreign military training and advisory assistance within its strategic sphere of influence. Conventional and unconventional Australian military forces currently train foreign security forces in a number of countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, East Timor, and the Solomons. The necessity for doctrine has been established, but not developed. Conducting a military attack under high intensity, asymmetric, and complex conditions without the foundation of validated doctrine is both nonsensical to consider and destined for failure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations璽€(TM) Operation in Somalia
This study examines whether the UN Operation in Somalia could have succeeded with a different approach or application. Somalia plunged into catastrophic humanitarian crises amidst brutality by the repressive regime and the civil war that followed its overthrow in January 1991. After a costly lapse of time, the UN undertook a peacekeeping operation in Somalia on 24 April 1992 with the adoption of Security Council Resolution 751. During the next three years of involvement, the UN sought to alleviate human suffering, disarm the factions, and institute a government--areas that would eventually determine success or failure. Given the major turns of events, the UN proved unequal to the task in each stage because of a chain of continuing flaws. However, this study suggests that chances for success were there and a different approach and application were needed. First, an early involvement could have yielded a positive outcome. Second, decisive and pragmatic approach during the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) I promised to be yet another way of being successful. The last possibility of success was linked with ability to capitalize on and continue the improved security and humanitarian situations that was achieved by the Unified Task Force. This particular possibility, as the study recommends, was the most practicable one.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Denuclearization of North Korea
The denuclearization of North Korea, a formalized policy objective of the United States since the signing of the 1994 Agreed Framework, is the singularly most important objective of Washington regarding Pyongyang. The Agreed Framework is an accord that provides North Korea two light-water reactors in exchange for the elimination of its capabilities to produce nuclear weapons. However, many debates have arisen over the soundness of this policy option. The purpose of this thesis is to assess four different policy options for achieving the permanent or long-term denuclearization of North Korea: (1) the Agreed Framework, (2) the Amended Framework Option, (3) the Comprehensive Framework Option, and (4) the Coercive Denuclearization Option. The analysis of the Agreed Framework centers on obstacles that might prohibit its completion. The analysis of the Amended Framework focuses on North Korea's inability to distribute the energy that the LWRs will produce. The Comprehensive Framework analyzes the effects of the United States attaching additional conditions to the Agreed Framework. Lastly the, Coercive Denuclearization Option analyzes whether or not preemptive counterproliferation could force North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program. The conclusion of this thesis suggests that none of the evaluated policy options will lead to the denuclearization of North Korea.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear Attack on U.S. Space-Based Assets
This study examines what changes need to be made in U.S. strategy, policy, and programs in order to prevent a nuclear attack on its space-based assets. The study was inspired by an event, which occurred during the Army After Next Winter Wargame conducted at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, in the winter of 1997. Although this attack took place in a wargame set in the year 2020, the threat is relevant today. As the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues, the possibility of a rogue nation using a nuclear weapon as what has been called the "cheapest form of ASAT" (Anti-satellite Weapon) is a contingency that the political and military leaders of the U.S. cannot dismiss. This study will review the technical aspects of the use of nuclear weapons in space, deterrence, strategy, and policy issues that affect such an attack. Finally, this thesis will identify the gaps in U.S. strategy and policy and demonstrate how these same gaps potentially leave the U.S. vulnerable to this form of attack in the present time frame. It concludes that the nation cannot currently prevent a nuclear attack on its space-based assets, the best it can achieve is to attempt to deter such an attack and limit the effects should deterrence fail. It proposes what is needed to augment the mission of space control under the present circumstances.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Supporting Civil Society in Somalia
The international community intervened repeatedly in Somalia since the central government fell in 1991. These interventions failed to produce a stable, elected government. Instead, over the last 20 years Somalis faced famine, terrorism, sexual violence and lack of basic public services. Somalia's problems stem from lack political unity and rule of corrupt elites who misappropriate foreign aid and national resources. However, even with the pressures of the last two decades, parts of Somali society prospered and show the development of civil society that would serve as counterweights to a predatory government. The international community and the US should provide support around the edges of Somali politics and society. Actively engaging the center through a brokered peace deal or lengthy military occupation invites corruption and mistrust. Aggressive intervention such as establishing an international administration over Somalia would unnecessarily cause friction. It also would delay Somalia's development as a unified, strong country. Numerous Somalis possess the technical ability to run a government. What is missing is accountability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Exploring the Future of Regional Security in the Caribbean
The transnational threats of narco trafficking, arms smuggling, terrorism and organized crime, among others, coupled with a lack of resources have overwhelmed the ability of individual nation states in the Caribbean to adequately ensure their security. These threats pose a threat not only to the Caribbean Basin but to the continental United States as well. As the region seeks to effectively address its security needs in the context of the interconnectedness and interdependence among states, a collective approach to security offers a possible solution for enhancing the security of the region. This thesis examines the historical political attitudes and initiatives towards the security issues of the region, reviews three regional security arrangements to identify best practices, pitfalls, challenges and other relevant issues, and assesses the feasibility, suitability, and acceptability of a Regional Security Partnership (RSP) between the United States and the nations of the Caribbean as an appropriate security model for the region. It concludes that the governments of the Caribbean and the United States have demonstrated sufficient commitment at the operational level to security in the Caribbean Basin, and are poised to take this cooperative approach to the strategic level in the form of a formal regional security arrangement. It proposes a possible decision making structure and process, and discusses the importance of developing and nurturing the relationships within the RSP, as well as the relationships with countries and regions outside of the partnership. The intimately connected existences of the nations of the Caribbean and the United States, and the far reaching impact and consequences of the now matured transnational threats on both the US and the Caribbean, requires an integrated collective approach to maintaining a positive security environment in the Caribbean Basin.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of Kofi Annan's Leadership as the United Nations Secretary General and his Impact on the Implementation and Success of a Sub-Saharan Africa Agenda
There is a general understanding that leadership is the key to the success of any organization. This research examined whether the leadership style of Kofi Annan as the Secretary General of UN had an impact on the successful implementation of the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda. Annan served as the UN Secretary General for two consecutive terms between 1997 and 2006. He joined the UN in 1962 and rose through the ranks before becoming the Secretary General in 1997. The UN is the world body formed in 1945 with the purpose of bringing all nations of the world together in the quest to achieve world peace, security, stability, and economic development, based on the principles of justice, human dignity, and the well-being of all humanity. It strives to promote concerted effort among the member countries to tackle global challenges by balancing their individual national interests and the global interests. Currently, it has 192 members and 47 members are from the Sub-Saharan Africa. The Sub-Saharan Africa remains paralyzed by under-developed, poor governance, poverty, conflicts, hunger, low life expectancy, and illiteracy. Therefore, the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda during Annan's tenure was to alleviate the region from these fore-stated challenges. The study demonstrated that leaders apply diverse leadership styles to suit the prevailing situation. The study applied qualitative research methodology and revealed that Annan possessed a predominantly participative style of leadership as evidenced while implementing the Sub-Saharan Africa agenda.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Safeguarding Canadian Arctic Sovereignty Against Conventional Threats
The effects of climate change as well as national interests over control of vast amounts of natural resources in the Arctic seem to be destabilizing the geostrategic environment involving the circumpolar states. A traditional conflict scenario in the near future is not out of the question, particularly if the legal framework governing the region, the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, is proved inadequate to address the full range of issues in the region and fails to resolve territorial claims. Canada has ongoing disputes in the Arctic region with the United States, Russia, and Denmark, and has recently reaffirmed its commitment to its national sovereignty. Based on an analysis of military capabilities for Arctic operations as well as a qualitative comparison between each of these countries, this study establishes that Canada does not have the necessary military capabilities to deter and counter conventional threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. Consequently, Canada should leverage the other means of national power, specifically its existing multilateral security and defense agreements, to ensure its sovereignty in the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Analysis of the Measures of Effectiveness for the African Crisis Response Initiative
Since the early 1960s, post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa has experienced significant crisis and conflict brought on by environmental disasters and internal ethnic violence. African leaders and the international community have sought resolution to these dilemmas through peacekeeping operations and humanitarian relief efforts. The looming crisis in Burundi in 1996 led the United States to launch the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), a program designed to work in partnership with African countries to enhance their capability to respond to crises. This thesis seeks to determine if the current measures of effectiveness (MOEs) for ACRI satisfy strategic goals for the program. The thesis begins by providing a broad overview of post-colonial African crises leading to the evolution of ACRI. This is followed by a qualitative analysis of available military and government documents and select current literature to determine MOEs based on strategic goals, analyze currently established MOEs, and conduct a comparison between the two based on the satisfaction of the identified strategic goals. The thesis concludes by providing MOE recommendations for possible future iterations of ACRI.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of Threat Perceptions on Security Cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
This paper investigates the impact of national threat perceptions on security cooperation within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The research includes a review of alliance theory and a study of security regimes which have historically influenced cooperation in Southeast Asia, namely the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), the Five Power Defense Arrangement (FPDA), and security initiatives of ASEAN and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Using case studies on the key states of Indonesia, Thailand, and Vietnam, a comparative analysis identified the following common threat perceptions: (1) security of the maritime zones; (2) contributions by external forces to internal instability; (3) regional disputes impinging on the sovereignty of one or more of the ASEAN states; and (4) uncertainty over China's interests in Southeast Asia. As an organization of small states not having a significant security guarantor, ASEAN must consider improvements in cooperative security without antagonizing China. An acceptable option for ASEAN is to pursue new increased military cooperation in response to non-state-sponsored threats, such as piracy or natural disaster. This would enhance ASEAN's capability to defend against less benign state-sponsored threats while maintaining conditions favorable to diplomacy and regional stability in Southeast Asia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Anticipating Failure
"In the absence of significant internal reform, Pakistan faces a host of internal problems and external tensions that make the emergence of a failed, radical Islamist, nuclear-armed state a possible worst case scenario within 10 to 15 years. This potential emergence of a rogue Pakistan threatens several vital US interests. The U.S. relies on a stable, moderate Pakistan as a key partner in US counter-terrorism efforts and is a key player in maintaining stability in the highly volatile region. In addition, a failed Pakistan threatens nuclear non-proliferation efforts, promises a destabilizing regional nuclear arms race, and increases the chances of nuclear weapons or materials falling into the hands of radical Islamists with an expressed desire to both acquire and use WMD. While US policy should aim to prevent this catastrophe, this paper examines how US strategy must also prepare for a rogue Pakistan in the event prevention fails. This paper examines the potency of the Pakistans trend towards failure, the significance of a failed Pakistan to US interests in the region, and assesses US regional policy options in preparing for its failure. This assessment concludes that military options offer little utility in countering this threat except in rare and unlikely circumstances, and that limits to US power will lead to a US strategy of management and containment of a rogue Pakistan aimed at minimizing the effects of its failure. As a result, US regional policy in preparing for a possible failed Pakistani state should focus on five areas: first, increasing nuclear safety and security in the region; second, increasing our diplomatic and economic development efforts and influence in the region to include a strong alliance with India and diplomatic engagement with Iran; third, accelerating stabilization and nation building efforts in Afghanistan; and fourth, synchronizing all of our efforts by expanding our "soft" instrument of power. "This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Response Forces a True First-in Capability or Just a "Toothless Tiger璽€?
At the Prague Summit in 2002, NATO Heads of State announced the creation of the NATO Response Force (NRF), a relative small expeditionary force for spearheading operations in out-of area conflicts to meet the security threats of the 21st century. The NRF is a joint force comprised of air, land, and maritime forces designed to conduct operations across the full spectrum of conflict, including a first-in capability in high-intensity operations against either a conventional or irregular adversary. An ambitious task for a small force, which is not only militarily and logistically supported by 26 different NATO nations, but also requires the political consensus of the NATO Council prior to any activation - a formality which seems easy to reach, but previously NATO involvements has proven otherwise. As such, the NRF's reliability and credibility as a rapidly first-in response force has yet to be proven. Because of the political, military, and logistical constraints, restraints, and limitations of the force each NRF member deploy with, the NRF operational capability and lethality is limited and heavily dependent of U.S. assistance, especially with "high demand/low density" air assets. This paper will describe and analyze the impact of political, military, and logistical limitations on the NRF's task as a first-in force, and conclude whether the NRF is a true first-in capability that can encounter future security threats and challenges or just a "toothless tiger".This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran's Strategic Culture and Weapons of Mass Destruction
The Maxwell Papers, the Air War College's occasional papers series, focus oncurrent and future issues of interest to the Air Force and US Department of Defense.The first Maxwell Papers was published in May of 1996 with the Air UniversityCommander's signature on the foreword. Maxwell Papers are open to all interestedauthors, particularly Air War College faculty and students, but also to other officersand analysts. Maxwell Papers have been distributed to over 400 addresses includingall senior Air Force and US Department of Defense decision makers, ProfessionalMilitary Education (PME) schools, contractors, and other US agencies, and morethan 40 foreign air forces and institutions. This document is a Air War CollegeMaxwell Paper.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
National Strategy, Future Threats and Defense Spending
In the early 1990s, the world has seen unprecedented changes in the global security environment that have drastically altered the balance of power, and the manner in which nations of the world interact. The evolving international security environment has significant implications for the use of United States military forces in support of national strategic objectives. In the last two years, the world has seen the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the death of Communism, the reunification of Germany and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Simply stated, the paradigm has broken. The comfortable, albeit dangerous, post-World War II world that we lived with has become more uncertain and unstable, and potentially more dangerous. This study investigates the national security strategy of the United States by identifying threats to our interests, our military forces and their employment and current defense budget trends. Using this as a baseline, projections are made concerning the future security requirements in the Post-Cold War world. Post-Cold War national interests are discussed, future threats and the military forces necessary to confront these threats are presented, and necessary budget adjustments are developed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Political Interactions and the Arab Sub-System
One of the fundamental causes of war, posit a large number of political scientists, is the lack of communications among nations, as the absence of communications contributes to political polarization. The primary inhibitors to international communications are coalitions of nations, in the form of alliances and regions. Theoretically, for the latter, polarization begins with the development of regions as sub-systems within the international system. It may be assumed that by examining a region's political cohesiveness, or degree of integration, it is possible to determine the impact of the integrative process on international communications (interactions among nations), which is the intent of this thesis. The thesis tests the hypothesis that as regional political integration increases, there is a corresponding decrease in political interactions between the nations of that region and other nations of the world. The method of analysis for integration and interactions is quantitative. The variables used are national, executive level state visits and diplomatic representative exchanges, both as a function of time. The region selected is the Arab World. The thesis concludes that, for the Arab World, there is a direct relationship between political integration and extra-regional political interactions, with increases in the former adversely affecting international political interactions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Air Policing
"There are numerous options to consider in meeting NATO requirements regarding air policing. This paper will address options with respect to political and economical considerations. Additionally, this paper will analyze key factors which could affect the development of air policing capabilities, such as budget restraints, operational requirements, the required air command and control system, and infrastructure."This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Adding Nonlinear Tools to the Strategist璽€(TM)s Toolbox
Since the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton's laws of motion have had tremendous impact on the Western world's mind-sets for understanding nature as predictable and orderly. Consequently, Western strategic culture has been based on a linear paradigm. In linear systems outputs are proportional to the input, and the ration between input and output remains constant. Linear systems also comply with the rule of additivity and can be regarded as deterministic. Most importantly, in linear systems variables are treated independently. Today we know that Newton's laws do not explain how nature behaves. Thus, applications on nonlinear are emerging in many scientific disciplines, but in strategy, we keep committed to the paradigm outlined by Newton. The nonlinear paradigm accepts complexity and uncertainty as natural elements, and the characteristics of nonlinear systems can be described as highly interconnected and the rule of additivity does not apply. Lack of proportionality makes nonlinear systems sensitive to initial conditions and studying the behavior of components in the system cannot derive the collective behavior. Based on new input, nonlinear systems bifurcate into multiple states and changes characteristics as new states are adopted. This thesis seeks to determine if the use of cognitive tools from the nonlinear realm can enhance national security strategies. A set of nonlinear tools is introduced and three strategic dimensions are examined: context, process, and content. Within the three dimensions six variables are studied; world order, political paradigms, decision-making, organizational structure, adaptation, and complexity, and uncertainty. The nonlinear tools are applied by relating to historical vignettes. The thesis concludes that national security strategies can be better understood, planned and executed by applying nonlinear tools. However, the greatest challenge lies in the transition to a new underlying paradigm and adopting a new mindset. Finally, This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Inter-American Defense Board
This study attempts to determine how well the IADB has performed it s mission within the inter-American security system. The investigation relies on historical analysis of the Board's performance over the past four decades, application of alliance politics theory, and interpretation of a questionnaire administered to both military and non-military students from the United States and Latin America. Investigation reveals that the hemispheric security environment and the nature of the threat have changed tremendously during the period since the founding of the oldest international military organization in the Free World. Consequently, the Board has had to adapt, seeking new roles and functions while some of its members question its basic mission of planning for an external threat to the Western Hemisphere. Attempts have been made by the IADB to establish a more formal institutional link with the Organization of American States, but these have so far proven futile due to insurmountable political and bureaucratic hurdles. The board has performed many useful tasks, but usually in obscurity, due in part to contradictory security visions among its member nations and also to political intransigence stemming from distrust of the Latin American military. Looming over the entire inter-American military system is the fact of traditional dominance by the United States. Elements of this Imbalance have begun to dissipate in recent years, but the resulting divisive tendencies have made it more difficult to maintain a sense of solidarity. The study concludes that the IADB should be retained, but revitalized to fit the security needs and the political tenor of the times. Specific recommendations are offered in the final chapter, to include: (1) A closer, more formal relationship between IADB and the OAS, or at least a formal charter for the Board delimiting the complementary roles of the two organizations: (2) establishment of an Inter-American Security Council to replace the impotenThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American and Soviet Security Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa
Using enhancement of global and regional objectives, procurement of military base rights, and benefits to the recipient state an effectiveness criteria, this thesis concludes that the security assistance program of the Soviet Union has been more effective in Sub-Saharan Africa than its American counterpart. After comparing the general character of American and Soviet security assistance efforts throughout the world, this analysis then identifies the global aspirations of each superpower. These findings provide the foundation for applying the effectiveness criteria. The states of Sub-Saharan Africa are then grouped into three regions. The Ensuing region by region examination yields conclusive regional assessments, as well as the overall effectiveness appraisal for American and Soviet security assistance programs in Sub-Saharan Africa noted above.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Future Options for Swedish Security Policy
The situation in Europe and the tendencies affecting its future security environment challenge current Swedish policy of neutrality and nonalignment. This study investigates the official policy, the situation in Europe, and the Baltic Region to deduce factors that are important for Swedish security in 2007-2010. The study evaluates options and focuses on two rarely discussed: collective defense with Finland and regional Baltic collective security. The most favorable option for Sweden is collective security. This study emphasizes the need for a mixed security arrangement, with focus on soft preventive security, linked to the European security process. This provides a framework to influence organizations and nations. Hence, Sweden obtains long term security, along with the greatest possible freedom of action to achieve national interests and to select its role in Europe and the Baltic Region. The study examines the risks, regionalization and the relative strength, of a collective structure. This study explains the concept of neutrality and nonalignment, as well as Sweden's rationale to pursue them. The study suggests the need to change the current policy due to the altered situation in Europe and the subsequent transformation of nonalignment. Collective defense has only marginal advantages compared to the current policy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact to NATO and the United States of the European Union璽€(TM)s Military Rapid-Reaction Force
In 1999 the European Union (EU) established goals of fielding by 2003 a 60,000-troop force, deployable within sixty days and sustainable for up to one year. The force will be used for so-called "Petersberg" tasks, that is, humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking. The goals were spurred by European desires to have a crisis-response force which could act autonomously from NATO if necessary. This thesis explores the potential impact to NATO and the US of the EU's efforts to develop its crisis-reaction force. The research explores the military relationships between the EU force and NATO, EU plans for military modernization, the possible effects of expansion of both organizations, and EU intentions vis a vis NATO. The EU will require NATO assistance for all but the simplest Petersberg missions in the near term, and must continue to improve ties with NATO to that end. Despite the costs the EU rapid-reaction force imposes on NATO in terms of staff man-hours, more complex command and control, and increased training requirements, the net results for the US and NATO should be positive: improved trans-Atlantic relations and continued relevance for NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa
The West African subregion is host to strings of violent armed conflicts. These conflicts result in enormous human tragedy and account for the economic and societal deprivation that continues to plague the subregion while also stifling its development. A number factors account for these violence that afflicts the region, spreading across national boundaries with different political situations. This study examines the role played by small arms and light weapons in not only exacerbating these conflicts but also perpetuating the prevailing climate of insecurity in the West Africa Subregion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
ASEAN's Constructive Engagement Policy Toward Myanmar (Burma)
This research studied the effectiveness of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) policy of "constructive engagement" toward Myanmar (Burma), with the aim of recommending appropriate improvements to this policy. Myanmar is one of the world's longest military-ruled dictatorships and is beset with many internal problems. Its government has been criticized by some countries and non-governmental organizations for human rights abuses and political suppression. There are also allegations of cross border criminal activities, such as human and drug trafficking, coordinated by criminal gangs in that country. Despite its reputation, Myanmar was accepted as an ASEAN member in 1997. Since then, the association is one of the few organizations in the world with diplomatic links to that country. ASEAN's approach of diplomatic engagement, commonly referred to as "constructive engagement" is geopolitically advantageous to ASEAN in many aspects. However, it runs contrary to the current policies of diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions imposed by some Western powers such as the US and the EU. This research has studied the effectiveness of "constructive engagement" from three angles -- an "International" perspective, a "Regional" perspective, and a "Grassroots" perspective. It has found that ASEAN should not only continue "constructive engagement" but that the association should offer even greater assistance to Myanmar. These actions will help improve the quality of life of Myanmar's citizens and strengthen the country, as well as generating regional benefits.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing China璽€(TM)s Hegemonic Ambitions
China's gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate over the past twenty years has been phenomenal and if continued even at a slightly slower pace, could exceed the GDP of the United States (US) by 2020. It is highly conceivable that China might convert the economic power into military and diplomatic power. Given China's domination of Tibet, incursions into the Spratly Islands, run-ins with the US and Japan, and a host of other seemingly assertive behavior, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether continued economic growth will lead to increasing hegemonic tendencies. This thesis employs a China-centric approach--China's history, classical strategic literature, strategic trends, and sources from the People's Republic of China (PRC) government, paramount leaders, and strategic thinkers are analyzed in order to uncover China's grand strategy and other clues that may signal hegemonic ambitions. These findings are then corroborated with an analysis of current day events as a reality check.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India-United States Security Cooperation
With the end of the cold war, India-United States security cooperation underwent a significant positive transformation. This thesis traces the historical context, origins, evolution and the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States to answer the primary question, "Does the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States satisfy each nation's interests in the foreseeable future?" This study draws on historical background, recent security partnerships, and information to analyze security cooperation while explaining obstacles to an enhanced security partnership between apparent "natural allies." The study reveals that there is a wide scope for deepened security cooperation based on mutual interests and that both countries are uniquely suited for enhanced security partnership in the current global security environment. This study concludes that India-United States security cooperation, especially in the areas of defense and counterterrorism, has made major progress from the days of estrangement prior to the Cold War, but that cooperation has not yet reached its full potential. Although present relationships are marginally sustaining the national security objectives of both countries, persistent efforts motivated by a combination of vital overlapping national interests and security objectives should produce bright and mature security collaboration. This study explores areas of potential cooperation and offers suggestions for expanding the scope and dimensions of future security collaborations. This thesis recommends that defense and counterterrorism cooperation must continue within a larger context of bilateral relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Human Security in the Asia-Pacific
Threats to security within the Asia-Pacific region continue to evolve. Traditional and non-traditional threats to state sovereignty and individuals exist across the region. Despite most recent security challenges being transnational, the dominant security policy within the Asia-Pacific region remains state-centric. This policy approach potentially generates instability by undervaluing the importance of individual security. The United Nations (UN) advocates human security as a means of providing freedom from want and freedom from fear for individuals. However, despite the altruistic motives of the UN, neatly separating traditional and human security is unrealistic, as sovereignty remains the foundation of the international system. Therefore, a human security policy approach must include the state-centric means available through instruments of national power. This research investigates whether application of such a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests. The research identifies that Australia's enduring national security objectives and interests are well defined and pursued using a state-centric policy approach. By analyzing case studies addressing threats in Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Southwest Pacific, the research concludes that a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
New Roles of the Dominican Armed Forces in the Dominican Republic National Security Plan
This study investigates the institutional roles and the functions of the Dominican Armed Forces in their National Security Plan of 2005. Using the Klepak Threat Analysis Method this study analyzes the traditional threats to the Dominican Republic Security at the end of the Cold War, and the newly identified threats presented in the new National Security Plan, and how relevant those threats are to the Dominican Armed Forces and to the National Police. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what the new roles of the Dominican Armed Forces should be for the twenty-first century. After those roles are identified this study reviews the legal instruments that authorize those roles, primarily the Constitution, the Armed Force Doctrine and the Statutory Law of the Armed Forces. Finally, with the new roles defined and the necessary changes in the military legal system identified, and after reviewing the literature from knowledgeable sources about the Dominican Republic, this thesis proposes that the Dominican Constitution be amended, in order to separate the mandate of the Armed Forces from that of the National Police and specify the principles that characterize the nature of each body. In addition this study recommends reformulating the doctrine of the Armed Forces in order to update it to the Dominican reality. Furthermore, recommendations are made for the adoption of a more flexible Statutory Law, which allows the military of the Dominican Republic to confront a wide variety of threats such as natural disaster, social conflict situations, illegal migration, and prepare adequately. Lastly, the study recommends that nation stop considering Peace Keeping Operations as potentially damaging, and that the government resist the temptation to use the military in roles that jeopardize the military's burgeoning professionalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Contemporary United States Foreign Policy Towards Indonesia
United States national interests in Indonesia have traditionally being based on strategic security requirements given Indonesia's geographic location between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and strong anti-communist stance during the Cold War. However, the 1990s witnessed a decline in relations between the two countries primarily due to human rights violations committed by the Indonesian military in East Timor. This thesis examines contemporary United States foreign policy towards Indonesia to determine whether this policy promotes United States national interests in this country. It defines what constitutes United States national interests under strategic and security, economic, political, and humanitarian interests, and then analyses contemporary policy against these categories to determine whether they promote the identified interests. The thesis identifies that Indonesia's geographic location and demographic size and composition remain key enduring interests, while the rise of globally linked terrorist organizations has become the preeminent contemporary interest of the United States in this country. The thesis concludes that contemporary United States policy does promote national interests in Indonesia, although, the Leahy Amendment continues to limit the employment of the military instrument of power. This has constrained the Bush administration's ability to develop more elaborate policies to satisfy security interests, and enhance professional development in the Indonesian military.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Instruments of National Power in Respect to the United States Counterdrug Efforts in Colombia
This thesis examines how effectively the United States implements its instruments of national power into the counterdrug efforts currently being conducted in Colombia. Discussion begins with a review of the threat that the illegal narcotics trade presents to the United States, followed by an introduction of the historical relationship between the United States and Colombia, and then presents current trends in United States and Colombian relations. Analysis of the instruments of national power, including diplomatic, information, military, and economic strategies employed by the United States to stem the flow of narcotics as well as assist Colombia, was conducted in order to assess the effectiveness of the strategies within the overall counterdrug policy adopted by the United States. Conclusions and recommendations discuss the strategic importance of Colombia, the continuing threat posed by the narcotics trade, and the modifications and additions that could be made to current policy in order to increase its efficacy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Will the United States Withdrawal From the Republic of Korea Affect Japan's National Security?
This study examines the impact of the United States ground troop withdrawal from the Republic of Korea on Japan's national security. Japan's vital interests, her Self-Defense Force, and the status of the United States-Japan security treaty provide a basis for analyzing her current national security program. The effect of the withdrawal is weighed against America's changing role in Asia and Japan's perception of the threat in East Asia. Based upon the Japanese assessment of these developments, six major options have been examined as choices for Japan as she responds to the changes in this region. In the final analysis, it is anticipated that the United States withdrawal of ground troops in the short-term will not be significant. As long as the United States-Japan security treaty is credible and continues to serve as the cornerstone in this relationship, Japan's national security structure will remain relatively unchanged. In the long-term, however, it is probable that Japan will take precautionary steps to obviate the outbreak of hostilities. In the event of another armed conflict on the Korean peninsula, the most likely option for Japan will be a selective and conventional course of rearmament involving the continuation of her incremental advances and improvements in her current force structure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Regional Military Security Cooperation in North America
This paper is a concept document for North American regional security cooperation. The concept is a comprehensive, whole-government approach to regional security. It centers on actions the United States has and is taking from diplomatic, information, military, and economic perspective. It also examines where the United States is falling short in the employment of all elements of national power in achieving regional security. I frame the problem in the context of globalization and the predicted geo-political landscape of the future based on recent history.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Road to a National Political Strategy for Missile Defense of Europe
One of the best ways to prevent the impact of a weapon of mass destruction is to prevent its delivery. Ballistic missile delivery of a weapon of mass destruction remains one of the most difficult threats to counter. This is partly due to technology and partly due to politics and economics. The ground based anti-ballistic missile system being prepared for installation in Europe is the most promising technology for a durable, reliable counter to a WMD tipped ballistic missile launched at Western Europe. Typically a defensive system has few detractors, but in the case of ballistic missile defense (BMD), there is much more at work than designing and building a weapons system. To implement a ground based anti-ballistic missile system for Europe, the United States has to develop a political strategy that will emphasize the cooperative, NATO, character of the program; the sharing of responsibility for the system; and the merits of basing interceptors permanently in Europe.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is a U.S. Military Presence in Southeast Asia Necessary in the Twenty-First Century?
For many years, the U.S. military presence in Southeast Asia (SEA) has served as an important stabilizing factor in region and has allow countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to sustain high economic growth, and develop social and political stability. With the loss of the Philippine bases in 1992, the only forward deployed U.S. forces in the Asia-Pacific region are located in Japan, the Republic of Korea and Hawaii. At the same time, the U.S. military in SEA is maintained through the use of port facilities and a multitude of bilateral security relations, and military exercises with individual ASEAN states. In the twenty-first century, ASEAN will continue to be confronted by a number of security concerns. This study shows that the significant threats facing the region are an aggressive and assertive China, conflict in the South China Sea, and an unstable Indonesia. In view of these security concerns, the study argues that a U.S. military presence in SEA is still necessary in the twenty-first century. Maintaining such a presence will yield significant benefits to the U.S. and ASEAN. However, the continued presence of the U.S. military in SEA is expected to face greater challenges due to lower military resources and support, as the U.S. finds itself increasingly embroiled in conflicts worldwide. The study proposes three possible options in which a continued U.S. military presence in SEA can be maintained, namely, maintaining the status quo, an increased presence and a surrogate presence. On balance, maintaining a surrogate presence, by empowering a suitable country within ASEAN, presents the best option for the U.S. and ASEAN.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Return of the Golan Heights
This study analyzes the conditions that need to be met in order for Israel to return the Golan Heights to Syria while maintaining its security. Those conditions are: Israel and Syria must overcome history and politics; Israel must get asymmetrical disarmament zones; Syria and Israel must each have early warning stations; Israel must have a phased withdrawal from the Golan Heights; Syria must not interrupt water flow from the Golan Heights rivers; President Asad of Syria must instill peace in southern Lebanon; and Syria and Israel must reinitiate talks. The study explains those conditions and their impact on the negotiations over the Golan Heights which is the focal point for peace between Israel and Syria. The study also outlines a solution for peace between Israel and Syria, taking into account the conditions. The overall conclusion is that if the conditions are not met, then peace is not possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
