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Supporting Civil Society in Somalia
The international community intervened repeatedly in Somalia since the central government fell in 1991. These interventions failed to produce a stable, elected government. Instead, over the last 20 years Somalis faced famine, terrorism, sexual violence and lack of basic public services. Somalia's problems stem from lack political unity and rule of corrupt elites who misappropriate foreign aid and national resources. However, even with the pressures of the last two decades, parts of Somali society prospered and show the development of civil society that would serve as counterweights to a predatory government. The international community and the US should provide support around the edges of Somali politics and society. Actively engaging the center through a brokered peace deal or lengthy military occupation invites corruption and mistrust. Aggressive intervention such as establishing an international administration over Somalia would unnecessarily cause friction. It also would delay Somalia's development as a unified, strong country. Numerous Somalis possess the technical ability to run a government. What is missing is accountability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Exploring the Future of Regional Security in the Caribbean
The transnational threats of narco trafficking, arms smuggling, terrorism and organized crime, among others, coupled with a lack of resources have overwhelmed the ability of individual nation states in the Caribbean to adequately ensure their security. These threats pose a threat not only to the Caribbean Basin but to the continental United States as well. As the region seeks to effectively address its security needs in the context of the interconnectedness and interdependence among states, a collective approach to security offers a possible solution for enhancing the security of the region. This thesis examines the historical political attitudes and initiatives towards the security issues of the region, reviews three regional security arrangements to identify best practices, pitfalls, challenges and other relevant issues, and assesses the feasibility, suitability, and acceptability of a Regional Security Partnership (RSP) between the United States and the nations of the Caribbean as an appropriate security model for the region. It concludes that the governments of the Caribbean and the United States have demonstrated sufficient commitment at the operational level to security in the Caribbean Basin, and are poised to take this cooperative approach to the strategic level in the form of a formal regional security arrangement. It proposes a possible decision making structure and process, and discusses the importance of developing and nurturing the relationships within the RSP, as well as the relationships with countries and regions outside of the partnership. The intimately connected existences of the nations of the Caribbean and the United States, and the far reaching impact and consequences of the now matured transnational threats on both the US and the Caribbean, requires an integrated collective approach to maintaining a positive security environment in the Caribbean Basin.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Formal Sino-Singapore Defense Relation
South East Asia (SEA) is a highly diversified region, culturally, ethnically, and religiously. Currently, territorial disputes and domestic instability make SEA a rather volatile region, masked by a seemingly benign facade. Singapore, an island state, not endowed with any natural resources, actively engages regional as well as international nation states to maintain a balanced of power in the region to ensure its continued economic survival and sovereignty. Amid the changing geopolitical climate of SEA and China's rising influence in the region, this thesis investigates the feasibility, acceptability, and suitability (FAS) for Singapore to establish a formal defense relationship with China. The thesis differentiates the characteristics of the various forms of defense relations; formal and informal, to provide the basis for the cost and benefit analysis and the also the FAS test. The thesis also addresses Singapore's bilateral relations with key nation states and how these will be affected by a Sino-Singapore defense alliance. The results from the analysis showed that a proposition of such nature is highly time-dependent and also geopolitically dependent. The conclusion highlights the realization of the alliance will have to be built on continued security cooperation and greater integration in the military security arenas between the two nations, capitalizing on the continued presence of Singapore's Senior Minister, touted as the cornerstone for such an alliance to be initiated.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
India-United States Security Cooperation
With the end of the cold war, India-United States security cooperation underwent a significant positive transformation. This thesis traces the historical context, origins, evolution and the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States to answer the primary question, "Does the current level of security cooperation between India and the United States satisfy each nation's interests in the foreseeable future?" This study draws on historical background, recent security partnerships, and information to analyze security cooperation while explaining obstacles to an enhanced security partnership between apparent "natural allies." The study reveals that there is a wide scope for deepened security cooperation based on mutual interests and that both countries are uniquely suited for enhanced security partnership in the current global security environment. This study concludes that India-United States security cooperation, especially in the areas of defense and counterterrorism, has made major progress from the days of estrangement prior to the Cold War, but that cooperation has not yet reached its full potential. Although present relationships are marginally sustaining the national security objectives of both countries, persistent efforts motivated by a combination of vital overlapping national interests and security objectives should produce bright and mature security collaboration. This study explores areas of potential cooperation and offers suggestions for expanding the scope and dimensions of future security collaborations. This thesis recommends that defense and counterterrorism cooperation must continue within a larger context of bilateral relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dynamics of Interagency Cooperation Process at Provincial Reconstruction Team in Operations ISAF and Enduring Freedom
The interagency cooperation process at provincial reconstruction team level in Afghanistan is assessed and analysed through Literature review and oral history interviews. The aim is to examine deficiencies and find possible solutions in order to improve the effectiveness of the PRT. In the conclusions the author delineates areas of concerns at the three different levels of war, provides possible solutions to the issues raised by literature and during individual interviews. In the recommendations the author delineates possible future areas of further investigation, specifically a deeper and broader presence of PRTs in the afghan territory in order to be more in contact with the needs of the local populace.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Apples and Oranges
Changes in the operating environment have resulted in a fundamental change to the shape and nature of peace operations (PO). The result is that PO have become closer in nature to intervention operations, with a focus on peace enforcement operations, rather than the traditional peacekeeping operations upon which most nations developed their PO doctrine. This has resulted in changes to PO doctrine by Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Given that doctrine establishes the conceptual framework for how militaries conduct operations; a common doctrine is desired to ensure interoperability among allies and coalition members. Conversely, differences in doctrine can result in differing attitudes, approaches, and foci when the doctrine is operationalized for a particular mission. Thus, the intent of this paper is to determine if and where Canadian, American, and British operational-level PO doctrines diverge and converge.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Romania as a NATO Member
This thesis is about contemporary Romania and its adherence to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The object of research and analysis is to determine the extent to which Romania, as a NATO member, constitutes a reliable military ally for the United States (US) in Afghanistan. The treatment includes an examination of the origins, nature, and parameters of Romania's post-Cold War commitment to Euro-Atlantic security arrangements, especially after the advent of the "long war" against terrorism. Special attention is devoted to the varying impact of structures, sentiments, threats, interests, and allegiances on processes and outcomes. After discussing the concept of "reliability" in alliance and bilateral perspective, the thesis examines the application of this concept in the evolving security relationship between Romania and the US within the larger NATO context. The thesis concludes that a number of factors underpin reliability, ranging from altruism through shared threat perceptions to a community of geo-political interests. In politico-military perspective, it is these factors that account for Romania's persistence as a reliable ally for the US in Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Processes and Approaches That Africa Should Adopt for a More Responsive and Effective Management and Resolution of Conflicts on the Continent
This thesis examines the processes and approaches that Africa (regional and sub regional bodies alike) should adopt to be able to manage conflict situations before they get blown out, or resolve them when they have escalated. The time when African countries and organizations remained dormant and awaited the United Nations and super power nations to intervene to solve her problems is over, and Africa will have to take the initiative in this direction. This realization compelled the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to set up a mechanism for conflict resolution within its organizational structure. In view of this initiative by the OAU, this study looked at two separate conflict situations in Africa that the regional organization (OAU) and a sub regional organization (ECOWAS) put in efforts to resolve the conflicts. These situations were in Chad and Liberia. The study examines the two situations to identify the causes of the conflicts and areas where these organizations were found wanting in their peacemaking and peacekeeping efforts in line with the basic tenets of mediation, negotiations, and peace support operations. The study goes further to suggest ways that Africa could prepare to tackle such situations in future more responsively without losing credibility, either in the eyes of the adversaries or the international community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Safeguarding Canadian Arctic Sovereignty Against Conventional Threats
The effects of climate change as well as national interests over control of vast amounts of natural resources in the Arctic seem to be destabilizing the geostrategic environment involving the circumpolar states. A traditional conflict scenario in the near future is not out of the question, particularly if the legal framework governing the region, the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, is proved inadequate to address the full range of issues in the region and fails to resolve territorial claims. Canada has ongoing disputes in the Arctic region with the United States, Russia, and Denmark, and has recently reaffirmed its commitment to its national sovereignty. Based on an analysis of military capabilities for Arctic operations as well as a qualitative comparison between each of these countries, this study establishes that Canada does not have the necessary military capabilities to deter and counter conventional threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. Consequently, Canada should leverage the other means of national power, specifically its existing multilateral security and defense agreements, to ensure its sovereignty in the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military-to-Military Contacts With the People's Liberation Army
The growth and importance of the People's Republic of China (PRC) necessitates that the United States foster a relationship that ensures a stable, prosperous, and peaceful Asia-Pacific region. Given the status and role that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) takes in the PRC, military-to-military contact between the United States Armed Forces and the PLA is vital. Mirroring the political tides between the two countries--from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979 to the halting of military-to-military contacts after the Belgrade Embassy bombing in 1999 and EP-3 incident in April 2001-- military-to-military contact is slowly growing again. The purpose and intent of the contacts are to foster access and understanding. Weak reciprocity and inadequate transparency by the PLA are issues that hamper relations. Information about the efficacy of military-to-military contact with the PLA is difficult to gather, thus this analysis draws on analogous experiences from previous contact programs with the Soviet Union and Indonesia to argue that the contact programs can foster behavior supporting U.S. interests. The thesis concludes with recommendations to improve the contact programs between the U.S. Armed Forces and the PLA.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing China璽€(TM)s Hegemonic Ambitions
China's gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate over the past twenty years has been phenomenal and if continued even at a slightly slower pace, could exceed the GDP of the United States (US) by 2020. It is highly conceivable that China might convert the economic power into military and diplomatic power. Given China's domination of Tibet, incursions into the Spratly Islands, run-ins with the US and Japan, and a host of other seemingly assertive behavior, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether continued economic growth will lead to increasing hegemonic tendencies. This thesis employs a China-centric approach--China's history, classical strategic literature, strategic trends, and sources from the People's Republic of China (PRC) government, paramount leaders, and strategic thinkers are analyzed in order to uncover China's grand strategy and other clues that may signal hegemonic ambitions. These findings are then corroborated with an analysis of current day events as a reality check.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Anticipating Failure
"In the absence of significant internal reform, Pakistan faces a host of internal problems and external tensions that make the emergence of a failed, radical Islamist, nuclear-armed state a possible worst case scenario within 10 to 15 years. This potential emergence of a rogue Pakistan threatens several vital US interests. The U.S. relies on a stable, moderate Pakistan as a key partner in US counter-terrorism efforts and is a key player in maintaining stability in the highly volatile region. In addition, a failed Pakistan threatens nuclear non-proliferation efforts, promises a destabilizing regional nuclear arms race, and increases the chances of nuclear weapons or materials falling into the hands of radical Islamists with an expressed desire to both acquire and use WMD. While US policy should aim to prevent this catastrophe, this paper examines how US strategy must also prepare for a rogue Pakistan in the event prevention fails. This paper examines the potency of the Pakistans trend towards failure, the significance of a failed Pakistan to US interests in the region, and assesses US regional policy options in preparing for its failure. This assessment concludes that military options offer little utility in countering this threat except in rare and unlikely circumstances, and that limits to US power will lead to a US strategy of management and containment of a rogue Pakistan aimed at minimizing the effects of its failure. As a result, US regional policy in preparing for a possible failed Pakistani state should focus on five areas: first, increasing nuclear safety and security in the region; second, increasing our diplomatic and economic development efforts and influence in the region to include a strong alliance with India and diplomatic engagement with Iran; third, accelerating stabilization and nation building efforts in Afghanistan; and fourth, synchronizing all of our efforts by expanding our "soft" instrument of power. "This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cyber Warfare
Security concerns over the growing capability of Cyber Warfare are in the forefront of national policy and security discussions. In order to enable a realistic discussion of the topic this thesis seeks to analyze demonstrated Cyber Warfare capability and its ability to achieve strategic political objectives. This study examines Cyber Warfare conducted against Estonia in 2007, Georgia in 2008, and Israel in 2008. In all three cases Cyber Warfare did not achieve strategic political objectives on its own. Cyber Warfare employed in the three cases consisted mainly of Denial of Service attacks and website defacement. These attacks were a significant inconvenience to the affected nations, but the attacks were not of sufficient scope, sophistication, or duration to force a concession from the targeted nation. Cyber Warfare offensive capability does not outmatch defensive capability to the extent that would allow the achievement of a strategic political objective through Cyber Warfare alone. The possibility of strategic level Cyber Warfare remains great, but the capability has not been demonstrated at this time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China in International Institutions
Since China first opened its economy in 1978, it has slowly begun playing a larger role in international institutions. As a country that participates actively in multilateral organizations, Singapore is keenly affected by developments in such institutions. International organizations represent an important avenue that small countries like Singapore can use to pursue national objectives and mitigate inherent geopolitical limitations. By comparing China's recent actions at multilateral institutions against Singapore's diplomatic and economic objectives, this thesis finds that China's increased participation and influence in these institutions present near-term opportunities for Singapore. China's willingness to participate in global activities such as peacekeeping and binding treaties are aligned with Singapore's objective of strengthening rules-based institutions among nations to promote stability. Furthermore, China's increased involvement has corresponded with greater trade and investment volumes for Singapore. Nonetheless, there are underlying challenges for Singapore. China's participation in international institutions does not represent a policy that prioritizes institutional solutions when its national interests are challenged. China remains open to flexing its diplomatic and economic muscles to protect its interests. Furthermore, as China's economic prowess increases, its ability to shape international institutions will likely grow. Therefore, Singapore will need to adapt as China plays a larger role in international affairs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Forcing Doctrine to Match Reality
Australian military forces across a broad spectrum of military rank and branch are serving a crucial operational requisite for enduring stability in Iraq through the training of Iraqi security forces. There most certainly exist numerous circumstances suited to Special Operations Forces assuming the lead of providing Foreign Military Training; however, to assume sole responsibility only serves to impede the development of the capability in the rest of the Australian Defence Force. Whilst it behooves the Special Operations community to maintain excellence in what has become a traditional role, conventional single services and branches must similarly embrace the role and be prepared to conduct the full spectrum of military operations. A great deal can be learned from historical case studies of foreign military training models. Similarly, contemporary models are equally valuable in establishing 璽€~best practices' for what is a scantily documented and often misinterpreted capability. Australian military forces possess a proud tradition of training foreign militaries both historically and contemporarily. However, they have repeatedly failed to produce timely formal doctrine for subsequent use and professional development. Australia has identified an enduring requirement to provide foreign military training and advisory assistance within its strategic sphere of influence. Conventional and unconventional Australian military forces currently train foreign security forces in a number of countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, East Timor, and the Solomons. The necessity for doctrine has been established, but not developed. Conducting a military attack under high intensity, asymmetric, and complex conditions without the foundation of validated doctrine is both nonsensical to consider and destined for failure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
NATO Enlargement
This study examines NATO enlargement and its potential effects on the Republic of Italy. Initial emphasis falls on context, with stress on Southern Region security issues and NATO enlargement in general. The analysis extends to the likely impact NATO expansion on Italy's foreign policy, its military, the domestic-political situation, and the Italian economy. The conclusion is that NATO enlargement will affect Italy's foreign policy more than the other areas analyzed. The Italian military will make some contributions to new NATO missions resulting from expansion, mostly in the way of logistical support, but with some Immediate and Rapid Reaction forces. Enlargement has the potential to influence the domestic-political situation as an issue which unites or divides political coalitions in Italy's government. NATO enlargement should have minimal impact on Italy's economy. This study shows that the NATO enlargement initiative is complex and holds no easy answers. Much thought and study should precede the expansion of the Alliance. In the event that NATO enlargement actually occurs, the Republic of Italy will be affected, although the exact degree and nature of the impact remain to be determined.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Power Projection
This study concludes airpower will play an increasingly dominant role in future US contingency responses. Power projection is defined as the finite application of military power by national command authority to achieve discrete political ends outside the borders of the United States, its territories, and possessions. Power projection contingencies are characterized as wars and operations short of war, but not conflicts that are global or total in nature. Future contingencies that demand a US response may occur without warning, be time sensitive, and require short duration deployments. US forces may not have immediate access to or a previously established presence in potential theaters of operation. Due to the changing nature of the international environment and domestic priorities, the President defined a new National Security Strategy that emphasizes projecting military forces in response to regional conflicts. The military services are currently modifying their doctrine and force structures to reflect the shift towards power projection. The services agree power projection forces must be lethal, flexible, deployable, mobile, and capable of surviving an increasingly hostile threat environment. Comparing force characteristics reveals airpower has greater flexibility, deployability, mobility, and is better able to survive future threat environments than surface forces. New domestic imperatives have also forced the services to engage in a healthy competition to preserve their share of a shrinking defense budget. In terms of efficiency, apportioning resources according to an arcane formula that does not reflect force capabilities or the future utility of primary service functions is illogical. Building a strong power projection capability requires a thorough evaluation of the relative efficacy of air, land, and sea power to perform the power projection mission. This evaluation concludes airpower has a great potential to achieve national security objectives decisively iThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Changing Dynamics of Military Advantage in the Information Age
The information revolution causes dramatic changes in the geopolitical environment, which result in new challenges to U.S. national security, particularly from a new form of global insurgency. The continued development and proliferation of information technology impacts the very nature of conflict and military competitive advantage. Can the U.S. expect to maintain its current unprecedented degree of military advantage in the information-age? This thesis examines this question using a qualitative research methodology. The research analyzes the impact of information technology on the geopolitical system, the nature of conflict, and the realm of military competition. Within this context, the research examines the changing nature of military advantage. Three elements of advantage are analyzed to determine qualitative changes that result from the changing conditions of the information-age. The elements are power, legitimacy, and effects. The research also includes a comparative analysis that seeks to determine how these changing conditions affect the ability of both the U.S. military and global insurgents to gain advantage. The research concludes that U.S. military advantage will decline relative to a global insurgency. As a result, the U.S. will face significant challenges in its effort to achieve lasting success in the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Search of an Identity
In the twenty-first century military organizations throughout the world are going through an identity crisis in a changing world as the international community is faced with the vagaries of major shifts in the security environment. This environment is characterized with complexities and changes as new security issues and challenges are brought to the fore. In this complex and challenging international security environment, the problem is that the military in the English-speaking Caribbean cannot continue doing business as usual. The military cannot continue to exist without a Caribbean identity, without a Caribbean mandate, without a Caribbean philosophy, and without a Caribbean doctrine. The primary research question is therefore: Can the military in the English-speaking Caribbean develop its own identity and redefine national security from a Caribbean perspective in the twenty-first century? This study examines the historical perspectives that shape the identity of the military, the international security environment that impact on the military, and the Caribbean security environment within which the military operates. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the study analyses the military within each of these criteria.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
African Peace and Security Architecture
In recent years, global players such as the United States, the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have noted Africa's growing strategic importance to their respective interests. Among those interests is the increasing importance of Africa's natural resources particularly oil, agricultural raw materials, and mineral resources, but also growing concerns over other peace and security threats such as conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crimes, cyber threats, or piracy. African Union (AU) Member States are developing an African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to address all these types of threats. This study is a descriptive study in the realm of strategy, focused on creating a holistic and meaningful picture about the mechanisms and purpose of the APSA. The overall intent of this study is to analyze the mechanisms developed, or in a developing stage, by the AU and regional organizations to address peace and security issues in the Africa, with the ultimate goal of contributing to a better understanding of African security context at the strategic level. By using the strategic model of Ends-Ways-Means, this study concluded that the APSA is a viable security strategy to deal with the principal threats in Africa. However, there are still important shortcomings and its effectiveness is dependent upon three critical ingredients: political will of AU Member States, developments at the regional level, and by addressing the external threats much more consistently, covering the security dimension of the APSA in the same extent of its peace dimension.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Analysis of the Measures of Effectiveness for the African Crisis Response Initiative
Since the early 1960s, post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa has experienced significant crisis and conflict brought on by environmental disasters and internal ethnic violence. African leaders and the international community have sought resolution to these dilemmas through peacekeeping operations and humanitarian relief efforts. The looming crisis in Burundi in 1996 led the United States to launch the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI), a program designed to work in partnership with African countries to enhance their capability to respond to crises. This thesis seeks to determine if the current measures of effectiveness (MOEs) for ACRI satisfy strategic goals for the program. The thesis begins by providing a broad overview of post-colonial African crises leading to the evolution of ACRI. This is followed by a qualitative analysis of available military and government documents and select current literature to determine MOEs based on strategic goals, analyze currently established MOEs, and conduct a comparison between the two based on the satisfaction of the identified strategic goals. The thesis concludes by providing MOE recommendations for possible future iterations of ACRI.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States of America and the People璽€(TM)s Republic of China in Africa
Africa has recently become strategically important to the US and China, mainly for economic reasons. The US and China, the leading consumers of oil in the world, have devised strategies to secure and expand their interests, especially the quest for resources in Africa. This involves the employment of the DIME instruments of national power to achieve their objectives. The strategies being adopted by both countries in pursuing their interests in Africa differ in principle and implementation. Many conflicts in Africa have been linked to the ways through which the US and the USSR pursued their policies in Africa during the Cold War. This research seeks to point out the likelihood of the Cold War mechanics being replicated with the increased presence of the US and China in Africa. It examines the possibility of instability increasing from the ways through which China and the US are pursuing their policies in Africa, using Nigeria and Sudan as case studies. The research concludes that although the Cold War model cannot be applied to this new competition, there are similarities that cause concern. The research outlines some recommendations to be adopted to prevent intrastate conflicts or at least to minimize their effects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Return of the Golan Heights
This study analyzes the conditions that need to be met in order for Israel to return the Golan Heights to Syria while maintaining its security. Those conditions are: Israel and Syria must overcome history and politics; Israel must get asymmetrical disarmament zones; Syria and Israel must each have early warning stations; Israel must have a phased withdrawal from the Golan Heights; Syria must not interrupt water flow from the Golan Heights rivers; President Asad of Syria must instill peace in southern Lebanon; and Syria and Israel must reinitiate talks. The study explains those conditions and their impact on the negotiations over the Golan Heights which is the focal point for peace between Israel and Syria. The study also outlines a solution for peace between Israel and Syria, taking into account the conditions. The overall conclusion is that if the conditions are not met, then peace is not possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear South Asia
This study investigates the military stability of South Asia, after overt display of nuclear explosions by Pakistan and India in May 1998. The two countries have been loggerhead on Kashmir dispute since their inception in 1948. Both have fought three major wars and are in the process of fighting a limited war in the Himalayan Mountains for the last seventeen years. The specific emphasis was on the analyses of the genesis of problem and the roots of mistrust between the two countries. The present day military scenario and relationship of both countries have been discussed with special emphasis on the military government in Pakistan and hard-line religious government in India. The recent Kargil crisis in 1999, soon after nuclearization of both countries was also discussed during the course of study. The study explained the problem areas, arms race and nuclear thresholds of two countries. It also briefly touched upon the reasons for nonadherence of nonproliferation treaties in vogue by the two countries. The study also includes the overall geopolitical environments of South Asia including the China factor in the region. The study advocates that the world, in general, and South Asia, in particular, will remain under the clouds of nuclear holocaust due to Pakistan and India, unless Kashmir problem is amicably solved. In this regard the importance of intervention by world powers especially United States is extremely important. Both Pakistan and India have failed to resolve their core issue of Kashmir by bilateral talks so far; thus, third party intervention is extremely essential. If world powers fail to do so, it is a matter of time only when both countries will once again indulge in another full-scale war, which may have a potential to turn into a nuclear war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Search of an Identity
In the twenty-first century military organizations throughout the world are going through an identity crisis in a changing world as the international community is faced with the vagaries of major shifts in the security environment. This environment is characterized with complexities and changes as new security issues and challenges are brought to the fore. In this complex and challenging international security environment, the problem is that the military in the English-speaking Caribbean cannot continue doing business as usual. The military cannot continue to exist without a Caribbean identity, without a Caribbean mandate, without a Caribbean philosophy, and without a Caribbean doctrine. The primary research question is therefore: Can the military in the English-speaking Caribbean develop its own identity and redefine national security from a Caribbean perspective in the twenty-first century? This study examines the historical perspectives that shape the identity of the military, the international security environment that impact on the military, and the Caribbean security environment within which the military operates. Using a multidisciplinary approach, the study analyses the military within each of these criteria.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Safeguarding Canadian Arctic Sovereignty Against Conventional Threats
The effects of climate change as well as national interests over control of vast amounts of natural resources in the Arctic seem to be destabilizing the geostrategic environment involving the circumpolar states. A traditional conflict scenario in the near future is not out of the question, particularly if the legal framework governing the region, the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty, is proved inadequate to address the full range of issues in the region and fails to resolve territorial claims. Canada has ongoing disputes in the Arctic region with the United States, Russia, and Denmark, and has recently reaffirmed its commitment to its national sovereignty. Based on an analysis of military capabilities for Arctic operations as well as a qualitative comparison between each of these countries, this study establishes that Canada does not have the necessary military capabilities to deter and counter conventional threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. Consequently, Canada should leverage the other means of national power, specifically its existing multilateral security and defense agreements, to ensure its sovereignty in the Arctic.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Peacekeeping on the Golan Heights in the Event of an Israeli-Syrian Peace Accord
In 1996 Syria and Israel came close to ratifying a peace accord. Currently, however, negotiations are stalled, but a change of government in Israel could provide the impetus for them to recommence. A peacekeeping force is most likely to be deployed as part of the security arrangements of a peace accord. The objective of this study is to determine what type of peacekeeping force would be applicable for deployment on the Golan Heights. Two ongoing Middle East peacekeeping missions, the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) and the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) are evaluated to determine their suitability as models upon which to structure a peacekeeping force for deployment on the Golan Heights. The purpose of this thesis is to detail the perspectives of the Israelis and the Syrians in formulating a peace accord and rationalize those perspectives to determine the mission and structure of the peacekeeping force. The study concludes that a hybrid of the MFO and UNDOF models should be utilized to structure a Golan Heights peacekeeping force with a monitoring mission. The political organization of the MFO should be adopted and the military force would be a unique structure using the better aspects of both the MFO and UNDOF.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asymmetric Threats to U.S. National Security to the Year 2010
Asymmetric threats counter an adversary's strengths by focusing on its weaknesses. In the post-Cold War world asymmetric threats to U.S. national security are far more likely than they were just a decade ago. This paper considers asymmetric threats from the perspective of ends, ways, and means. It examines American and "enemy" ends, as well as several means of projecting force asymmetrically, and also suggests that symmetrical means of applying force can be asymmetric threats if they are used in certain ways. The paper concludes that perhaps the most serious threat to U.S. national security for the next ten years is the organizational culture of the Department of Defense and of its component services that leads them to prepare almost exclusively for symmetrical threats. The nation must maintain its ability to deter symmetric threats to U.S. national security, but that capability will be insufficient to protect against all of the threats that the nation is likely to face in the near future. While continuing to prepare to fight the wars the U.S. expects to fight, it must also begin devoting more resources to preparing to be hit where it does not expect to be.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Military Strategy of Bangladesh to Counter Terrorism in Near Future
Bangladesh is a developing country of South Asia which earned its independence from Pakistan in 1971. With a majority Muslim populace, it enjoys a reputation as a moderate Muslim country where its people are traditionally more Bengali than Muslim. Since independence, Bangladesh has faced criminal and terrorist acts by leftist cadres, separatist armed cadres and ethnic insurgents, transnational terrorists, and political cadres. However, religious fanaticism has also terrorized Bangladesh recently in the decade. Bangladesh has taken various reactionary measures to counterterrorism. Political initiatives to resolve insurgency and reactive actions to counter radical terrorism have temporarily subsided those problems. However, the core reasons behind these problems still exit and terrorism, in different forms, is likely to resurface anytime. This possibility of escalation reiterates the necessity for adopting a proactive, aggressive counterterrorism strategy for Bangladesh. It should develop this strategy to use all instruments of power. Military and security forces should be utilized in accordance with a military strategy to enable and complement the overall strategy to be effective. The military strategy of Bangladesh needs to prepare its military and security forces in both short and long-term considerations to enable them for disrupting, degrading, and finally uprooting terrorism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact of Globalization on African Conflicts
There is no region of this world that not experienced wars, but while many parts of the world have moved towards greater political and economic stability and co-operation, sub-Saharan Africa remains a cauldron of instability and economic deprivation. Globalization, which in simple terms means a worldwide network of interdependence, is a phenomenon, which emerged at the end of the Cold War and the advent of the information revolution. While economic interdependence and liberalization has been acclaimed as the only hope for prosperity for the world, it has also been blamed as source of conflict in many parts of the world. This thesis examines the nexus between globalization and contemporary African conflicts with case studies of conflict scenarios in four African countries namely, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and Guinea to ascertain the extent to which globalization played a role in sustaining these conflicts. The conclusion of this dissertation is that contemporary African conflicts have both national and international underpinnings, and include political, social and economic parameters. On the socio-political side, the conflicts are directly related to the circumstances surrounding the acquisition of independence, the multiethnic composition of the states, and the more often cited causes generally subsumed under the generic label governance. It also shows that the increased liberalization and expansion of international trade, which occurred in the aftermath of the Cold War, has exacerbated the level and intensity of the conflicts in three of the countries analyzed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Does India's Energy Security Affect her National Security?
India faces formidable challenges in meeting its energy needs and providing adequate and varied energy of desired quality to users in a sustainable manner and at reasonable costs. With a population in excess of one billion, India needs economic growth for human development, which in turn requires access to clean, convenient and reliable energy for all. The keys to energy security are assurance of supply and diversity of sources. As India seeks to secure her energy security needs, it is probable that she will seek to explore new options. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have led to spiraling oil prices which have adversely affected the Indian economy. The major impediments to India's ability to secure her energy are inadequate domestic energy capacity, the conflicting interests with China and India's geographic location. The Indian government has followed a policy of resource diversification. Overland trans-national energy pipelines are one of the options being explored by India to meet her energy security requirements. Overland trans-national energy pipelines by their very nature incorporate multiple nations (source nations, transit nations and destination nations) and are affected by regional and geo-strategic interests of the nations involved. Thus, they provide an excellent platform for analysis of India's energy and geo-strategic interests and its security. Based on this premise the study shall limit itself to assessing the feasibility of overland trans-national energy pipelines and determining the effects of such pipelines on India's energy security and its national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Instruments of National Power in Respect to the United States Counterdrug Efforts in Colombia
This thesis examines how effectively the United States implements its instruments of national power into the counterdrug efforts currently being conducted in Colombia. Discussion begins with a review of the threat that the illegal narcotics trade presents to the United States, followed by an introduction of the historical relationship between the United States and Colombia, and then presents current trends in United States and Colombian relations. Analysis of the instruments of national power, including diplomatic, information, military, and economic strategies employed by the United States to stem the flow of narcotics as well as assist Colombia, was conducted in order to assess the effectiveness of the strategies within the overall counterdrug policy adopted by the United States. Conclusions and recommendations discuss the strategic importance of Colombia, the continuing threat posed by the narcotics trade, and the modifications and additions that could be made to current policy in order to increase its efficacy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance and Optimal Structure of the Military in Jamaica in the Current and Emerging Geo-Security Environment
In most democratic countries that are not engaged in conflict one can expect debates regarding the amount of the gross domestic product (GDP) that is spent on national security. The issue is even more significant in small states with limited resources. The Jamaican military is occasionally the subject of such debates. The arguments raised against expenditure on an active military force, as opposed to the police force, include the view that there is no apparent conventional external threat, while the internal police-type tasks are increasing. This study considers current and emerging threats to determine what capabilities are required to face them. Case studies of Costa Rica, Iceland, Singapore and the Eastern Caribbean States, are used to determine some of the options available for small-state security linked to the issue of sovereignty. Interviews of both military and nonmilitary experts on national security issues provide additional data for comparison and contrast. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for retaining the military's distinct character, with a reduced regular/active force structure, though not necessarily less personnel, and a significantly larger reserve component. The main theme is that Jamaica cannot afford to be complacent because the nature of security threats globally is evolving.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa
The West African subregion is host to strings of violent armed conflicts. These conflicts result in enormous human tragedy and account for the economic and societal deprivation that continues to plague the subregion while also stifling its development. A number factors account for these violence that afflicts the region, spreading across national boundaries with different political situations. This study examines the role played by small arms and light weapons in not only exacerbating these conflicts but also perpetuating the prevailing climate of insecurity in the West Africa Subregion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterrence by Denial
The United States has significantly increased the deployment of missile defense systems, specifically Patriot and Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (Aegis-BMD), to the Persian Gulf over the past six years. The increase from no missile defense assets in 2005 to two Patriot battalions spread across four Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries was specifically intended for Iran. According to published Department of Defense reviews and statements from United States (U.S.) officials, the increase in forward presence is intended to deter an Iranian regional missile attack and to assure GCC partners of the U.S. resolve in the region. The purpose of this study is to assess whether or not the presence of the U.S. missile defense assets actually contributes deterrent effects against the will of Iranian leaders, to execute a necessary regional missile attack. The author investigates the credibility of the Iranian threat in terms of capability and will. He also assesses the effectiveness of U.S. missile defense assets in the region by investigating the relationship between intent of the deployment, forces allocated for this intent, and the offensive/defensive balance with the Iranian threat. Ultimately, this paper finds that U.S. missile defense assets in the Persian Gulf region, though arguably the best in the world, are not postured to strengthen conditions for deterrence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian Influence on Ukrainian Strategic Policy
Ukrainian strategic policy decisions have a direct impact on US policy in Eastern Europe. Ukraine is often at the forefront of political tensions between the US, EU and Russia. The gas crisis of 2009 resulted in the cutoff of natural gas supplies to Europe for nearly two weeks highlighting the importance of Ukrainian-Russian relations to Europe and the West. The Ukrainian government is still struggling with the democratic process and a weak economy. Economic demands are the driving component of Ukrainian strategic policy decisions. Ukraine's requirements for western economic aid and attempts to gain NATO membership have raised tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Russia has been perceived as increasingly assertive in its foreign policy actions in the region, particularly after the invasion of Georgia. Using energy policy and an increasing use of soft power, Russia has attempted to influence Ukrainian strategic policy. The current government of Ukraine has set a course balancing their needs from the west while placating some of Russia's issues such as the Black Sea Fleet, NATO and energy issues. The challenges that Ukraine faces and how they develop strategic policy will have important implications on United States foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Present and Future of the United States-Bolivia Relations
Bolivia is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. Nonetheless, it has great geopolitical importance in South America due to its geographical position at the center of the continent and its potential impact on the stability of the entire region. Bolivia has been for centuries one of the countries with the largest indigenous population in the area. Almost half of the population identifies with the native peoples--mainly the Aymara and Quechua--who consider the moderate use of coca leaf as a sacred element in their culture. However, the coca leaf is also used for the production of cocaine in Bolivia and other countries. For many years, political and diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States have been dominated by the problems posed by the cultivation and use of coca to the exclusion of other, arguably more important, concerns. In 2005, Evo Morales, was democratically elected as president of Bolivia. President Morales comes from the Chapare province, an area characterized by the cultivation of coca. Moreover, President Morales rose to political prominence after several years of activity as the leader of the coca growers associations. After taking office, the historical and traditional relationship of cooperation between Bolivia and United States has suffered a series of setbacks. Tensions have arisen over his approach to the coca problem. The United States government sees all coca products are destined for drug trafficking; ignoring the traditional cultural and religious aspects of traditional Bolivian culture. In contrast, the Bolivian government argues that coca is mainly intended for traditional consumption (ignoring drug-related issues). Relations between the two countries have been stressed for some time; but while there are signs of rapprochement, they remain marked by perceptions and policies associated with the coca problem. This thesis offers recommendations that would guide the bilateral relationship in a more fruitful direction.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
New Roles of the Dominican Armed Forces in the Dominican Republic National Security Plan
This study investigates the institutional roles and the functions of the Dominican Armed Forces in their National Security Plan of 2005. Using the Klepak Threat Analysis Method this study analyzes the traditional threats to the Dominican Republic Security at the end of the Cold War, and the newly identified threats presented in the new National Security Plan, and how relevant those threats are to the Dominican Armed Forces and to the National Police. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what the new roles of the Dominican Armed Forces should be for the twenty-first century. After those roles are identified this study reviews the legal instruments that authorize those roles, primarily the Constitution, the Armed Force Doctrine and the Statutory Law of the Armed Forces. Finally, with the new roles defined and the necessary changes in the military legal system identified, and after reviewing the literature from knowledgeable sources about the Dominican Republic, this thesis proposes that the Dominican Constitution be amended, in order to separate the mandate of the Armed Forces from that of the National Police and specify the principles that characterize the nature of each body. In addition this study recommends reformulating the doctrine of the Armed Forces in order to update it to the Dominican reality. Furthermore, recommendations are made for the adoption of a more flexible Statutory Law, which allows the military of the Dominican Republic to confront a wide variety of threats such as natural disaster, social conflict situations, illegal migration, and prepare adequately. Lastly, the study recommends that nation stop considering Peace Keeping Operations as potentially damaging, and that the government resist the temptation to use the military in roles that jeopardize the military's burgeoning professionalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pakistan and Nuclear Weapon Proliferation
The study is a historical analysis of the Pakistani nuclear program which aims at bringing out the compulsions, restraints and constraints which forced Pakistan to undertake a nuclear program. The perceptions and responses, past, present and future, of the superpowers and some of the affected regional states are also discussed in the backdrop of the Pakistani nuclear activities. The development of the Pakistani nuclear program falls under two time frames, i.e., the pre 1971 period and the post 1971 period because of the differences in the scope and direction of the two. The paper follows a chronological pattern but it analyzes various factors using a combination of the deductive, the compare-and-contrast, and the cause-and-effect pattern. Each factor contribution to the Pakistani nuclear program is examined in detail. The pre 1971 period highlights three major factors; international developments in the nuclear field, desperate energy requirement and lack of natural energy resources. The post 1971 synthesizes four factors, i.e., the oil crisis of 1973, quest for security and survival, the credibility of the alliances and the Indian nuclear explosion of 1974. The study concludes that the analysis will provide a new framework for the future investigations of other such like complex situations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In View of Current Trends in Peace Support Operations
The United Nations, in pursuit of conflict resolution, established numerous peacekeeping missions in the world. Some of these missions date back to as early as when the UN itself came into being. Military observers, as part of the effort, have been employed unarmed despite the different situations that they have operated in, some of which might have required a different approach. This study analyses three case studies; United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) set up in 1948 in the Middle East, United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) established in 1992 in the Balkans, and United Nations Organization Mission in Congo (MONUC) set up in 1999 and currently operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Analysis shows that accusations of lack of impartiality, lack of security and lack of cooperation hampers UNMOS' work. The study concludes that different situations require different approaches as far as employment of UNMOS is concerned. In the contemporary operating environment, the United Nations should consider arming UNMOS according to the demands of the situation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Romania as a NATO Member
This thesis is about contemporary Romania and its adherence to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The object of research and analysis is to determine the extent to which Romania, as a NATO member, constitutes a reliable military ally for the United States (US) in Afghanistan. The treatment includes an examination of the origins, nature, and parameters of Romania's post-Cold War commitment to Euro-Atlantic security arrangements, especially after the advent of the "long war" against terrorism. Special attention is devoted to the varying impact of structures, sentiments, threats, interests, and allegiances on processes and outcomes. After discussing the concept of "reliability" in alliance and bilateral perspective, the thesis examines the application of this concept in the evolving security relationship between Romania and the US within the larger NATO context. The thesis concludes that a number of factors underpin reliability, ranging from altruism through shared threat perceptions to a community of geo-political interests. In politico-military perspective, it is these factors that account for Romania's persistence as a reliable ally for the US in Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Multinational Operations and Small Nations
With Lithuania as case in point, this thesis utilizes extensive primary and secondary materials to examine the pros and cons inherent in the participation of small nations in multinational operations. The examination begins with a discussion of the nature of multinational operations with an emphasis on their diplomatic and military aspects. The larger theoretical context relies heavily on neorealist approaches and definitions to establish perspective, framework, and terminology. As the treatment shifts from theory to application, increasing emphasis falls on Lithuania as a small nation and on its relations with the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These latter entities provide both the impulse and likely organizational context for potential Lithuanian participation in multinational operations. The same actors and circumstances afford a near-classic example of relations between superpower actors and small and weak actors within the international system. The core of the thesis rests on a balanced assessment and analysis of the pluses and minuses, including opportunities and threats, associated with the participation of Lithuania in US- and NATO-led multinational operations. A major conclusion, resting on the criteria of feasibility, acceptability, and suitability, holds that such operations largely coincide with the interests and policies of both the minor and major actors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
African Peace and Security Architecture
In recent years, global players such as the United States, the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have noted Africa's growing strategic importance to their respective interests. Among those interests is the increasing importance of Africa's natural resources particularly oil, agricultural raw materials, and mineral resources, but also growing concerns over other peace and security threats such as conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crimes, cyber threats, or piracy. African Union (AU) Member States are developing an African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to address all these types of threats. This study is a descriptive study in the realm of strategy, focused on creating a holistic and meaningful picture about the mechanisms and purpose of the APSA. The overall intent of this study is to analyze the mechanisms developed, or in a developing stage, by the AU and regional organizations to address peace and security issues in the Africa, with the ultimate goal of contributing to a better understanding of African security context at the strategic level. By using the strategic model of Ends-Ways-Means, this study concluded that the APSA is a viable security strategy to deal with the principal threats in Africa. However, there are still important shortcomings and its effectiveness is dependent upon three critical ingredients: political will of AU Member States, developments at the regional level, and by addressing the external threats much more consistently, covering the security dimension of the APSA in the same extent of its peace dimension.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Will the United States Withdrawal From the Republic of Korea Affect Japan's National Security?
This study examines the impact of the United States ground troop withdrawal from the Republic of Korea on Japan's national security. Japan's vital interests, her Self-Defense Force, and the status of the United States-Japan security treaty provide a basis for analyzing her current national security program. The effect of the withdrawal is weighed against America's changing role in Asia and Japan's perception of the threat in East Asia. Based upon the Japanese assessment of these developments, six major options have been examined as choices for Japan as she responds to the changes in this region. In the final analysis, it is anticipated that the United States withdrawal of ground troops in the short-term will not be significant. As long as the United States-Japan security treaty is credible and continues to serve as the cornerstone in this relationship, Japan's national security structure will remain relatively unchanged. In the long-term, however, it is probable that Japan will take precautionary steps to obviate the outbreak of hostilities. In the event of another armed conflict on the Korean peninsula, the most likely option for Japan will be a selective and conventional course of rearmament involving the continuation of her incremental advances and improvements in her current force structure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chaos, Complexity, and Ethnic Conflict
This thesis examines the application of the principles of chaos and complexity theory to the analysis of ethnic conflict. In the post cold war era, the United States continues to become entangled in ethnic quagmires throughout the world. However, current analytical methods prove unable to encompass the full dynamic of these conflicts. Understanding and prediction suffer. To help overcome this shortfall, intelligence doctrine must now go beyond the principles of Newtonian reductionism and embrace the new science of systems. This study compares the principles of chaos and complexity theory to ethnic conflict factors contained in an author developed ethnic conflict complexity model (ECCM). Historical examples are superimposed on the model to help illustrate these relationships. This thesis demonstrates that chaos and complexity theory can aid in intelligence analysis. Combined with the ECCM, these principles provide the analyst a cognitive roadmap. In addition, as illustrated in this study, chaos and complexity theory not only have the potential to revolutionize intelligence doctrine but leadership doctrine as well. Armed with the knowledge of system dynamics, military leaders of tomorrow may learn how to thrive within the maelstrom of conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact to NATO and the United States of the European Union璽€(TM)s Military Rapid-Reaction Force
In 1999 the European Union (EU) established goals of fielding by 2003 a 60,000-troop force, deployable within sixty days and sustainable for up to one year. The force will be used for so-called "Petersberg" tasks, that is, humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking. The goals were spurred by European desires to have a crisis-response force which could act autonomously from NATO if necessary. This thesis explores the potential impact to NATO and the US of the EU's efforts to develop its crisis-reaction force. The research explores the military relationships between the EU force and NATO, EU plans for military modernization, the possible effects of expansion of both organizations, and EU intentions vis a vis NATO. The EU will require NATO assistance for all but the simplest Petersberg missions in the near term, and must continue to improve ties with NATO to that end. Despite the costs the EU rapid-reaction force imposes on NATO in terms of staff man-hours, more complex command and control, and increased training requirements, the net results for the US and NATO should be positive: improved trans-Atlantic relations and continued relevance for NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Human Security in the Asia-Pacific
Threats to security within the Asia-Pacific region continue to evolve. Traditional and non-traditional threats to state sovereignty and individuals exist across the region. Despite most recent security challenges being transnational, the dominant security policy within the Asia-Pacific region remains state-centric. This policy approach potentially generates instability by undervaluing the importance of individual security. The United Nations (UN) advocates human security as a means of providing freedom from want and freedom from fear for individuals. However, despite the altruistic motives of the UN, neatly separating traditional and human security is unrealistic, as sovereignty remains the foundation of the international system. Therefore, a human security policy approach must include the state-centric means available through instruments of national power. This research investigates whether application of such a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests. The research identifies that Australia's enduring national security objectives and interests are well defined and pursued using a state-centric policy approach. By analyzing case studies addressing threats in Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Southwest Pacific, the research concludes that a human security policy approach is in Australia's national security interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Crush the American Oligarchy
The American democratic republic is under attack. The procedure to be followed, for all federal elections, as per the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution, is being violated. It is the duty of the Electors to vote for the individuals of their choice, for the offices of President and Vice President. The states have no right to meddle in a federal election. Now is the time to support the Electors, so that they can properly perform their duty. The states have no right to force any Elector to vote for Trump, or anyone else. Act now, in the interest of democracy.
