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National Strategy, Future Threats and Defense Spending
In the early 1990s, the world has seen unprecedented changes in the global security environment that have drastically altered the balance of power, and the manner in which nations of the world interact. The evolving international security environment has significant implications for the use of United States military forces in support of national strategic objectives. In the last two years, the world has seen the fall of the Berlin wall, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the death of Communism, the reunification of Germany and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Simply stated, the paradigm has broken. The comfortable, albeit dangerous, post-World War II world that we lived with has become more uncertain and unstable, and potentially more dangerous. This study investigates the national security strategy of the United States by identifying threats to our interests, our military forces and their employment and current defense budget trends. Using this as a baseline, projections are made concerning the future security requirements in the Post-Cold War world. Post-Cold War national interests are discussed, future threats and the military forces necessary to confront these threats are presented, and necessary budget adjustments are developed.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact to NATO and the United States of the European Union璽€(TM)s Military Rapid-Reaction Force
In 1999 the European Union (EU) established goals of fielding by 2003 a 60,000-troop force, deployable within sixty days and sustainable for up to one year. The force will be used for so-called "Petersberg" tasks, that is, humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking. The goals were spurred by European desires to have a crisis-response force which could act autonomously from NATO if necessary. This thesis explores the potential impact to NATO and the US of the EU's efforts to develop its crisis-reaction force. The research explores the military relationships between the EU force and NATO, EU plans for military modernization, the possible effects of expansion of both organizations, and EU intentions vis a vis NATO. The EU will require NATO assistance for all but the simplest Petersberg missions in the near term, and must continue to improve ties with NATO to that end. Despite the costs the EU rapid-reaction force imposes on NATO in terms of staff man-hours, more complex command and control, and increased training requirements, the net results for the US and NATO should be positive: improved trans-Atlantic relations and continued relevance for NATO.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Present and Future of the United States-Bolivia Relations
Bolivia is one of the poorest countries in Latin America. Nonetheless, it has great geopolitical importance in South America due to its geographical position at the center of the continent and its potential impact on the stability of the entire region. Bolivia has been for centuries one of the countries with the largest indigenous population in the area. Almost half of the population identifies with the native peoples--mainly the Aymara and Quechua--who consider the moderate use of coca leaf as a sacred element in their culture. However, the coca leaf is also used for the production of cocaine in Bolivia and other countries. For many years, political and diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States have been dominated by the problems posed by the cultivation and use of coca to the exclusion of other, arguably more important, concerns. In 2005, Evo Morales, was democratically elected as president of Bolivia. President Morales comes from the Chapare province, an area characterized by the cultivation of coca. Moreover, President Morales rose to political prominence after several years of activity as the leader of the coca growers associations. After taking office, the historical and traditional relationship of cooperation between Bolivia and United States has suffered a series of setbacks. Tensions have arisen over his approach to the coca problem. The United States government sees all coca products are destined for drug trafficking; ignoring the traditional cultural and religious aspects of traditional Bolivian culture. In contrast, the Bolivian government argues that coca is mainly intended for traditional consumption (ignoring drug-related issues). Relations between the two countries have been stressed for some time; but while there are signs of rapprochement, they remain marked by perceptions and policies associated with the coca problem. This thesis offers recommendations that would guide the bilateral relationship in a more fruitful direction.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Army's Counterintelligence Role in Homeland Defense
This thesis examines how the Army's counterintelligence elements currently conduct and could legally increase operations against domestic threats in support of homeland defense. It reviews the joint view of terrorism as the dominant threat to American security and the Army's view of domestic threat based on current doctrine. This thesis suggests combining joint threat indicators with the threat and criminal categories used by Army counterintelligence and law enforcement. Once combined, a new model would yield a hierarchy of threat groups or criminal categories ranging from terrorist group organizers and supporters to the common criminal. The thesis also examines current legal guidance for conducting counterintelligence in support of domestic operations. Army counterintelligence is usually prohibited from conducting activities that cross into the jurisdiction of the Federal Bureau of Investigation; a few exceptions are allowed to support military operations. When exceptions are allowed, strict parameters are outlined and only for a short duration. With the Army's increased and continuous role in homeland defense, a review of restrictive procedures is necessary. Research suggest that a need exist for a more definitive and systematic process for conducting such activities. Conclusions and recommendations are provided for improving Army counterintelligence support to homeland defense operations. The objective of this thesis is to provide additional insight toward this goal and generate new concepts and ideas for future research.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Does India's Energy Security Affect her National Security?
India faces formidable challenges in meeting its energy needs and providing adequate and varied energy of desired quality to users in a sustainable manner and at reasonable costs. With a population in excess of one billion, India needs economic growth for human development, which in turn requires access to clean, convenient and reliable energy for all. The keys to energy security are assurance of supply and diversity of sources. As India seeks to secure her energy security needs, it is probable that she will seek to explore new options. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have led to spiraling oil prices which have adversely affected the Indian economy. The major impediments to India's ability to secure her energy are inadequate domestic energy capacity, the conflicting interests with China and India's geographic location. The Indian government has followed a policy of resource diversification. Overland trans-national energy pipelines are one of the options being explored by India to meet her energy security requirements. Overland trans-national energy pipelines by their very nature incorporate multiple nations (source nations, transit nations and destination nations) and are affected by regional and geo-strategic interests of the nations involved. Thus, they provide an excellent platform for analysis of India's energy and geo-strategic interests and its security. Based on this premise the study shall limit itself to assessing the feasibility of overland trans-national energy pipelines and determining the effects of such pipelines on India's energy security and its national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalness
The purpose of this thesis is to take the first steps toward a military space power theory. It begins by answering the question: Why does the US military need space power theory? The United States or any military space-faring nation needs theory because space power is more than simply a force enhancer but is a separate and unique form of military power with the capacity to deter and compel. An analysis of the fundamental attributes of military power-identified here as presence, perspective, response, and destructive capability-demonstrates the unique advantages and disadvantages of space vis-?-vis land, sea, and airpower. A unifying principle of "globalness" links the laws, rules, and precepts of a prototype theory based on space power's unique capabilities. The space power theory provides a common vision that allows a space-faring nation to take full advantage of these unique capabilities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
New Roles of the Dominican Armed Forces in the Dominican Republic National Security Plan
This study investigates the institutional roles and the functions of the Dominican Armed Forces in their National Security Plan of 2005. Using the Klepak Threat Analysis Method this study analyzes the traditional threats to the Dominican Republic Security at the end of the Cold War, and the newly identified threats presented in the new National Security Plan, and how relevant those threats are to the Dominican Armed Forces and to the National Police. The resulting analysis provides a basis for determining what the new roles of the Dominican Armed Forces should be for the twenty-first century. After those roles are identified this study reviews the legal instruments that authorize those roles, primarily the Constitution, the Armed Force Doctrine and the Statutory Law of the Armed Forces. Finally, with the new roles defined and the necessary changes in the military legal system identified, and after reviewing the literature from knowledgeable sources about the Dominican Republic, this thesis proposes that the Dominican Constitution be amended, in order to separate the mandate of the Armed Forces from that of the National Police and specify the principles that characterize the nature of each body. In addition this study recommends reformulating the doctrine of the Armed Forces in order to update it to the Dominican reality. Furthermore, recommendations are made for the adoption of a more flexible Statutory Law, which allows the military of the Dominican Republic to confront a wide variety of threats such as natural disaster, social conflict situations, illegal migration, and prepare adequately. Lastly, the study recommends that nation stop considering Peace Keeping Operations as potentially damaging, and that the government resist the temptation to use the military in roles that jeopardize the military's burgeoning professionalism.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United Nations Peacekeeping in the Twenty-First Century
This study objectively analyzes, within a systemic approach, the causes that undermined the responsiveness and legitimacy of the United Nations peace operations in four case studies: Korea, the Suez Canal crisis, the Persian Gulf War, and UNPROFOR. The focus of the analysis is the Security Council and its decision-making process. The study was accomplished by submitting the historical facts regarding the four case studies to the analytical questions that were established in order to frame the two screening criteria: responsiveness and legitimacy. The literature review established the main conceptual principles and three mainstream schools of thought were defined: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The findings point out that in order to face the challenges of the current operational environment, the United Nations needs to reform its Security Council and its decision-making process so that it better reflects the current geopolitical realities and it more effectively achieves the objectives of the complex peacekeeping operations of the twenty-first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Israeli Solution to Palestinian Terrorism
This research examined the Israeli Security Fence and attempted to determine whether or not the Israeli Security Fence is an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel. The research used a historical examination of separation walls, the current situation of the Arab-Israeli peace process, and the other factors surrounding the security fence to determine if the Israeli Security Fence objectives can be achieved. To address the primary and subordinate questions with this study, the researcher conducted a lengthy literature review covering three main topics: the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, historical separation walls, and Israeli Security Fence plans. As a result of this study, the researcher will be better able to support Army operations involving force protection matters and will be a more informed officer regarding terrorism. The Israeli Security Fence as an effective solution to reduce Palestinian terrorism in Israel only scratches the surface of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Therefore, the researcher recommends that as a security system the Israeli Security Fence should be further studied after it is fully implemented. Additionally, the following areas of emphasis may assist in the understanding of the possible outcomes the construction of the Security Fence may create: (1) combating an insurgency using security and separation; (2) economic impacts of separation of populations and its effects on an insurgency; (3) external support of the Palestinian Authority and its economic impact on terrorism in Israel; (4) the strategy of terrorism, counterterrorism, and politics in Israel and Palestine; and (5) Israeli counterterrorism operational factors and effects in the West Bank.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russian Influence on Ukrainian Strategic Policy
Ukrainian strategic policy decisions have a direct impact on US policy in Eastern Europe. Ukraine is often at the forefront of political tensions between the US, EU and Russia. The gas crisis of 2009 resulted in the cutoff of natural gas supplies to Europe for nearly two weeks highlighting the importance of Ukrainian-Russian relations to Europe and the West. The Ukrainian government is still struggling with the democratic process and a weak economy. Economic demands are the driving component of Ukrainian strategic policy decisions. Ukraine's requirements for western economic aid and attempts to gain NATO membership have raised tensions between Russia and Ukraine. Russia has been perceived as increasingly assertive in its foreign policy actions in the region, particularly after the invasion of Georgia. Using energy policy and an increasing use of soft power, Russia has attempted to influence Ukrainian strategic policy. The current government of Ukraine has set a course balancing their needs from the west while placating some of Russia's issues such as the Black Sea Fleet, NATO and energy issues. The challenges that Ukraine faces and how they develop strategic policy will have important implications on United States foreign policy in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American and Soviet Security Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa
Using enhancement of global and regional objectives, procurement of military base rights, and benefits to the recipient state an effectiveness criteria, this thesis concludes that the security assistance program of the Soviet Union has been more effective in Sub-Saharan Africa than its American counterpart. After comparing the general character of American and Soviet security assistance efforts throughout the world, this analysis then identifies the global aspirations of each superpower. These findings provide the foundation for applying the effectiveness criteria. The states of Sub-Saharan Africa are then grouped into three regions. The Ensuing region by region examination yields conclusive regional assessments, as well as the overall effectiveness appraisal for American and Soviet security assistance programs in Sub-Saharan Africa noted above.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Drug Trafficking as a Lethal Regional Threat in Central America
Drug trafficking has been a menace in most Latin American countries for many decades. We know enough about how the phenomenon works as an economic and social problem and how it affects the continent, but in the last decade, with the attention of the world on Islamic extremist terrorism, there has been a diversion of resources and political attention from how drug trafficking has evolved and how much of a threat it is currently posing to the developing democracies in Latin America. This thesis explores just how critical the problem of drug trafficking currently is in Central America and what consequences we can expect for the region and for the US. This study is important because it sheds light on a problem that has not only dramatically grown and spread throughout many Latin American countries but has acquired new objectives and operational concepts that have probably turned it into the most lethal regional threat against many of the fragile developing democracies particularly in Central America. This work also explores the growing threat that this situation poses directly to the US. My primary question is: How has drug trafficking evolved in Latin America and what level of threat does it pose to Central America? The methodology I used to serve my thesis was a deductive one. I looked into the effect patterns of drug trafficking in the Andean region of South America and compared them to those of Mexico, which is the most recent focal point of drug trafficking in Latin America, in order to prove their evolving changes and effects on the health of the states they operate in. The results can be extrapolated into the political, economic and social environment of Central America in order to project the consequences of drug trafficking in the next 10 years.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Challenges of Regional Collective Security
Disputes and civil wars, with the attendant breakdown of law and order, and dire consequences for peace, security, and development, continue to plague the continent of Africa. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional grouping of sixteen West African countries founded on May 28, 1975, to promote cooperation and integration through the establishment of an economic union in West Africa in order to raise the living standards of its peoples, foster relations among member states, and to contribute to the progress and development of the African continent. Convinced that economic progress could not be achieved unless the conditions for security were assured in all member states of the Community, ECOWAS expanded its mission to include security responsibilities. ECOWAS member states established ECOMOG to deal with the insecurity that followed the collapse of the state structure in the Republic of Liberia in 1990. The force has since controlled several conflicts in the West African sub-region. To adapt to the changes that had taken place within the Community since its formation, and based on its experience in Liberia, the Authority of ECOWAS Heads of State and Government in May 1993 requested a review of the ECOWAS Treaty. A revised Treaty was endorsed and adopted by the Authority in Cotonou, Benin, in July 1993. Member States undertook to cooperate with the Community in establishing and strengthening appropriate mechanisms for the timely prevention and resolution of conflicts. This undertaking culminated in the signing, in Togo, on 10 December 1999, of the Protocol on Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security. Among other things, the Protocol calls for the establishment of a military force known as the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF). The force is designed to meet the security needs of the sub-region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Return of the Golan Heights
This study analyzes the conditions that need to be met in order for Israel to return the Golan Heights to Syria while maintaining its security. Those conditions are: Israel and Syria must overcome history and politics; Israel must get asymmetrical disarmament zones; Syria and Israel must each have early warning stations; Israel must have a phased withdrawal from the Golan Heights; Syria must not interrupt water flow from the Golan Heights rivers; President Asad of Syria must instill peace in southern Lebanon; and Syria and Israel must reinitiate talks. The study explains those conditions and their impact on the negotiations over the Golan Heights which is the focal point for peace between Israel and Syria. The study also outlines a solution for peace between Israel and Syria, taking into account the conditions. The overall conclusion is that if the conditions are not met, then peace is not possible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Adding Nonlinear Tools to the Strategist璽€(TM)s Toolbox
Since the seventeenth century, Sir Isaac Newton's laws of motion have had tremendous impact on the Western world's mind-sets for understanding nature as predictable and orderly. Consequently, Western strategic culture has been based on a linear paradigm. In linear systems outputs are proportional to the input, and the ration between input and output remains constant. Linear systems also comply with the rule of additivity and can be regarded as deterministic. Most importantly, in linear systems variables are treated independently. Today we know that Newton's laws do not explain how nature behaves. Thus, applications on nonlinear are emerging in many scientific disciplines, but in strategy, we keep committed to the paradigm outlined by Newton. The nonlinear paradigm accepts complexity and uncertainty as natural elements, and the characteristics of nonlinear systems can be described as highly interconnected and the rule of additivity does not apply. Lack of proportionality makes nonlinear systems sensitive to initial conditions and studying the behavior of components in the system cannot derive the collective behavior. Based on new input, nonlinear systems bifurcate into multiple states and changes characteristics as new states are adopted. This thesis seeks to determine if the use of cognitive tools from the nonlinear realm can enhance national security strategies. A set of nonlinear tools is introduced and three strategic dimensions are examined: context, process, and content. Within the three dimensions six variables are studied; world order, political paradigms, decision-making, organizational structure, adaptation, and complexity, and uncertainty. The nonlinear tools are applied by relating to historical vignettes. The thesis concludes that national security strategies can be better understood, planned and executed by applying nonlinear tools. However, the greatest challenge lies in the transition to a new underlying paradigm and adopting a new mindset. Finally, This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
ASEAN's Constructive Engagement Policy Toward Myanmar (Burma)
This research studied the effectiveness of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) policy of "constructive engagement" toward Myanmar (Burma), with the aim of recommending appropriate improvements to this policy. Myanmar is one of the world's longest military-ruled dictatorships and is beset with many internal problems. Its government has been criticized by some countries and non-governmental organizations for human rights abuses and political suppression. There are also allegations of cross border criminal activities, such as human and drug trafficking, coordinated by criminal gangs in that country. Despite its reputation, Myanmar was accepted as an ASEAN member in 1997. Since then, the association is one of the few organizations in the world with diplomatic links to that country. ASEAN's approach of diplomatic engagement, commonly referred to as "constructive engagement" is geopolitically advantageous to ASEAN in many aspects. However, it runs contrary to the current policies of diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions imposed by some Western powers such as the US and the EU. This research has studied the effectiveness of "constructive engagement" from three angles -- an "International" perspective, a "Regional" perspective, and a "Grassroots" perspective. It has found that ASEAN should not only continue "constructive engagement" but that the association should offer even greater assistance to Myanmar. These actions will help improve the quality of life of Myanmar's citizens and strengthen the country, as well as generating regional benefits.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cyber Warfare
Security concerns over the growing capability of Cyber Warfare are in the forefront of national policy and security discussions. In order to enable a realistic discussion of the topic this thesis seeks to analyze demonstrated Cyber Warfare capability and its ability to achieve strategic political objectives. This study examines Cyber Warfare conducted against Estonia in 2007, Georgia in 2008, and Israel in 2008. In all three cases Cyber Warfare did not achieve strategic political objectives on its own. Cyber Warfare employed in the three cases consisted mainly of Denial of Service attacks and website defacement. These attacks were a significant inconvenience to the affected nations, but the attacks were not of sufficient scope, sophistication, or duration to force a concession from the targeted nation. Cyber Warfare offensive capability does not outmatch defensive capability to the extent that would allow the achievement of a strategic political objective through Cyber Warfare alone. The possibility of strategic level Cyber Warfare remains great, but the capability has not been demonstrated at this time.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Private Military Company
This thesis investigates the post-Cold War evolution of private military companies. Specifically this study will focus on the measure of international legitimacy that is afforded to private military companies that conduct active military assistance operations that have a strategic impact on the political and security environments in which they are contracted to operate. The thesis has focussed the contract operations conducted by Executive Outcomes (Republic of South Africa), Sandline International (United Kingdom), and Military Professional Resources Incorporated (United States of America) within the time frame of 1988 to the present. The study concludes that at the international level, active military assistance operations conducted by private military companies are indeed legitimate, but that measurement of legitimacy can only be assessed as being de-facto and amoral. Moreover these missions are being conducted within a vacuum of effective regulation and accountability at the international and national levels that is decidedly inappropriate for the international realm in the twenty first century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterrence Versus Reassurance
The purpose of this analysis is to determine the impact on Norwegian security should NATO and the United States apply the Maritime Strategy to operational planning for the Norwegian Sea. The Maritime Strategy is a global strategy, which in competition for acceptance against the continental-coalition strategy, has to satisfy U.S. needs to counter the Soviet Union. Although much of the campaign for the Maritime Strategy has focused on the Norwegian Sea, the goal is global. The presence of NATO naval forces in the Norwegian Sea has been limited to the STANAVFORLANT and other allied forces during exercises. Recent exercises and force deployment demonstrate that NATO leaders have decided to increase allied presence in northern waters to counter Soviet Naval expansion. The 600-Ship U.S. Navy, being built as the result of the Maritime Strategy campaign, gives NATO the possibility to increase NATO presence further and make such an aggressive strategy in this area more credible. Official Norwegian Security and Defense policy rests on the twin pillars of deterrence and reassurance, and if implemented, the Maritime Strategy has to fit into the constraints made up by these two pillars. The preference of the Norwegian government seems to be a continuation of the system of previous restraints and confidence building measures to avoid confusion and superpower rivalry in the northern waters. The study identifies three areas which cause some concern: 1) the horizontal escalation aspect, 2) early strikes against Soviet SSBN's, and 3) peacetime presence within the Norwegian Sea required to assure that The Maritime Strategy, if implemented will be successful. The study concludes that the Maritime Strategy is suitable and acceptable from a Norwegian perspective. The main reason is that it contributes to deterrence against the Soviet expansion into the Norwegian Sea, and thereby makes Norwegian security policy more credible.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Caribbean Regional Security
Since the mid-1950s there have been attempts to create a regional military force in the English-speaking Caribbean. Although for differing reasons, these attempts have been driven by the interests of the extraregional powers, and at the times of crises, by Caribbean states themselves. To date, however, none of the initiatives for a regional collective or cooperative military arrangement have been realized. This study therefore seeks to determine the main impediments that have stood in the way of achieving this goal. The study analyses the impact of the international system on the region, it describes the Caribbean security environment, and the approaches the countries in the region have adopted in response to the perceived threats. The research shows that there are international, regional, and subregional challenges that preclude the establishment of a regional force. The thesis recommends that cohesiveness among the Caribbean militaries could be achieved through coordination at the operational level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Multinational Operations and Small Nations
With Lithuania as case in point, this thesis utilizes extensive primary and secondary materials to examine the pros and cons inherent in the participation of small nations in multinational operations. The examination begins with a discussion of the nature of multinational operations with an emphasis on their diplomatic and military aspects. The larger theoretical context relies heavily on neorealist approaches and definitions to establish perspective, framework, and terminology. As the treatment shifts from theory to application, increasing emphasis falls on Lithuania as a small nation and on its relations with the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These latter entities provide both the impulse and likely organizational context for potential Lithuanian participation in multinational operations. The same actors and circumstances afford a near-classic example of relations between superpower actors and small and weak actors within the international system. The core of the thesis rests on a balanced assessment and analysis of the pluses and minuses, including opportunities and threats, associated with the participation of Lithuania in US- and NATO-led multinational operations. A major conclusion, resting on the criteria of feasibility, acceptability, and suitability, holds that such operations largely coincide with the interests and policies of both the minor and major actors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dynamics of Interagency Cooperation Process at Provincial Reconstruction Team in Operations ISAF and Enduring Freedom
The interagency cooperation process at provincial reconstruction team level in Afghanistan is assessed and analysed through Literature review and oral history interviews. The aim is to examine deficiencies and find possible solutions in order to improve the effectiveness of the PRT. In the conclusions the author delineates areas of concerns at the three different levels of war, provides possible solutions to the issues raised by literature and during individual interviews. In the recommendations the author delineates possible future areas of further investigation, specifically a deeper and broader presence of PRTs in the afghan territory in order to be more in contact with the needs of the local populace.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is a U.S. Military Presence in Southeast Asia Necessary in the Twenty-First Century?
For many years, the U.S. military presence in Southeast Asia (SEA) has served as an important stabilizing factor in region and has allow countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to sustain high economic growth, and develop social and political stability. With the loss of the Philippine bases in 1992, the only forward deployed U.S. forces in the Asia-Pacific region are located in Japan, the Republic of Korea and Hawaii. At the same time, the U.S. military in SEA is maintained through the use of port facilities and a multitude of bilateral security relations, and military exercises with individual ASEAN states. In the twenty-first century, ASEAN will continue to be confronted by a number of security concerns. This study shows that the significant threats facing the region are an aggressive and assertive China, conflict in the South China Sea, and an unstable Indonesia. In view of these security concerns, the study argues that a U.S. military presence in SEA is still necessary in the twenty-first century. Maintaining such a presence will yield significant benefits to the U.S. and ASEAN. However, the continued presence of the U.S. military in SEA is expected to face greater challenges due to lower military resources and support, as the U.S. finds itself increasingly embroiled in conflicts worldwide. The study proposes three possible options in which a continued U.S. military presence in SEA can be maintained, namely, maintaining the status quo, an increased presence and a surrogate presence. On balance, maintaining a surrogate presence, by empowering a suitable country within ASEAN, presents the best option for the U.S. and ASEAN.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
How Will the United States Withdrawal From the Republic of Korea Affect Japan's National Security?
This study examines the impact of the United States ground troop withdrawal from the Republic of Korea on Japan's national security. Japan's vital interests, her Self-Defense Force, and the status of the United States-Japan security treaty provide a basis for analyzing her current national security program. The effect of the withdrawal is weighed against America's changing role in Asia and Japan's perception of the threat in East Asia. Based upon the Japanese assessment of these developments, six major options have been examined as choices for Japan as she responds to the changes in this region. In the final analysis, it is anticipated that the United States withdrawal of ground troops in the short-term will not be significant. As long as the United States-Japan security treaty is credible and continues to serve as the cornerstone in this relationship, Japan's national security structure will remain relatively unchanged. In the long-term, however, it is probable that Japan will take precautionary steps to obviate the outbreak of hostilities. In the event of another armed conflict on the Korean peninsula, the most likely option for Japan will be a selective and conventional course of rearmament involving the continuation of her incremental advances and improvements in her current force structure.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Apples and Oranges
Changes in the operating environment have resulted in a fundamental change to the shape and nature of peace operations (PO). The result is that PO have become closer in nature to intervention operations, with a focus on peace enforcement operations, rather than the traditional peacekeeping operations upon which most nations developed their PO doctrine. This has resulted in changes to PO doctrine by Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Given that doctrine establishes the conceptual framework for how militaries conduct operations; a common doctrine is desired to ensure interoperability among allies and coalition members. Conversely, differences in doctrine can result in differing attitudes, approaches, and foci when the doctrine is operationalized for a particular mission. Thus, the intent of this paper is to determine if and where Canadian, American, and British operational-level PO doctrines diverge and converge.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chaos, Complexity, and Ethnic Conflict
This thesis examines the application of the principles of chaos and complexity theory to the analysis of ethnic conflict. In the post cold war era, the United States continues to become entangled in ethnic quagmires throughout the world. However, current analytical methods prove unable to encompass the full dynamic of these conflicts. Understanding and prediction suffer. To help overcome this shortfall, intelligence doctrine must now go beyond the principles of Newtonian reductionism and embrace the new science of systems. This study compares the principles of chaos and complexity theory to ethnic conflict factors contained in an author developed ethnic conflict complexity model (ECCM). Historical examples are superimposed on the model to help illustrate these relationships. This thesis demonstrates that chaos and complexity theory can aid in intelligence analysis. Combined with the ECCM, these principles provide the analyst a cognitive roadmap. In addition, as illustrated in this study, chaos and complexity theory not only have the potential to revolutionize intelligence doctrine but leadership doctrine as well. Armed with the knowledge of system dynamics, military leaders of tomorrow may learn how to thrive within the maelstrom of conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Instruments of National Power in Respect to the United States Counterdrug Efforts in Colombia
This thesis examines how effectively the United States implements its instruments of national power into the counterdrug efforts currently being conducted in Colombia. Discussion begins with a review of the threat that the illegal narcotics trade presents to the United States, followed by an introduction of the historical relationship between the United States and Colombia, and then presents current trends in United States and Colombian relations. Analysis of the instruments of national power, including diplomatic, information, military, and economic strategies employed by the United States to stem the flow of narcotics as well as assist Colombia, was conducted in order to assess the effectiveness of the strategies within the overall counterdrug policy adopted by the United States. Conclusions and recommendations discuss the strategic importance of Colombia, the continuing threat posed by the narcotics trade, and the modifications and additions that could be made to current policy in order to increase its efficacy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evaluating the European Defense Force
Following World War II Americans and Europeans have cooperated on varying levels in the area of security. Although NATO became the most important security organization in the region, Europeans pursued other venues as well. By the 1990s, the European Union (EU) emerged as a major economic organization that pursued greater involvement in European security. Thus the EU is developing a force to conduct military operations other than war (MOOTW). To accomplish MOOTW the EU defined "Headline Goals" for the European Defense Force (EDF); the force must deploy 60,000 soldiers within sixty days for up to a year. This thesis provides an overview of European security organizations focusing on the EU's European Defense Force. Studies of US Army deployments to Haiti and Bosnia are evaluated against US Army doctrine for strategically responsive forces. Similarly a scenario is developed to deploy the EDF to Algeria in order to evaluate the strategic responsiveness of the EDF. The EU faces great challenges in developing the EDF and is hard pressed to meet their declared deadline of readying this force by 2003. The essential question is to understand similar MOOTW deployments and what capabilities the EU possesses or is developing to meet these requirements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Processes and Approaches That Africa Should Adopt for a More Responsive and Effective Management and Resolution of Conflicts on the Continent
This thesis examines the processes and approaches that Africa (regional and sub regional bodies alike) should adopt to be able to manage conflict situations before they get blown out, or resolve them when they have escalated. The time when African countries and organizations remained dormant and awaited the United Nations and super power nations to intervene to solve her problems is over, and Africa will have to take the initiative in this direction. This realization compelled the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to set up a mechanism for conflict resolution within its organizational structure. In view of this initiative by the OAU, this study looked at two separate conflict situations in Africa that the regional organization (OAU) and a sub regional organization (ECOWAS) put in efforts to resolve the conflicts. These situations were in Chad and Liberia. The study examines the two situations to identify the causes of the conflicts and areas where these organizations were found wanting in their peacemaking and peacekeeping efforts in line with the basic tenets of mediation, negotiations, and peace support operations. The study goes further to suggest ways that Africa could prepare to tackle such situations in future more responsively without losing credibility, either in the eyes of the adversaries or the international community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Contemporary United States Foreign Policy Towards Indonesia
United States national interests in Indonesia have traditionally being based on strategic security requirements given Indonesia's geographic location between the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and strong anti-communist stance during the Cold War. However, the 1990s witnessed a decline in relations between the two countries primarily due to human rights violations committed by the Indonesian military in East Timor. This thesis examines contemporary United States foreign policy towards Indonesia to determine whether this policy promotes United States national interests in this country. It defines what constitutes United States national interests under strategic and security, economic, political, and humanitarian interests, and then analyses contemporary policy against these categories to determine whether they promote the identified interests. The thesis identifies that Indonesia's geographic location and demographic size and composition remain key enduring interests, while the rise of globally linked terrorist organizations has become the preeminent contemporary interest of the United States in this country. The thesis concludes that contemporary United States policy does promote national interests in Indonesia, although, the Leahy Amendment continues to limit the employment of the military instrument of power. This has constrained the Bush administration's ability to develop more elaborate policies to satisfy security interests, and enhance professional development in the Indonesian military.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran and Saudi Arabia
The relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a tenuous one following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The research question investigates what type of threat Iran poses to Saudi Arabia and how the Saudi's will respond. This threat is not limited to a military one; it includes those to the Saudi economy and political instability. Iran seeks regional dominance; standing in its way is Saudi Arabia. It has rebuilt its military, sponsored violent organizations, and threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz. These threaten not only the security of Saudi Arabia but its legitimacy in the Arab world. The relationship of these two nations will continue to impact the region and possibly the world economy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Asymmetric Threats to U.S. National Security to the Year 2010
Asymmetric threats counter an adversary's strengths by focusing on its weaknesses. In the post-Cold War world asymmetric threats to U.S. national security are far more likely than they were just a decade ago. This paper considers asymmetric threats from the perspective of ends, ways, and means. It examines American and "enemy" ends, as well as several means of projecting force asymmetrically, and also suggests that symmetrical means of applying force can be asymmetric threats if they are used in certain ways. The paper concludes that perhaps the most serious threat to U.S. national security for the next ten years is the organizational culture of the Department of Defense and of its component services that leads them to prepare almost exclusively for symmetrical threats. The nation must maintain its ability to deter symmetric threats to U.S. national security, but that capability will be insufficient to protect against all of the threats that the nation is likely to face in the near future. While continuing to prepare to fight the wars the U.S. expects to fight, it must also begin devoting more resources to preparing to be hit where it does not expect to be.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in West Africa
The West African subregion is host to strings of violent armed conflicts. These conflicts result in enormous human tragedy and account for the economic and societal deprivation that continues to plague the subregion while also stifling its development. A number factors account for these violence that afflicts the region, spreading across national boundaries with different political situations. This study examines the role played by small arms and light weapons in not only exacerbating these conflicts but also perpetuating the prevailing climate of insecurity in the West Africa Subregion.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Rising Dragon
The United States Air Force's Center for Strategy and Technology was established atthe Air War College in 1996. Its purpose is to engage in long-term strategic thinkingabout technology and its implications for United States national security. The Center(CSAT) focuses on education, research, and publications that support the integrationof technology into national strategy and policy. This document is one of thesepublications.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Study of China's Possible Military Intervention in the Event of a Sudden Change in North Korea
This study addresses potential scenarios as to how a North Korean collapse could occur, whether China's military would engage in North Korea, and how China's military might intervene if it did so. First, regarding the likely scenarios for a North Korean collapse, this study looks at a power struggle, a military coup, or a popular uprising as potential scenarios of internal origin. Additionally, it discusses a military conflict between the two Koreas and U.S. military operations against North Korea as scenarios of conflict with an external origin. Second, based on an analysis of China's external environment and national interests, this study proposes that China's military would intervene only if a North Korean collapse were caused by an internal conflict. This study also posits that, despite its military alliance obligations, China would not intervene militarily on the Korean Peninsula if the collapse was due to an external conflict. Finally, concerning the form of China's military intervention in case of an internally driven collapse, based on Lykke's military strategy model, this study compares the advantages and disadvantages of a unilateral intervention, multinational operations, and UN-led peacekeeping operations and concludes that China would prefer a UN-led PKO because such an operation would best balance the ends, ways, and means and present acceptable risks for China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Maritime Security and the Strait of Malacca
The Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia is one of the world's most important waterways. Piracy, terrorism, and instability within the region have prompted representatives of global commerce to consider this strait dangerous to shipping. Any major incident could restrict navigation in these waters and have a negative impact on global trade and economy, in particular the economies of Pacific nations. National, regional, and international agreements and initiatives have attempted to address this situation with varying degrees of success. The US, through the US Pacific Command, while participating in many of these agreements, proposed the Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI) to provide a clear set of requirements and capabilities that address maritime security within the region. The RMSI framework correctly identifies the four critical elements necessary for maritime security within the strait. National and international dynamics impact the ability for any and all of these initiatives to achieve success.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Affairs
As operations in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate, America's adversaries are capable of manipulating domestic and international media with lies, distortion and propaganda disseminated via the internet or media outlets. The U.S. military's inability to dominate the global information environment, as it does on conventional battlefields, represents a strategic and operational weakness that must be addressed. This study investigates the roles and responsibilities of deployed military public affairs officers as they pertain to influencing selected target audiences in order to gain and maintain popular support. Current and past doctrine is examined, along with marketing and advertising practices to determine military applicability. The research explores mass communication theories and techniques to improve public affairs officers' ability to influence these key audiences. This study concludes that influencing audiences, to include the U.S. domestic audience is the primary role and responsibility of military public affairs officers. Recommendations in this study include altering Public Affairs Joint and Service doctrine to reflect the responsibility for public affairs officers to influence their audiences and change public affairs training to teach mass communication theories that are designed to influence their audiences.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Revenge of Europe
The collapse of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the emergence of the European Union (EU) have all raised questions regarding the United States' transatlantic relationship and the subsequent role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The author takes a brief look at past US-European relations and provides an enlightening and provocative analysis of the current state of affairs. Recent tensions in the relationship, he concludes, are a result of the EU's growing role as a state actor in the international system. Policy differences between the United States and the EU are merely symptoms of the changes resulting from the EU's new role. The author proposes a tentative typology of alliances and concludes that the United States and the EU have a co-dependent relationship, with the United States subsidizing the EU's pursuit of policies that, whether by accident or design, undermine US interests. The author calls for a reformulation of the alliance that allows both the United States and the European Union to pursue their own interests while forcing the EU to take responsibility for its own defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Implications of a Resurgent Russian Federation for U.S. European Command
This thesis explores the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence as a center of influence and the implications of this resurgence for United States European Command. This is accomplished by examining three countries within European Command璽€~s area of responsibility as case studies to determine Russian and U.S. interests, the convergence and divergence of those interests, and ultimately the implications for European Command. This study is based on the hypothesis that the Russian Federation璽€~s resurgence impacts European Command璽€~s activities by forcing European Command to strike a balance between cultivating Russia as a strategic partner on security cooperation issues and preparing to defend US allies against Russian aggression.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nuclear South Asia
This study investigates the military stability of South Asia, after overt display of nuclear explosions by Pakistan and India in May 1998. The two countries have been loggerhead on Kashmir dispute since their inception in 1948. Both have fought three major wars and are in the process of fighting a limited war in the Himalayan Mountains for the last seventeen years. The specific emphasis was on the analyses of the genesis of problem and the roots of mistrust between the two countries. The present day military scenario and relationship of both countries have been discussed with special emphasis on the military government in Pakistan and hard-line religious government in India. The recent Kargil crisis in 1999, soon after nuclearization of both countries was also discussed during the course of study. The study explained the problem areas, arms race and nuclear thresholds of two countries. It also briefly touched upon the reasons for nonadherence of nonproliferation treaties in vogue by the two countries. The study also includes the overall geopolitical environments of South Asia including the China factor in the region. The study advocates that the world, in general, and South Asia, in particular, will remain under the clouds of nuclear holocaust due to Pakistan and India, unless Kashmir problem is amicably solved. In this regard the importance of intervention by world powers especially United States is extremely important. Both Pakistan and India have failed to resolve their core issue of Kashmir by bilateral talks so far; thus, third party intervention is extremely essential. If world powers fail to do so, it is a matter of time only when both countries will once again indulge in another full-scale war, which may have a potential to turn into a nuclear war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Municipal Affairs
"Municipal Affairs, Volume 6" offers a detailed look into the workings of municipal government, likely focusing on New York City. Published by the Reform Club, this volume delves into various aspects of urban administration, civic reform movements, and the challenges faced by growing metropolises. Readers interested in urban planning, political science, and the historical development of American cities will find valuable insights into the issues and solutions proposed during this period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Municipal Affairs
"Municipal Affairs, Volume 6" offers a detailed look into the workings of municipal government, likely focusing on New York City. Published by the Reform Club, this volume delves into various aspects of urban administration, civic reform movements, and the challenges faced by growing metropolises. Readers interested in urban planning, political science, and the historical development of American cities will find valuable insights into the issues and solutions proposed during this period.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Central Asia
Throughout history, Central Asia has served as an important strategic link between the East and the West. This book locates Central Asia within the broader geopolitics of the Eurasian region, which has witnessed many significant shifts, conflicts and events, while tracing its strategic importance. The book looks at the relations between the Central Asian states and major external powers and shows how it has kept away from the so-called New Great Game. It evaluates the roles of major powers such as Russia, the United States, China, Iran and Turkey, as well as India and its 'Silk Road' strategy. It also compares the regional geopolitics of Central Asia with its neighbour Caucasus. The author highlights how, despite limited interstate cooperation, the region has balanced foreign powers and has largely prevented conflicts, thereby enjoying greater strategic autonomy in dealing with other countries. This new revised edition with additional chapters explores new developments, the Russia-Ukraine war and the future of Central Asian geopolitics. The book will benefit scholars and researchers of international relations, political and strategic studies, area studies and Central Asian studies.
Tracing the Trail of Indo-Tajik Cultural Link Through Past and Present
This book is a quest for tracing down the rich and multifaceted cultural link between India and Tajikistan that remained hidden in the dusty pages of history while flowing through the ages. It appeared as a time travel while tracing down the Indo-Tajik cultural linkages, that are still alive, yet forgotten or unknown and unnoticed in the common knowledge. In fact, the research often needed to address the larger geo-cultural space from South Asia to Central Asia while rediscovering the Indo-Tajik cultural linkages through different art forms.This book largely represents the image of India or 'Hinduston' (local pronunciation in Tajikistan) from the Tajik intellectual and cultural point of view and aspires to contribute an Indian angle towards this multifaceted cultural dialogue as a continuous process. This is further a conscious attempt from Indian perspective, to debunk the common prejudice and misconception about Central Asia, as a difficult neighbour.Nandini Bhattacharya teaches History in Calcutta Girls' College, Kolkata. She received her PhD from Jadavpur University, Kolkata, and her dissertation was published as a book titled, Dueling Isms: Soviet and Regional Identity in Central Asia, in 2007. Ever since then she remained fascinated towards her research interest in the history, culture and identity politics of Central Asia in general and Tajikistan in particular. Some of her recent research articles on various aspects of Tajik culture, including painting, musicology, films, religion and gender issues, have been published in well acclaimed volumes, journals and encyclopaedias.
Climate Change on the Battlefield
What do rising temperatures and increasing extreme weather events mean for military readiness? How will climate hazards affect the conflicts of today and tomorrow? What new missions are militaries undertaking in response? Climate Change on the Battlefield examines how climate change is reshaping modern military operations, and the role of international militaries in responding to the effects of the climate crisis. The book's international case study approach will provide concrete answers to these questions, looking at specific geographies such as Afghanistan and the Arctic, as well as types of military operations, including firefighting, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. The book also explores in detail how different countries from across every continent, and international institutions, are responding to these threats while also critically assessing their own emissions and contributions to the climate crisis. Differing country responses are assessed, from those that are integrating climate change impacts into a more traditional understanding of military roles, to those countries that are redefining the role of the military in the face of climate change. Finally, it examines whether or not current military responses are commensurate with the risks ahead and what form the future relationship between the military and climate breakdown is likely to take.
Us Strategic Interests Inasia Pacific
The United States and China relations are perhaps the most important set of relations which touches on an extensive range of issues from security, trade and economic issues to the environment and human rights. In the past years, due to the Asia-Pacific region's increased financial and strategic weight, the US has sought to bring its global diplomatic, economic and military resource commitments into balance with expanding regional interests. The US pivot to Asia-Pacific is a comprehensive approach that involves all the tools of national power to reassure its allies and partners and devotes more attention to multilateral and conventional security-based strategic initiatives. On the other hand, the US sees its relations with China the most powerful rival and competitor in the region as pivotal. Their strategic interests in Asia-Pacific converge and diverge and as the US begins to contemplate China as a latent adversary, such divergence will become even more conspicuous. This study aims to identify the similar challenge posed to both the US and China of seeking broad international space to advance their interests and relations while carefully relating itself to the evolving strategic environment of Asia-Pacific.
