Security Webs and 21st Century Threats
This book introduces a new framework of Security Webs, which unifies the traditional state security approach with the human security approach and applies this framework to emerging security concerns in the 21st century.Security Webs offers a framework to examine security threats, responses, and second- and third-order consequences across a range of actors, and the structure to draw in existing findings, theories, and other frameworks into a universal and holistic approach to security. At its core, it clarifies the interconnected nature of security across time and space. Borrowing the concept of "food webs" from the field of ecology, which maps out how animals and plants gain energy and food, the Security Webs framework allows for an examination of the security of an actor, be it a nation-state, non-state actor, or an individual, where each actor gains strength and security but likewise is also threatened. The book profiles several of the emerging security threats and illustrates how the Security Webs framework can help us study these; these threats include climate change, weak state capacity, and political extremism, which all pose significant threats to states, non-state actors, and individuals alike. Bridging the divide between the traditionalist and the human security camps, the book embraces the complexity that not only is international security and offers a framework applicable to every actor but also, when applied, creates a clear picture of security threats and arrangements.This book will be of interest to students of security studies, human security, environmental security, and International Relations.
Normalising Private Military Force
This book examines the normalization of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), and analyses US media discourse around the Nisour Square incident in Iraq as a pivotal case.States are increasingly relying on PMSCs to meet security needs. As a sign of ongoing normalization, these companies are now increasingly targeted by soft law or self-regulation. Rejecting the common claim that 'mercenaries have always been with us', this book sets out to analyse the underlying conditions that have allowed PMSCs to emerge in their uniquely contemporary incarnation. Divided into two parts, this book develops a novel poststructural framework of analy-sis to articulate social, political, and affective conditions that enabled PMSCs to prevail despite controversy. It draws on and operationalizes the Essex School's logics-based approach, while developing it further with corpus linguistics, and ap-plies this framework to a large corpus of American mainstream media articles. The volume contributes to efforts aiming to overcome the alleged 'methodological deficit' of discourse analysis, while highlighting the importance of making uncon-sciously held truths visible.This book will be of interest to students of private security companies, military studies, critical security studies, and International Relations.
Politics and Bureaucracy in the European Community
Politics and Bureaucracy in the European Community (1970) examines the European project's key institution, the Commission, an assessment that also examines the basic principles on which the European Union is based. It reveals the Commission to be one of the most curious and interesting political institutions of our time - not only from the point of view of international organization, but also as a special kind of governmental institution: a 'responsible bureaucracy' or 'independent officialdom'.
War Without Bullets
In a world where information warfare is reshaping global power without a single shot fired, this book reveals the hidden battles happening inside your mind. From viral memes that shift elections to invisible bots that manipulate public opinion, this is a startling expos矇 of how digital propaganda, meme warfare, and cyber psychological operations are quietly infiltrating our thoughts, emotions, and choices.You'll discover how seemingly innocent content becomes a weapon, how attention is hijacked in the attention economy, and why truth itself is becoming a casualty of the algorithm. This book is not just about tech-it's about you: your beliefs, your behaviour, and your ability to discern reality in a landscape riddled with disinformation campaigns.Whether you're a student of politics, psychology, media, or simply someone who wants to protect your mind from manipulation, this is essential reading. It breaks down the mechanics of cognitive warfare, exposes the tactics behind narrative hacking, and shows how social media manipulation is shaping everything from personal identity to geopolitical conflict.Perfect for readers concerned about freedom, democracy, and the future of truth, this book arms you with the insight to resist the pull of online radicalisation and reclaim control over your mental terrain. This is not just a book-it's a survival guide for the age of invisible influence.
Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial West Africa
Originally published in 1976, this book combines detailed technical studies of the diplomacy of the land and waterborne warfare of pre-colonial West Africa.
The Nigerian Army
Originally published in 1971, this book is an account of the development of the Nigerian Army in the critical ten years spanning independence. It describes the transformation of a despised colonial defence force into a Nigerian army with a popularly recognized reputation.
Kingdoms of the Yoruba
Originally published in 1969 and as a second edition in 1976, this book gives a general account of the major Yoruba kingdoms and provides a synthesis of Yoruba and Igbomina history, culture and archaeology.
Military Regimes in Africa
Originally published in 1975, this book examines the achievements of, and problems encountered by, African military regimes in office. It begins with 2 chapters discussing trends in the formation and organization of African armies and the influence on these armies of the colonial legacy.
Ghana Under Military Rule
Originally published in 1972, this book examines the way in which the military/police regime in Ghana, which overthrew President Nkrumah in February 1966, performed two overlapping tasks - those of establishing itself as a recognised government, and of pursuing its chosen objective of eventually restoring democratic civilian rule. The author, who conducted interviews with people at many levels in Ghanaian politics, including the majority of members of General Ankrah's Cabinet, traces the progress of the military regime, showing that it was successful in building up public support and opening up new political avenues, but that it was unable to make any fundamental economic changes. He argues that to understand the operation of the military government, it is necessary to look at its relationship with most influential sections of the civilian population, and clearly demonstrates that without the co-operation of such civilians, the new regime could never have achieved as much as it did.
Decolonising International Relations
This volume critically analyses the theories and concepts of international relations (IR), which will be instrumental in understanding IR from a non-western perspective. Owing to its emphasis on the need to decolonise the discipline of IR, alternate perspectives from the global South have been explored and discussed in detail.
Non-Western Middle Powers in the Multipolar Order
Non-Western Middle Powers in the Multipolar Order explores the changing international order, articulating the critical and growing importance of non-western states to the emerging global order as global politics moves from an American-western dominated one to one where major players are from the Global South.
The Blackmail Doctrine
This book examines Donald Trump's controversial approach to Arab leaders, employing a coercive strategy that combined intimidation and financial blackmail to secure political compliance. Trump's tactics included stark warnings that Saudi Arabia "would not last a few days" without U.S. protection, whilst pressuring Gulf leaders to provide billions in tribute payments to maintain American favour. This calculated arm-twisting left Arab rulers both fearful and submissive, advancing Trump's Middle Eastern agenda whilst consolidating his power and financial gains.Trump exploited Arab vulnerabilities, particularly their dependence on U.S. military support, using financial coercion to compel compliance on issues conflicting with traditional Arab positions. The most striking example was his recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital and the subsequent embassy relocation-moves that betrayed decades of Arab support for Palestinian claims. Despite these provocative actions, Arab leaders' responses remained notably muted, demonstrating Trump's chilling control through fear and leverage.The book also explores Trump's campaign for Arab-Israeli normalisation, pursued even as Israeli aggression toward Gaza escalated. This normalisation coincided with Netanyahu's continued settlement expansion and brutal Gaza bombardments, met with deafening silence from Arab leaders whose positions Trump had bullied into alignment. His policies advanced a troubling Palestinian vision where displacement and dispossession were tacitly endorsed.Through critical analysis, the book reveals how Trump's intimidation tactics achieved widespread Arab acquiescence by weaponising financial dependence and fears of regime instability. This resulted in significant political milestones for Trump's alliances whilst leaving the Arab world more divided, its credibility eroded, and the Palestinian cause increasingly abandoned.The book concludes by exploring three future scenarios: renewed normalisation efforts coupled with entrenched authoritarianism; accelerated Palestinian displacement creating regional instability; and potential geopolitical realignment as disillusioned Arab leaders pivot toward China or Russia for alternative protection. This analytical exploration examines Trump's lasting impact on the Arab world and the shifting political dynamics in a region still recovering from his tenure.
South Asia in 2020
This volume consists of revised versions of papers presented at conference sponsored by the Asia/Pacific Research Center and the Center for International Security and Cooperation of Stanford University, and the U.S. Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute on January 4-5, 2002. While there are numerous ways to approach the question of "whither South Asia?" the conference organizers decided to focus on the future of strategic balances and alliances in the region, with 2020 as the target date. This choice of topic allowed the conference participants to talk not only about the patterns of amity and enmity within the region, but also about the role of extraregional powers and issues such as social and economic trends, domestic political conditions, strategic culture, and the role of nuclear weapons. These factors can affect the relative power of countries as well as their relations of friendship and hostility.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO
NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself-that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists-is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Policy Evaluation
Municipalized public administration has been incorporated into the assumptions of modern democracy, which in the case of Brazil, is characterized by the Democratic Rule of Law, whose guarantees to the demands of public-administrative policies are guided by aspects of governance, governability and compliance. At the other extreme is the citizen, who despite having social control through voting in formal democracy, is limited to evaluation in the public policy process. It also introduces Denhardt's concept of the "New Public Service", which aims to make administrators accountable to citizens. In this sense, the question is raised about the possibilities of participation in the process of evaluating municipal public policies, with the specific objectives of diagnosing management practices aimed at public policies and analyzing Public Administration as a consolidator of social re-democratization. It was found that management practices are sometimes more effective in evaluating governance, whether through access to information or government transparency, than they are in evaluating public policies.
War Without Bullets
In a world where information warfare is reshaping global power without a single shot fired, this book reveals the hidden battles happening inside your mind. From viral memes that shift elections to invisible bots that manipulate public opinion, this is a startling expos矇 of how digital propaganda, meme warfare, and cyber psychological operations are quietly infiltrating our thoughts, emotions, and choices.You'll discover how seemingly innocent content becomes a weapon, how attention is hijacked in the attention economy, and why truth itself is becoming a casualty of the algorithm. This book is not just about tech-it's about you: your beliefs, your behaviour, and your ability to discern reality in a landscape riddled with disinformation campaigns.Whether you're a student of politics, psychology, media, or simply someone who wants to protect your mind from manipulation, this is essential reading. It breaks down the mechanics of cognitive warfare, exposes the tactics behind narrative hacking, and shows how social media manipulation is shaping everything from personal identity to geopolitical conflict.Perfect for readers concerned about freedom, democracy, and the future of truth, this book arms you with the insight to resist the pull of online radicalisation and reclaim control over your mental terrain. This is not just a book-it's a survival guide for the age of invisible influence.
Pure National Security Strategy
This study comprises a theoretical framework that is conducive to development and application of successful national security strategy. A national security strategy is the instrument which enables societies to partly influence and shape the conditions of the future in which they and their children will live. The national security strategy encompasses definitional underpinnings, characterization of strategy across levels of analysis, incorporating global trends, and understanding the basic goals of the state (security, prosperity and way of life) as all these factors span time from past, present, to future. Overall, the thesis reaches four major conclusions that have implications for national security strategy. First, national security strategy has no end but attempts to attain a continuing advantage across history. Second, strategy manages current and future change, which requires anticipation. Global trends fill this function. Third, national core values have great impact on national security strategy, both as boundaries for applied strategy and as historical enablers. Four, the strategy framework empowers national security with proactive potentials to reinforce opportunities and oppose and change threats before they come to full fruition.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eastern Dimension of America's New European Allies
Without a realistic prospect for NATO and EU accession, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia will become sources of domestic and regional instability and objects of Russia's neo-imperialist ambitions that will undermine American and European strategic interests. The new members of NATO and the EU have sought to develop credible policies for consolidating democratic reforms among their eastern neighbors, enhancing their prospects for inclusion in NATO and the EU, and containing a resurgent and assertive Russia. The new European democracies have also endeavored to more closely involve Washington in the process of Euro-Atlantic enlargement as a more effective Eastern Dimension jointly pursued by the U.S., NATO, and the EU would significantly consolidate trans-Atlantic security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Shaping China's Security Environment
This volume addresses the role of the Chinese military in shaping its country's security environment. The PLA itself is shaped and molded by both domestic and foreign influences. In the first decade of the 21st century, the PLA is not a central actor in China's foreign policy the way it was just a few decades ago. Nevertheless, the significance of the PLA should not be discounted. The military remains a player that seeks to play a role and influence China's policy towards the such countries and regions as United States, Japan, the Koreas, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and Taiwan. It is important not to overlook that, in times of crisis or conflict, the role and influence of the PLA rise significantly.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
North Korea's Military Threat
North Korea's conventional capabilities have eroded but remain significant, including its sizeable contingent of special operations forces. Meanwhile, Pyongyang continues the vigorous development of its nuclear and missile programs, and has ongoing chemical and biological weapons programs. Perhaps the biggest unanswered questions concern North Korea's military intentions. Does the Korean People's Army have an offensive or defensive doctrine? Does Pyongyang intend to use its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles to replace the threat posed by its eroding conventional forces? Or is its intention to use conventional and unconventional forces in what it might view as a winning combination? In theory, U.S. forces could carry out preemptive precision attacks to destroy known North Korean nuclear facilities and missile emplacements, but such attacks might provoke North Korean retaliation and trigger a general conflict. Washington and Seoul cannot overthrow the North Korean regime by force or destroy its strategic military assets without risking devastating losses in the process. Meanwhile, North Korea cannot invade the South without inviting a fatal counterattack from the United States and South Korea. Thus, the balance of forces that emerged from the Korean War, and which helped maintain the armistice for more than 50 years, remains in place.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Russia, China, and the United States in Central Asia
Russia and China have been reacting to the pressures of changing U.S.-Central Asia policy over the past 5 years as has the United States. In response to the "color" revolutions, they achieved broad agreement on the priority of regime security and the need to limit the long-term military presence of the United States in Central Asia. These are also two key areas-defining the political path of Central Asian states and securing a strategic foothold in the region-where the United States finds itself in competition with Russia and China. The Russia-China partnership should not be seen as an anti-U.S. bloc, nor should the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) be viewed as entirely cohesive. Although there is considerable suspicion of U.S. designs on Central Asia, divergent interests within the SCO, among Central Asian states, and especially between Russia and China serve to limit any coordinated anti-U.S. activity. Despite the fissures within the SCO and the competitive tendencies within the Sino-Russian partnership, the United States will not have an easy time achieving its aims in Central Asia. The author documents how American policy goals-energy cooperation, regional security, and support for democracy and the rule of law-continue to run at cross-purposes with one another. In particular, she asserts that competition to secure basing arrangements and energy contracts only benefits authoritarian regimes at the expense of enduring regional security. She argues further that the rhetoric about a new Cold War in the aftermath of the Georgian crisis, and the more general tendency to view U.S.-Russia-China competition in the region with 19th century lenses, as some sort of "new great game," obscures the common interests the great powers share in addressing transnational problems in Central Asia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
La Familia Drug Cartel
La Familia Michoacana burst onto the national stage on September 6, 2006, when ruffians crashed into the seedy Sol y Sombra nightclub in Uruapan, Michoac獺n, and fired shots into the air. They screamed at the revelers to lie down, ripped open a plastic bag, and lobbed five human heads onto the beer-stained black and white dance floor. The day before these macabre pyrotechnics, the killers seized their prey from a mechanic's shop and hacked off their heads with bowie knives while the men writhed in pain. "You don't do something like that unless you want to send a big message," said a U.S. law-enforcement official, speaking on condition of anonymity about an act of human depravity that would "cast a pall over the darkest nooks of hell." The desperados left behind a note hailing their act as "divine justice," adding that: "The Family doesn't kill for money; it doesn't kill women; it doesn't kill innocent people; only those who deserve to die, die. Everyone should know . . . this is divine justice." While claiming to do the "Lord's work," the ruthless leaders of this syndicate have emerged as the dominant exporter of methamphetamines to the United States, even as they control scores of municipalities in Michoac獺n and neighboring states.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Rise Of The Mexican Drug Cartels And U.S. National Security
The BiblioGov Project is an effort to expand awareness of the public documents and records of the U.S. Government via print publications. In broadening the public understanding of government and its work, an enlightened democracy can grow and prosper. Ranging from historic Congressional Bills to the most recent Budget of the United States Government, the BiblioGov Project spans a wealth of government information. These works are now made available through an environmentally friendly, print-on-demand basis, using only what is necessary to meet the required demands of an interested public. We invite you to learn of the records of the U.S. Government, heightening the knowledge and debate that can lead from such publications.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
String of Pearls
China's rising maritime power is encountering American maritime power along the sea lines of communication (SLOCs) that connect China to vital energy resources in the Middle East and Africa. The String of Pearls describes the manifestation of China's rising geopolitical influence through efforts to increase access to ports and airfields, develop special diplomatic relationships, and modernize military forces that extend from the South China Sea through the Strait of Malacca, across the Indian Ocean, and on to the Arabian Gulf. A question posed by the String of Pearls is the uncertainty of whether China's growing influence is in accordance with Beijing's stated policy of peaceful development, or if China will one day make a bid for regional primacy. This is a complex strategic situation that could determine the future direction of U.S.-China relations. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the String of Pearls from within the context of the post-Cold War global security environment and propose informed recommendations for U.S. policy and strategy. Substantive, results-oriented engagement supported by pragmatic military hedging is the best strategy to influence and encourage China to participate in the international community as a responsible stakeholder. Bold leadership and prudent foresight will enable the United States and China to reap the rewards of strategic cooperation and avert the calamity of a hostile confrontation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese Defense Modernization and the Defense of Taiwan
This thesis analyzes the United States commitment to defend Taiwan from Chinese aggression. Taiwan can gain air superiority over Taiwan and defend itself from an amphibious invasion now, in Standard Form 298 (Rev. 8-98) Page 1 of 2 file: //E: \ffcs_backup\ffcs\final\Harris_200107061032.298.html 06/18/2001 1998. However, in the next twenty years as Chinese defense modernization continues, China will surpass Taiwan's ability to defend itself. Many US allies will not guarantee basing rights for during a conflict with China, so the United States military must be prepared to fight for Taiwan from locations in Taiwan and from US possessions. The ?one China? policy that the US currently backs limits the military options to preposition people and supplies on Taiwan. The long ranges inherent with Pacific operations, for both deployment and employment, require that we be ready to defend Taiwan from austere and distant locations such as Andersen AB, Guam. China's ability to produce and procure modern weapons forces US and Taiwanese assets to fight within Chinese threat rings, while still achieving accurate results. US aircraft must be able to operate in these threat envelopes and gain air superiority, while supporting Taiwan's amphibious defenses. The United States can defend Taiwan twenty years from now, by effectively addressing the implications of this thesis.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Test of Strength
This study comprises an analysis of the German nuclear policy and encompasses two major aspects. First, an attempt to explain Germany's reluctance towards nuclear weapons, and secondly, an analysis of the implications of the findings for Germany's nuclear posture in the future. The research begins with a look at Germany's recent history following WWII with particular emphasis on its politics and nuclear ambitions. The historic part is separated into three chapters, the phase when Germany was disarmed and carefully began to regain signs of political life, followed by the struggle to rearm, and finally Germany's way into the Western Alliance. The underlying argument points out the German government's persistent strife for nuclear ownership in order to regain political status beyond its initial goal of national sovereignty and reunification. Watching its neighbors gaining prestige and status through their independent nuclear weapons program the young Republic undertook several attempts to gain control over those weapons, but ultimately failed. As will be pointed out during this study, the German population did not entirely share its government's enthusiasm for nuclear weapons. This fact was never sufficiently appreciated by the authorities hence protests accompanied the political decision-making process from the start.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Politics of Vulnerability
Rigorous policy analysis is needed to determine if fielding missile defense both national and theater level advances US national interests. The deployment of a National Missile Defense (NMD) system will provide the United States some measure of protection not currently enjoyed. However, the authors conclude that while the fielding of NMD does not irrevocably detract from the overall national interests of the United States, there exist potential pitfalls that, if not addressed, could result in harm to these interests. Further, the authors conclude that involving Taiwan in an integrated national security arrangement employing Theater Missile Defense (TMD) is not in the national interest of the United States. Background: The National Missile Defense Act of 1999 requires the President to deploy a national missile defense system as soon as technologically possible. Former President Clinton proposed four criteria when considering the fielding question: threat, cost, technical feasibility, and overall impact on US national security. The authors accepted these criteria and focused on the fourth criterion.overall impact on US national security interest.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Korea and U.S. Security Strategy
The purpose of this paper is to examine the US security strategy in Northeast Asia in the post-Korean Armistice period. Although the United States has maintained a steadfast alliance with the Republic of Korea since the signing of the Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953, the decision by the United States to actively engage North Korea in direct dialogue has created the potential for increasing divergence of interest within the alliance. The United States is concerned with the nuclear proliferation issue while the Republic of Korea is concerned with being recognized as a principal party to any peace settlement.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iran and the Arabian Gulf
The Arabian Gulf is of critical importance to the United States and our European and Asian allies. The region contains two-thirds of the world's known oil reserves, and the waterway itself is the key sea line of communication to this resource. As the world's only remaining superpower, the U.S. maintains a close watch on the Gulf and threats to its access. Following Iraq's defeat during DESERT STORM, the U.S. has refocused much of its attention on Iran and its growing military sea-denial capabilities. In light of the importance we place on the waterway, U.S. decision-makers must understand the extent of the Iranian threat to the free flow of commerce through the Gulf, and how best to counter it. Our thesis asserts that given the current geopolitical situation, the Iranian threat to the waterway is overstated; however, Gulf Cooperation Council members can and should take the lead in countering any attempt to deny its free access, and in the long term, the U.S. can join them and our other allies to help reduce Iranian incentives to threaten the Gulf.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS China Strategic Perspectives 1
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preparing for the Inevitable
Many lessons from the Multinational Force and Observer (MFO) mission to the Sinai and the Multinational Force II (MNFII) mission to Lebanon are relevant for future U.S. peacekeeping operations in Israel and the Occupied Territories (OT). A final peace between Israel and the Palestinians is a critical U.S. national interest and is unlikely to occur without a US-led international peacekeeping force. It is important that the U.S. begin to consider the strategic and operation requirements for this mission. Strategic conditions that assisted the success of the MFO and challenged the MNFII must be considered before US involvement in Israel and the OT. The commitment to the treaty of two viable parties, the reduction of external destabilizing influences, and the resolved leadership of the US are the three essential strategic conditions needed. The operational environment of Israel and the OT more closely resembles that of 1982 Lebanon, with its urban and populated countryside, ethnic, religious, and political factions, and militias, terror organizations, and pronounced foreign influence. The Sinai, on the other hand, presented a much larger area, with few urban areas, sparse population, and no internal divisions. Despite the differing operational environments, the MFO and MNFII still provide relevant operational lessons for Israel and the OT. Critical operational lessons are: the necessity of a clear and achievable mission, selecting an effective organization structure for the force, the importance of a unified and compact command structure, tailoring the force for the specific environment and assigned mission, the need for the force to be able to adapt to changes in the situation, and the benefit of maintaining impartiality in the conduct of the mission.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conflict and Conflict Resolution
The Army faces both significant external and some internal changes. These external changes in its operational environment, precipitated by the end of the Cold War, have created new threats and conflicts for the Army to contend with. This monograph proposes that the Army must reevaluate its understanding of the role of theory, the definition of conflict, and the practices of conflict resolution to effectively deal with these changes. The method of research used was comparing and contrasting the theories, definitions, and practices as found in the literature of the fields of Theory, Peace Studies, and Conflict Resolution with those found in Army publications. This comparison of literature developed a clear understanding of what a theory is, how it is developed, and its role in the development of a body of knowledge. The research applied this foundational understanding of theory to the body of knowledge concerning conflict and conflict resolution. This concept of what conflict is as defined by the fields of Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution was compared to what is found in Army publications. The same was done concerning the concept, theories, and practices of conflict resolution. The research concluded that the Army's concepts of theory, conflict, and conflict resolution are deficient, especially when compared to those found in the fields of Theory, Peace Studies, and Conflict Resolution. From this conclusion, three recommendations were made for the Army: (1) incorporate a fuller explanation of theory in Army capstone manuals and a greater use of current theorists throughout Army manuals, (2) expand the definition of conflict within Army manuals, (3) develop a separate Army manual for conflict resolution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Forward Deployment Policy
Today, Americans stationed overseas support a defense structure in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Japan, and South Korea built upon past threats. This study hopefully begins a re-evaluation of this forward deployment policy by looking at the history and origins of American participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It then compares the original need for forward deployment with today's associated threats, problems and costs. This study finds that while the United States remains a global power with global interests, forward deployed troops may no longer provide a cost effective means for guarding these worldwide interests. The world threat today may not require a large permanent American presence given the advent of strategic satellite warning, stealth technology, American power projection capabilities, and allied capabilities to defend themselves.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Theater Ballistic Missile Defense
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the ballistic missiles used to employ them pose the greatest security challenge to the U.S. and her allies. In the past, active defense measures taken to combat the ballistic missile threat were concentrated on launch platform destruction or use of ground-based ballistic missile defense assets. In an era of declining overseas bases, limited strategic lift capability, and the Army and Air Force operating in an expeditionary role, naval forces will usually be the first units to respond to a crisis. Therefore, sea-based ballistic missile defense is a necessity. This paper provides an overview of the Navy's theater ballistic missile defense program. Specifially, it addresses the relationship between ballistic missiles and developing nations. It provides some background on the Joint Ballistic Missile Defense framework and the active defense programs being developed to support that framework. Most of the paper discusses the advantages of sea-based ballistic missile defense along with the Navy's two solutions to the ballistic missile threat, Navy Area Defense and Navy Theater-Wide Defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Theater Nuclear Forces and Extended Deterrence in a Multipolar World
The role played by nonstrategic nuclear forces in the cold war logic of extended deterrence is changing dramatically, as the US and Soviet Union retreat from the quasi-confrontational military postures of the past 40 years. What do present changes in the global security picture portend for this class of weapons? The author evaluates possibilities using a matrix of considerations: trends in the international system: strategic ways, means, and perceptions: intrinsic capabilities of new generations of nuclear weapons: and operative views of extended nuclear deterrence. One conclusion is that, owing to the desirability of having a graduated means of deterring conflict and controlling escalation, theater nuclear weapons may remain important elements of US military capability in the global environment of the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pure National Security Strategy
This study comprises a theoretical framework that is conducive to development and application of successful national security strategy. A national security strategy is the instrument which enables societies to partly influence and shape the conditions of the future in which they and their children will live. The national security strategy encompasses definitional underpinnings, characterization of strategy across levels of analysis, incorporating global trends, and understanding the basic goals of the state (security, prosperity and way of life) as all these factors span time from past, present, to future. Overall, the thesis reaches four major conclusions that have implications for national security strategy. First, national security strategy has no end but attempts to attain a continuing advantage across history. Second, strategy manages current and future change, which requires anticipation. Global trends fill this function. Third, national core values have great impact on national security strategy, both as boundaries for applied strategy and as historical enablers. Four, the strategy framework empowers national security with proactive potentials to reinforce opportunities and oppose and change threats before they come to full fruition.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Evolution of the International System
This thesis presents a long-term, multi-disciplinary view of international relations that incorporates realism, liberalism, and constructivism into a distinct new theory. It focuses on the proposal that the international environment is a social system, driven by self-interest characterized by the larger evolutionary process. The analysis argues that human social evolution employs cooperation to fulfill self- interest. As cooperation increases, human social groups self-organize and amalgamate into larger groups and higher-order social constructs, creating the international system. Societies evolve and develop culture specifically to encourage and enforce cooperation. As evidenced by the spread of democracy, societies mimic and copy cultural aspects of more successful societies to reap the benefits of cooperation. Just as social constructs cooperate to meet the needs of the individual, states also cooperate to meet the needs of their own populations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impacts of F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter Exports to the Middle East
In recent decades, stealth technology has provided the US with an unprecedented advantage in military conflict. F-117 stealth fielders, which proved practically invisible to Iraqi air defenses in Desert Storm, sparked a revolution in aircraft design. The US has committed billions of dollars toward this technology by demanding stealth to be a fundamental capability of current and future aircraft designs including the B-2 Stealth bomber, the F-22 Raptor and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). The US will likely never again purchase a non-stealthy aircraft.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Erosion of US Nuclear Deterrence Credibility in the 21st Century
The US maintains nuclear weapons to 'deter, dissuade, and defeat' a range of immediate and potential conventional, nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons threats. No other weapon matches its physical and psychological power. While their emphasis in the US national security strategy has diminished since the end of the Cold War, nuclear weapons continue to serve as the ultimate deterrent. Looking forward, shifts in the strategic landscape are calling into question the value of nuclear weapons. Technology continues to advance exponentially, multiplying the number of threats and creating new domains such as cyberspace. When combined with political and social changes driven by globalization, the international relations system has become more complex by shifting the power balance between states; empowering small groups and individuals; and giving rise to new conceptions of conflict such as hybrid warfare.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eritrean and Ethiopian Conflict and the Impact on United States National Security Interests in the Horn of Africa
The Eritrean and Ethiopian Conflict and the Impact on United States National Security Interests in the Horn of Africa Have you ever wondered why the United States is so interested in resolving other countries' conflicts? Simply put, it affects our way of life. Conflict leads to chaos in the following ways: a democratic government is challenged to maintain its legitimacy, human rights are ignored leading to civil unrest to include refugees, and terrorists groups exploit conflict to recruit jihadists. This paper talks about this chaos and what impact it has on the region and to the United States. The Ethiopian and Eritrean conflict is already creating havoc in both countries and has spread to neighboring countries as well. This conflict can directly impact the United States' national security interests in the region. The United States is undoubtedly concerned with the democratic governance of all countries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The International Dimension of Culture and Conflict
This CADRE Paper contains the edited transcript of The International Dimension of Culture and Conflict Symposium held at Air University on 20 April 1990. This symposium was undertaken to honor the work of Adda B. Bozeman, whose eloquence and clarity of thought have illuminated the influence of culture on the causes, nature, and conduct of war. Today we hope to do more than simply express our homage to Professor Bozeman. We intend to show that years after the completion of her pioneering work* her ideas are still not only fresh, they are hilly relevant to the unsettled times in which we are now obliged to live and which demand of us a reshaping of our philosophical, political, and military values.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Building Security and Partnership Through African Regional Organizations
In 2002, the African Union (AU) was created with the aim of strengthening integration among member States and the voice of the African continent in global affairs. The African heads of state recognized the Organization of African Unity (OAU) framework was no longer adequate to meet the needs for greater continental policy coordination, stronger economic growth, and growing security challenges. By 2007, the United States responded with the creation of US Africa Command to be the Department of Defense (DOD) focal point for the coordination and execution of civil-military operations. This in itself is not sufficient to engage in the African theater. An additional effort is needed to mitigate current US Theater Security Cooperation limitations, coordination mechanisms and cultural mindset. It is necessary to improve the access to ground truth information in Africa, to overcome roadblocks in implementing a holistic African strategy, and best tackle its diverse and complex challenges. The US military must increase its application of soft power through renewed partnerships within the African Union and its Regional Economic Communities (RECs) to build capacity and create African solutions to African problems. The US military requires increased multilateral diplomacy to maximize common US and African strategic interests, build partnerships within Africa's diverse regions, and integrate itself as a vital partner in Africa's 2050 vision.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Functions and Structure of Nuclear Deterrence in the Post-Cold War World
The change reshaping the Soviet Union and other former members of the Communist bloc has also altered the strategic equation for the United States. Given that nuclear weapons and the intense superpower rivalry of 40 years of cold war have helped foster a certain air of predictability in international affairs, the present flux in the international system has created a number of possible security scenarios. The author explores these possibilities as they relate to the strategic future of the Soviet Union, the possible evolution of a new European system of collective security, and the challenges of regional conflict in a multipolar world. Of primary concern is the question of the continued validity of traditional concepts of deterrence in a system characterized by the profusion of advanced military capabilities, which no longer possesses many of the stabilizing strategic counterweights of the cold war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Dissent and Strategic Leadership of the Military Professions
One of the central difficulties to a right understanding of American civil-military relations is the nature of the U.S. military. Are our armed forces just obedient bureaucracies like most of the Executive branch, or are they vocational professions granted significant autonomy and a unique role in these relationships because of their expert knowledge and their expertise to apply it in the defense of America? To large measure, the answer to this question should determine the behavior of the strategic leaders of these professions, including the uncommon behavior of public dissent. Using the "Revolt of the Generals" in 2006 as stimulus, the author develops from the study of military professions the critical trust relationships that should have informed their individual decisions to dissent. After doing so, he makes recommendations for the restoration of the professions' ethic in this critical area of behavior by the senior officers who are the professions' strategic leaders.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance of the Open Skies Treaty Program in the Twenty-First Century
The Open Skies Treaty allows any signatory nation to fly specifically equipped reconnaissance aircraft anywhere over the territory of any other signatory nation. With its history stemming from the 1950s, all the way through its revival in 1989 and continuation today, the Open Skies Treaty has always been aimed at improving international relations. Whether it was arms control verification, as it was in the beginning, or openness and transparency, as it is today, the ultimate goal was to build confidence between nations. Now that the Treaty has been in force for six years, with positive outcomes for every nation involved, a look at what the future holds for the Treaty is in order. This paper will present the key historical facts involving the Open Skies Treaty and prove that it is still relevant in the twenty-first century, as well as make recommendations for the future of the program and usage in non-traditional roles.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cognitive Biases
Our vast and powerful Department of Defense is focused on the war in Afghanistan. As of President Obama's West Point Speech, it has become the main war effort. Signs began to appear though, that the National Security Agency (NSA) was falling prey to some of the common cognitive biases that we all fall prey to. Research into past conflicts revealed that in fact the executive branch's very set up incline it to succumb to these biases, unknowingly. This paper explores those cognitive biases, the results from the past and the potential areas where the NSA is vulnerable to these cognitive biases. The research consisted mainly of psychology articles and manuals, history books and papers and newspapers and articles on Afghanistan today. It showed that we do have vulnerabilities, and it recommends some potential ways ahead to make sure that our decisions in Afghanistan are based on sound reason, and not unconscious mental 'shortcuts.'This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China-ASEAN Relations
The author traces the evolution of China-ASEAN relations since the early 1990s and examines some of the key factors that have contributed to the positive developments in bilateral ties. He describes and analyzes how China and ASEAN have managed the territorial disputes through negotiation and compromises; looks at the expanding economic ties between China and ASEAN member states and examines the politico-strategic, as well as economic rationales for establishing a free trade area; and evaluates the emerging yet still limited defense and security ties between the two. He also assesses the implications of the growing China-ASEAN ties for U.S. interests in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Proliferation of Russian Military Equipment
Russia is flooding world markets with military equipment. This flood of equipment is acting like a fuel source for terrorist organizations and countries around the world to use force against their enemies. This paper analyses the effects of this flood of equipment in four regions of the world. Russian proliferation is marginalizing the effectiveness of US airpower because the US doesn't have quick and regular access to the thousands of hot spots military proliferation creates. Our current model for airpower application is old and inflexible. It suffers from a need for access and logistic lines of supply.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
