A More Active Neutrality
The United States has multiple discernable, but often times conflicting, interests in Asia. Focusing on the South China Sea territorial disputes, these conflicting interests become very clear and the importance of a coherent, long-term policy even clearer. First, the U.S. needs to promote peace in the region, ensuring access to commercial shipping upon which its allies in Northeast Asia depend, and affording passage for U.S. military deployments to the region and beyond. Next, the U.S. has strong interests in bolstering the security of its treaty partners in the region, such as the Republic of the Philippines. Finally, the U.S. needs to continue to engage China, to build a positive and productive relationship, and to do what it can to ensure China acts responsibly where its interests overlap those of the U.S.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Role of the National Guard in Homeland Security
The purpose of this monograph is to determine what role the National Guard should perform in homeland security. The establishment of the Department of Homeland Security and the United States Northern Command has created new organizations to assist in homeland security, but neither has fully integrated the National Guard into it planning or fully assessed its capabilities. This topic is particularly pertinent after the attacks on 11 September 2001, and the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Both events exposed flaws in the planning and execution in the use of the National Guard for homeland operations. While organizational and legal changes have been made at the federal and state levels, there are still questions as to the role of the National Guard in homeland security. This monograph will evaluate the National Guard's possible integration in the context of the Department of Defense's contribution to homeland security: military missions overseas, homeland defense, and support to civil authorities. The evaluation will include the National Guard's unique legal capabilities in the military, its organization and relationship to the local populace, and its historical use in homeland security and as a reserve component of the military. The conclusion is that the National Guard's history, legal capabilities, and inherent ties with the local and state communities and government poise the National Guard to be the country's primary homeland security force. In order to enhance its capabilities, the National Guard Bureau must be integrated into both the United States Northern Command and the Department of Homeland Security and planning considerations must be discussed with governors and state National Guard officials, unity of command and unity of effort must be deconflicted during homeland operations, and mobilized National Guard units operating within the United States must not be federalized in order to ensure that it can still perform law enforcement operations while mobilizeThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Ogaden Insurrection
Will Ethiopia become the next Somalia? The African continent consists of many fragile regions considered vulnerable to Islamist extremism due to an array of social, political, and economic factors combined with a substantial Muslim population. Somalia is a prime example of a failed state plagued by vulnerabilities that were successfully exploited by radical Islamist extremists. Somalia's fate contributed to growing concern that Ethiopia's current state of affairs, combined with an ongoing insurrection led by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), might provide an opening for Islamist extremism in that country. The application of analysis methodology from a recognized expert in counterinsurgency reveals that Ethiopia is not likely to suffer Somalia's fate. In David Galula's book, Counterinsurgency Warfare, he provides a framework consisting of four prerequisites for analyzing the likelihood of an insurgent victory: a cause, weakness of the counterinsurgent, geographic conditions, and outside support. According to Galula's methodology, the cause and the weakness of the counterinsurgent are absolute must haves, and these two prerequisites are substantially weak areas for the ONLF. Therefore, the strength of the Ethiopian regime, the weakness of the insurgency, and the incompatibility of Islamist extremism with Somali clan life in the Ogaden are among the strongest indicators that Islamist extremism is unlikely to gain significant influence in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Holy Jerusalem
This paper explores the Middle East Peace Process in terms of the historical and cultural attachment the three monolithic religions have toward the city of Jerusalem. Although conventional wisdom ascribes to four majors issues preventing a comprehensive settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians: namely borders, security, right of return and Jerusalem, it is actually only Jerusalem that is of ultimate concern. If the issue of Jerusalem's sovereignty can be solved a compromise solution for the other three will be found.Unfortunately, the common ground required for a negotiated settlement in regards to Jerusalem will never be found. Its religious value to Muslims, Jews and Christians alike have contributed to three millennia of monumental abuse, depravity and sacrifice, which acts as a limitless reservoir of cultural 'sunk costs' no contemporary government can or will ignore. Therefore, the only way a lasting solution to peace in the Middle East can be found is by a forced settlement that Israelis and Palestinians will find palatable. If all parties perceive that there is no real winner then they are more likely to accept a mandate that is less than desired.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conflict Termination and Regime Change
Many US military operations since the end of the Cold War have ended improperly; the failure has not been due to a flaw in doctrine. Instead, senior civilian and military leaders have chosen to ignore or have neglected the complexities of termination. The US seemingly began Operating Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom with no apparent exit strategy. Senior US civilian and military leaders in the Bush Administration erroneously presumed that some other entity would assume responsibility for termination. Their decision was in direct conflict with doctrine, which clearly outlined the responsibility to plan for termination. Consequently, the United States was forced to assume responsibility for nation building. The research sought to explain why senior military or civilian leaders have neglected the specification of termination criteria. To provide the answer, it was necessary to explore four possible explanations. The first possible explanation is simply that military doctrine never addressed termination or that military theory neglected war termination. A second possible explanation was that both civilian and military leaders did not see termination as a responsibility of the US military. The next possibility was that the US did not intend to create a long-term commitment to the stability of a particular government. Lastly, the failure to define termination may have been simply a consequence of unforeseen unique circumstances. The research assessed US doctrine and operations in the pre-September 11, 2001 environment with post September 11, 2001 operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The object of the study was to review the lessons learned from earlier operations and determine if they were applied to planning for Operation Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994 were chosen because both operations focused on regime change. Termination for operations in Panama, although executed poorly, ended successfully. TThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military Intelligence Support to Homeland Security
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 identified a need for a better domestic intelligence capability. In order to prevent another attack on the homeland, one must first identify any failures in the current doctrine, theory, and practice regarding intelligence support to homeland security. This involves not only military intelligence, but also the various domestic and international intelligence organizations that maintain some degree of jurisdiction over intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination. This monograph outlines how the new operational environment, current laws, regulations, and policies effecting domestic intelligence collection, and advocates establishing state level intelligence centers that rely heavily on the Reserve Component and which would enable better intelligence sharing between the law enforcement and intelligence communities at the local level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Functions and Structure of Nuclear Deterrence in the Post-Cold War World
The change reshaping the Soviet Union and other former members of the Communist bloc has also altered the strategic equation for the United States. Given that nuclear weapons and the intense superpower rivalry of 40 years of cold war have helped foster a certain air of predictability in international affairs, the present flux in the international system has created a number of possible security scenarios. The author explores these possibilities as they relate to the strategic future of the Soviet Union, the possible evolution of a new European system of collective security, and the challenges of regional conflict in a multipolar world. Of primary concern is the question of the continued validity of traditional concepts of deterrence in a system characterized by the profusion of advanced military capabilities, which no longer possesses many of the stabilizing strategic counterweights of the cold war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Environmental Security
The objective of this paper is to determine how environmental degradation impacts U.S. National Security by researching the evolution of the concept of environmental security. Research was pursued via Internet and AU Library sources. Significant articles, papers, and books on population impacts, environmental degradation, violent conflict, and environmental security were reviewed and analyzed from 1960 till 1998. In the first chapter, I analyzed the research material investigating the causes and effects of environmental degradation in the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on the impact of population growth. This early material debated the potential, deadly environmental effects, swift decline in living conditions, and violent conflict for scarce renewable and nonrenewable resources that the impending "population bomb" would cause. Chapter Two looks at the growing debate during the 1970s and 1980s on the effects of environmental degradation on ecosystems, and the possible ramifications on international security. The first appearance of the concept of environmental security was seen during this phase. The third chapter deals with the connection between degradation of renewable resources, violent conflict, and environmental security. Finally, the last chapter introduces my conclusions, and gives suggestions for intervention by the U.S., our allies, and the United Nations into environmental security threats in the 21st century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A Decade of Venezuela's Hugo Chavez, Por Ahora
This research paper uses an expository methodology to examine the last ten years of Venezuela's Hugo Chavez presidency and the significant aspects in terms of US security. The paper contents highlight some of Chavez's notable changes, impacts on relations with the United States (US) and offers some suggestions for future strategies. The research focused on trying to understand Chavez's background, intentions and relevance through a relatively neutral lens. Despite President Hugo Chavez's anti-American rhetoric, the US has withstood the last ten years without significant security issues or real threats resulting from this ongoing tension. An analysis of Chavez's presidency reveals that Venezuela poses an ongoing challenge that warrants close attention but does not constitute a significant security threat to the United States. This paper addresses the significant aspects of Chavez and the US/Venezuela relationship up to this point in time (March 2009.) The majority of research reflects back over the past decade since December 1998.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Transnational Insurgencies and the Escalation of Regional Conflict
Many insurgents groups benefit from sanctuaries in neighboring countries where they are relatively safe from state security forces. These transnational insurgencies complicate traditional counterinsurgency operations in significant ways. Most importantly, transnational insurgencies have the potential to spark conflicts between neighboring countries. This monograph examines several transnational insurgencies that have been active since the end of the Cold War. While many neighboring countries have experienced the escalation of conflict between them as the result of cross-border violence, other states have successfully cooperated in providing border security. In depth case studies of relations between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as India and its eastern neighbors are explored. The lessons learned from this research are applied to contemporary issues facing Iraq and Afghanistan.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Armed With Information
In light of the pervasive nature of real-time global news, the perceptions as delivered via the media and other emerging communication mediums are increasingly influencing foreign and domestic public opinion and the policymaking process.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Requirements and Challenges Facing the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center
Since September 11, 2001, both the United States (US) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have undergone transformation to improve intelligence collection, analysis, production and dissemination in support of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act passed by Congress in 2004 provided guidance to the US Intelligence Community on the establishment of an integrated intelligence network.1 Similarly, NATO's Allied Command Transformation (ACT) determined that NATO's intelligence architecture must transform to meet future operational intelligence needs and proposed establishment of the NATO Intelligence Fusion Center (IFC). Officially opened by NATO on October 16, 2006, the IFC's ultimate goal is to provide a mechanism by which NATO's 26 member states can collaboratively develop and share information and intelligence in support of the common goal of winning the GWOT and promoting global peace and stability. NATO intends for the IFC "to provide the full spectrum of military production and analysis at the operational level." 2 Support to NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan will be the IFC's first major test.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Third Temple's Holy of Holies
This paper is a history of the Israeli nuclear weapons program drawn from a review of unclassified sources. Israel began its search for nuclear weapons at the inception of the state in 1948. As payment for Israeli participation in the Suez Crisis of 1956, France provided nuclear expertise and constructed a reactor complex for Israel at Dimona capable of large-scale plutonium production and reprocessing. The United States discovered the facility by 1958 and it was a subject of continual discussions between American presidents and Israeli prime ministers. Israel used delay and deception to at first keep the United States at bay, and later used the nuclear option as a bargaining chip for a consistent American conventional arms supply. After French disengagement in the early 1960s, Israel progressed on its own, including through several covert operations, to project completion. Before the 1967 Six-Day War, they felt their nuclear facility threatened and reportedly assembled several nuclear devices. By the 1973 Yom Kippur War Israel had a number of sophisticated nuclear bombs, deployed them, and considered using them. The Arabs may have limited their war aims because of their knowledge of the Israeli nuclear weapons. Israel has most probably conducted several nuclear bomb tests. They have continued to modernize and vertically proliferate and are now one of the world's larger nuclear powers. Using "bomb in the basement" nuclear opacity, Israel has been able to use its arsenal as a deterrent to the Arab world while not technically violating American nonproliferation requirements.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prompt Global Strikes Through Space
The Air Force and U.S. Space Command have long-range plans to demonstrate the technologies necessary to execute prompt global strikes with precision conventional weapons through space launched from the U.S. homeland to any point on the globe in 90 minutes or less. While the Space Operations Vehicle concept is the postulated delivery vehicle early in the 2010 decade, long-range conventional ballistic missiles could provide an initial capability as early as 2005. In light of the potentially aggressive use of weapons of mass destruction by rogue adversaries in future wars, this paper explores the potential benefits and drawbacks of a capability to conduct prompt global strikes through space with conventional ballistic missiles and the Space Operations Vehicle. Political and military factors involved in the strategic decision to acquire, deploy, and employ such a capability are also examined, with emphasis on the Air Force's role.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Saudi-Iranian Rivalry and the Future of Middle East Security
Saudi Arabia and Iran have often behaved as serious rivals for influence in the Middle East and especially the Gulf area since at least Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution and the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War. While both nations define themselves as Islamic, the differences between their foreign policies could hardly be more dramatic. In most respects, Saudi Arabia is a regional status quo power, while Iran often seeks revolutionary change throughout the Gulf area and the wider Middle East with varying degrees of intensity. Saudi Arabia also has strong ties with Western nations, while Iran views the United States as its most dangerous enemy. Perhaps the most important difference between the two nations is that Saudi Arabia is a conservative Sunni Muslim Arab state, while Iran is a Shi'ite state whose senior politicians often view their country as the defender and natural leader of Shi'ites throughout the region. The rivalry between Riyadh and Tehran has been reflected in the politics of a number of regional states where these two powers exercise influence including Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Bahrain and others. The 2011 wave of pro-democracy and anti-regime protests known as the "Arab Spring" introduced new concerns for both Saudi Arabia and Iran to consider within the framework of their regional priorities. The Saudi-Iranian rivalry is therefore likely to intensify as a central feature in the Middle Eastern security landscape that reaches into both the Gulf region and the Arab-Israeli theater. This is a reality that will touch upon the interests of the United States in a number of situations. In many instances, Saudi opposition to Iran will serve U.S. interests, but this will not occur under all circumstances. Saudi Arabia remains a deeply anti-revolutionary state with values and priorities which sometimes overlap with those of Washington on matters of strategic interest and often conflict over matters of reform and democracy for other Middle Eastern states. Additionally, in seeking to support Middle Eastern stability, the United States must be prepared to mediate between Riyadh and Baghdad, and thereby help to limit Iranian efforts to insert itself into Iraqi politics.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Relevance of the Open Skies Treaty Program in the Twenty-First Century
The Open Skies Treaty allows any signatory nation to fly specifically equipped reconnaissance aircraft anywhere over the territory of any other signatory nation. With its history stemming from the 1950s, all the way through its revival in 1989 and continuation today, the Open Skies Treaty has always been aimed at improving international relations. Whether it was arms control verification, as it was in the beginning, or openness and transparency, as it is today, the ultimate goal was to build confidence between nations. Now that the Treaty has been in force for six years, with positive outcomes for every nation involved, a look at what the future holds for the Treaty is in order. This paper will present the key historical facts involving the Open Skies Treaty and prove that it is still relevant in the twenty-first century, as well as make recommendations for the future of the program and usage in non-traditional roles.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Buildling Maritime Security in Southeast Asia
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkmenistan and Central Asia After Niyazov
President Sapirmurat Niyazov, the all-powerful leader of Turkmenistan, suddenly died on December 21, 2006. Because Central Asia is a cockpit of great power rivalry and a potential theater in the Global War on Terrorism, no sooner had Niyazov died than the great powers were all in Turkmenistan seeking to influence its future policies away from the neutrality that had been Niyazov's policy. Turkmenistan's importance lies almost exclusively in its large natural gas holdings and proximity to the Caspian Sea and Iran. Because energy is regarded as a strategic asset as much if not more than as a mere lubricant or commodity, Russia, Iran, China, and the United States have all been visibly engaged in competition for influence there. The outcome of this competition and of the domestic struggle for power will have repercussions throughout Central Asia, if not beyond. The author shows the linkage between energy and security policies in Central Asia and in the policies of the major powers towards Central Asia. Beyond this analysis, he provides recommendations for U.S. policymakers as to how they should conduct themselves in this complex situation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Energy Security
In the late 1970s, a group of reform minded Chinese, led by Deng Xiaoping, enacted a series of economic reforms that catapulted China into the global spotlight. The key to sustaining the dynamic growth is access to petroleum resources. The central question of this monograph is whether China's strategy is liberal-institutionalist or realist-mercantilist. Using a qualitative case study methodology that explores the dependent variable, energy security, using three independent variables, cost, reliability, and security, China's grand strategy is shown to be a hedging approach. The analysis consists of three case studies. The first case study shows that as the Chinese National Oil Companies grow in scale and experience, they are increasingly at odds with the central government's strategy. This conflict works at cross-purposes to the overall state-directed strategy. The second case study shows that in countries like Sudan, where China has extensive unilateral agreements, the strategy is clearly realist-mercantilist. The final case study shows that in areas like the maritime transit corridors, where China is reliant on outside actors for security, the strategy is liberal-institutionalism or free riding. Taken as a whole, the Chinese strategy for energy security is a combination of liberal-institutionalism, realist-mercantilism, and "free riding" tailored to fit the situation and to maximize opportunities that present themselves.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Misunderstood Dragon or Underestimated Panda
This study uses the theory of strategic culture to analyze how China reacts to an external national security crisis. Following an overview of the theory, the author introduces a strategic culture framework. Three cases studies (Korean War, Vietnam War, and 1995 Taiwan crisis) serve as qualitative evidence for the framework. This study concludes that strategic culture is useful as a supplementary lens in understanding Chinese responses to a security crisis. The framework also provides a rough translation of Chinese strategic concepts into familiar US concepts. The framework can aid a US strategist by helping anticipate how Chinese strategic culture will lead Beijing to react during a security crisis. A sample application of the framework in a real-world scenario is included as an appendix.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Humanitarian Intervention in Kosovo
During 1999, NATO instituted a bombing campaign and other military operations against the former Yugoslavia (Kosovo) in order to restore peace and prevent their humanitarian crisis from causing further conflicts within the Balkans. The justification for these operations was to secure international peace and security in the region and to ensure the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia complied with peace demands made by the Security Council. The debate in the international community arose whether the bombing was justified in order to quell the humanitarian crisis. As a humanitarian intervention, it entails complicated legal and moral issues that support this justification. Understanding the legal and moral issues in conflict is important and should be considered by military planners and policy makers. The Kosovo conflict, as a "humanitarian intervention" provides a case study for such an analysis. The legal issues in this monograph are focused on the International Court of Justice case of May 1999, Yugoslavia vs. the United States. The court case brought out that the law is unclear whether humanitarian purposes override use of force under Articles 2(4), 51, and 53. There are also some provisions under customary and traditional law that leave this question open to future interpretation depending on the prevailing political situation. A review of the literature shows that moral arguments for the intervention had and can have a large effect on support or lack thereof, in the US and in the international community. This can contribute to the swift initiation or the termination of a humanitarian intervention. These considerations are applicable to 2007 and beyond, when military planners and policy makers will need to apply a legal and moral lens to viewing and understanding conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foreign Policy and a State's Hierarchy of Needs
The last 60 years saw a great change in United States involvement in the world. From an isolationist position before World War II, the United States moved to world leadership as underwriter of European security and balancer of Soviet expansionism. The reason this country bore the brunt of that huge undertaking was clear. It was in our "Vital National Interests." First, fascist aggression sought world domination, and war resulted. Then, the security of the United States was clearly tied to blocking the spread of communism through a national policy of containment. In November 1989, the Berlin Wall came tumbling down and with it Churchill's famous Iron Curtain. Just two years later, in December of 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics died. The rapid fall of the Soviet Communist regime did two drastic things to international politics. First, it ended the communist threat to the US and free world. Second, the fall ended the Cold War and with it, bipolarity. Now turbulence worldwide generates as ethnic and nationalistic sentiments surface and cause civil and regional conflicts. Previously, these sentiments were buried under the mantel of communism. These conflicts present new challenges for the world and those concerned with maintenance of its order. The United States has not determined how to define these problems and the interests of this country, nor what the proper response to these events should be. The old bipolar paradigm is inadequate and a new one must be developed. This paper proposes a new model for United States involvement around the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
South Asia in 2020
This volume consists of revised versions of papers presented at conference sponsored by the Asia/Pacific Research Center and the Center for International Security and Cooperation of Stanford University, and the U.S. Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute on January 4-5, 2002. While there are numerous ways to approach the question of "whither South Asia?" the conference organizers decided to focus on the future of strategic balances and alliances in the region, with 2020 as the target date. This choice of topic allowed the conference participants to talk not only about the patterns of amity and enmity within the region, but also about the role of extraregional powers and issues such as social and economic trends, domestic political conditions, strategic culture, and the role of nuclear weapons. These factors can affect the relative power of countries as well as their relations of friendship and hostility.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Seasons of Change
The Arab Spring is an event that has radically shifted the geopolitical landscape in one of the most volatile regions of the world. Many experts and policy makers were caught off guard by the speed and organizational ability of disparate citizens that orchestrated and executed these revolutions. As the dust settles and the United States begins to reassess the new environment, this monograph asserts that certain indicators can assist planners in predicting both the nature of potential revolutions and the likelihood of stability following revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East. The purpose of this monograph is to analyze which variables played a significant role in the nature of the Arab Spring revolutions. This study hypothesizes that the civil-military relationship in the affected countries is that primary variable. This monograph uses the case study method by analyzing civil-military relationships, economics, and political pluralism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In conclusion, the constant indicator for less violent revolutions, as well as the attainment of revolutionary goals, was a universally accepted civil-military relationship. The findings of this monograph support the hypothesis of the primary impact that the civil-military relationships had in the affected countries. Each of the countries had disparate economic conditions as well as vastly different levels of political pluralism amongst their populations. These findings do not support a uniform grievance of the people, be economic or in the form of civil society enfranchisement and these variables offer little in future analysis of potential problem areas for military planners. However, the data clearly demonstrated that the civil-military relationship amongst the elites, the military, and the population was a reliable indicator as to the nature and violence level that would be characteristic of each revolution. This monograph also provides a framework for planners to approach potentially unstableThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkey and European Union Relations
The European Union is undoubtedly one of the major success stories to emerge from a violent century which saw millions of Europeans lose their lives in hostilities and conflict. The December 1999 European Council Meeting in Helsinki marked an uplifting ends to such a century. It not only set a vision for the future of the old continent in the new millennium. It also repositioned the horizons of Europe. The Helsinki Summit established the EU's ultimate southeastern borders will be with Syria, Iraq and Iran. Turkey's inclusion in the EU's enlargement thus has both a regional and global significance. The role it played in the Kosova Crisis underlined its importance to the EU in the Balkans. Turkey is equally important where the EU's reach to Eurasia and Middle East is concerned. Dr. Romano Prodi, the Commission President, has described the Helsinki Council as launching a "New European Order" to embrace "all of us the EU, the applicant countries and our neighbors in a wider Europe." In Turkey too, Helsinki has been hailed as a landmark event, both for the revival it gave to Turkish-EU relations and for launching the process leading to Turkey's eventual full membership of the EU. For Turkey, acceptance of its candidacy is a natural response to the sacrifices it made throughout the Cold War period. As the only NATO member with a land border with the Soviet Union, it bore a heavy share of the Alliance's burden. It finds it fitting that, having contributed to the creation of the new Europe, it should also be part of this Europe.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Force and Restraint in Strategic Deterrence
A great power's use of its military forces may be rendered ineffective or even counterproductive when there are no clear internationally recognizable limits on this use of force. Professor Myerson derives this conclusion from the basic observation that our ability to influence potential rivals depends on a balanced mix of threats and promises. Potential adversaries should believe that aggression will be punished, but such threats will be useless unless they also believe our promises that good behavior will be better rewarded. A reputation for resolve makes threats credible, but a great power also needs a reputation for restraint, to make the promises credible as well. Thus, international restraints on a nation's use of military force may actually increase the effective influence of its military strength.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese Defense Modernization and the Defense of Taiwan
This thesis analyzes the United States commitment to defend Taiwan from Chinese aggression. Taiwan can gain air superiority over Taiwan and defend itself from an amphibious invasion now, in Standard Form 298 (Rev. 8-98) Page 1 of 2 file: //E: \ffcs_backup\ffcs\final\Harris_200107061032.298.html 06/18/2001 1998. However, in the next twenty years as Chinese defense modernization continues, China will surpass Taiwan's ability to defend itself. Many US allies will not guarantee basing rights for during a conflict with China, so the United States military must be prepared to fight for Taiwan from locations in Taiwan and from US possessions. The ?one China? policy that the US currently backs limits the military options to preposition people and supplies on Taiwan. The long ranges inherent with Pacific operations, for both deployment and employment, require that we be ready to defend Taiwan from austere and distant locations such as Andersen AB, Guam. China's ability to produce and procure modern weapons forces US and Taiwanese assets to fight within Chinese threat rings, while still achieving accurate results. US aircraft must be able to operate in these threat envelopes and gain air superiority, while supporting Taiwan's amphibious defenses. The United States can defend Taiwan twenty years from now, by effectively addressing the implications of this thesis.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Social and Political Movements in Western Europe
Social and Political Movements in Western Europe (1976) discusses the ideological currents, social bases and policy directions to examine the impact of social movements on European political systems and societies. It looks at the nature of the relations among mass publics, movements and party systems and surveys in a comprehensive manner the entire political spectrum in a geographical area.
Political Parties and Coalitions in European Local Government
Political Parties and Coalitions in European Local Government (1989) brings together two separate fields in political science - the study of coalitions and the study of local government. It brings an array of new insights into the landscapes of national government and party politics at local level, and in doing so brings into focus the workings of European government for the English reader.
Effective Development Co-Operation
This book considers how development cooperation principles and practices can be made more inclusive and impactful. Amplifying voices from across the global south, the book combines key thematic discussions with new case studies spanning three continents and three key sectors: agriculture, education, and social protection. Global governance is at a crossroads, and modalities of foreign aid delivery are under stress as international development cooperation continues to lose political traction in provider countries.Presenting a novel and nuanced understanding of the dynamics shaping the global development landscape, this book considers the strategic issues influencing development partnerships and outcomes. It consolidates cross-country policy insights from the global south, based on sectoral experiences shaped by contextual realities. The authors adapt the "Moderator-Mediator" framework as a means of examining the contextual factors shaping development partnerships and consequently leading to "successful" development outcomes in a specific sector at the country level.This book holds special relevance in the current political climate, where the future of development financing is increasingly contested. Global development researchers and students will benefit from the book's ingenious blending of sector-specific insights and broader discussions of the themes underpinning contemporary development cooperation debates.
European Unity
European Unity (1968) examines how the European Economic Community and other European international organisations transformed the relations between the countries of Western Europe in political, economic and defence affairs. It describes the postwar moves to European cooperation and unity and the resulting establishment of various organisations. Each of these are examined separately, in terms of its history and achievements. The origins and structure of each organisation and the working methods and techniques devised by them are described, and the reasons for the relative success or failure in their allotted tasks are analysed.
European Organisations
European Organisations (1959) analyses the working methods and techniques of cooperation evolved by the eight principal European organisations - ECE, OEEC, The Council of Europe, NATO, WEU, ECSC, EEC and Euratom. These organisations were set up to meet the need for postwar economic recovery, and the challenge of the cold war. They were designed to bring about continuous and comprehensive cooperation, and this book assesses the reasons for their success or failure and shows which have been the most effective - and why European nations began the move towards the creation of a 'supra-national' state.
International Law, Security, and Military Power
This book contributes to our understanding and appreciation of the contemporary relevance of international humanitarian law and international human rights law by analyzing and assessing the foundational norms, principles, and provisions contained within these bodies. It also explores the ways in which they inform and condition military doctrine and the planning and the execution of military operations in the land, air, cyber, and space domains as perceived through the lens of two of the most important military establishments in the Western Hemisphere - the United States and Brazilian militaries. The expert contributors promote a better awareness and comparative understanding of the rapidly changing, diverse traditional and non-traditional challenges and demands of the 21st century. This volume will be useful to both scholars whose research focuses on international law and military professionals.
Gaullism
Gaullism (1972) is a historical-analytical study of the social and political movement of Gaullism, examining its political philosophy and practice, and its originator Charles de Gaulle. Starting with an analysis of de Gaulle's philosophy and the background of the Third Republic, the book traces the development of Gaullism during the war years and the Fourth Republic, details the founding of the Fifth Republic and its foreign and domestic policy, and examines the problems that came to a dramatic crystallization in the riots of May 1968.
Political Parties in the European Community
Political Parties in the European Community (1979) looks at the decision by the member governments of the European Community to proceed to the direct election of a European Parliament. It provides a full survey of the parties of the nine EC states, giving both information and analysis on political and electoral systems, party systems, philosophy and structure of major parties, finances, membership and organisation. In addition, it deals with the evolution of transnational groupings of parties both inside and outside the European Parliament, and the concluding chapter places Europe's parties in the overall context of the political societies within which they operate.
Walzer and Justice: Spheres of Justice in the 2020s
The book offers a collection of essays that reinterpret and reimagine Michael Walzer's classic work Spheres of Justice as an important contribution to political theorizing about justice in the 2020s. It highlights the social-democratic nature of Walzer's theory of justice as a significant aid to rethinking egalitarian politics today, as well as some of the deeper structural elements of the theory, such as Walzer's interpretivism and pluralism. As a result, it both offers the most wide-ranging and up-to-date account of this important book and rethinks some of the major contributions that it has made to political theory and philosophy. Contributors include several senior scholars who are among Walzer's foremost and most long-standing interlocutors, as well as some of the younger scholars who have done important work in Walzer studies. The volume will stand alongside Palgrave Macmillan's Walzer and War as a crucial companion to Walzer's other major book, Just and Unjust Wars.
The Limits of European Integration
The Limits of European Integration (1983) examines the increasing resistance to the loss of authority to EEC institutions in the 1970s and 80s, and the resulting decline in the momentum towards European political integration. The limits which the member states imposed upon their involvement with the European community are assessed, and the various theories and models of integration are discussed.
Regional Policy in the European Community
Regional Policy in the European Community (1980) presents a structured overview of regional incentives and policy in the European Community countries, set in the context of the regional problem in those countries. Four main policy elements can be isolated in EEC countries: infrastructure investment; the use of state-owned or state-controlled firms to help develop problem regions; the use of disincentives in regions under pressure; and regional incentive expenditure. This book treats each of the EEC countries systematically, examining the problem - the development of policy, the incentives and a comparison with other countries.
Labor Relations in the Public Sector
Labor Relations in the Public Sector, Sixth Edition has been completely revised to explore the most recent trends in membership figures, new legislation, court decisions, executive orders, and new politics as they influence bargaining rights.
Labor Relations in the Public Sector
Labor Relations in the Public Sector, Sixth Edition has been completely revised to explore the most recent trends in membership figures, new legislation, court decisions, executive orders, and new politics as they influence bargaining rights.
Federalism and Federation in Western Europe
Federalism and Federation in Western Europe (1986) analyses the nature of federalism and federation in Europe. It argues that there is an important conceptual distinction between federalism and federation. Federalism is taken to be a multi-dimensional phenomenon arising out of a variety of human experiences, it is a distinctive set of values and attitudes; federation is the organisational expression of this wide diversity. The range of federalism within Western Europe is examined and compared within this conceptual framework. The national case-studies are not only confined to the accepted federations, Austria, Switzerland and West Germany, but also extend to a number of other states which have a variety of federal characteristics. These studies are used to illustrate some of the key themes and issues, and to serve to underline the inadequacies of contemporary federal theory. This approach highlights the two differing Western federal traditions: the Anglo-American, and the West European, and points up the distinctive features of each.
Europe
Europe: The Challenge of Diversity (1985) examines the various proposals for making a diverse European Community more effective, and for extending cooperation to political and security issues as well as economic. The obstacles to agreeing a collective economic programme are discussed in the light of the difficulties of achieving economic and monetary union. The study assesses the legal, institutional and negotiating requirements of adapting to diversity and the need for building bridges to other European partners.
The European Union and Democracy Promotion
The European Union and Democracy Promotion (2002) offers a critical assessment of the strategy upon which the EU promotion of democracy and human rights activity has been based, along with an analysis of its strengths and weaknesses. Contributors from a variety of European and North African countries show how the obstacles to political change in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt are not only to be found within these countries, but also in EU member states such as France and Spain.
Decolonising International Relations
This volume critically analyses the theories and concepts of international relations (IR), which will be instrumental in understanding IR from a non-western perspective. Owing to its emphasis on the need to decolonise the discipline of IR, alternate perspectives from the global South have been explored and discussed in detail.The book provides new insights to make the discipline more inclusive, universal and contributory to world peace and security. It lucidly enumerates on the concepts of state, sovereignty, power, conflict, security, diplomacy, human rights, development, market, inequalities, and migration from a non-Eurocentric lens, bringing distinct perspectives and experiences to the fore. Expanding on the Indian foreign policy of Vasudev Kutumbakam, it highlights India's policy of multi-alliances and multilateralism and, also refers to India's contributions during the COVID-19 pandemic and its drive to champion the cause of marginalised nations by reforming international institutions and pressing for development with sustainability. It is testament to India's commitment to global security through cooperation and collective action.This book will be useful to the Departments of Political Science, Global Studies, International Studies, and South Asian studies. It will be an indispensable resource for researchers, social scientists and general readers interested to understand the theories and key concepts of IR, especially from an Indian perspective.
Security Webs and 21st Century Threats
This book introduces a new framework of Security Webs, which unifies the traditional state security approach with the human security approach and applies this framework to emerging security concerns in the 21st century.Security Webs offers a framework to examine security threats, responses, and second- and third-order consequences across a range of actors, and the structure to draw in existing findings, theories, and other frameworks into a universal and holistic approach to security. At its core, it clarifies the interconnected nature of security across time and space. Borrowing the concept of "food webs" from the field of ecology, which maps out how animals and plants gain energy and food, the Security Webs framework allows for an examination of the security of an actor, be it a nation-state, non-state actor, or an individual, where each actor gains strength and security but likewise is also threatened. The book profiles several of the emerging security threats and illustrates how the Security Webs framework can help us study these; these threats include climate change, weak state capacity, and political extremism, which all pose significant threats to states, non-state actors, and individuals alike. Bridging the divide between the traditionalist and the human security camps, the book embraces the complexity that not only is international security and offers a framework applicable to every actor but also, when applied, creates a clear picture of security threats and arrangements.This book will be of interest to students of security studies, human security, environmental security, and International Relations.
Normalising Private Military Force
This book examines the normalization of Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs), and analyses US media discourse around the Nisour Square incident in Iraq as a pivotal case.States are increasingly relying on PMSCs to meet security needs. As a sign of ongoing normalization, these companies are now increasingly targeted by soft law or self-regulation. Rejecting the common claim that 'mercenaries have always been with us', this book sets out to analyse the underlying conditions that have allowed PMSCs to emerge in their uniquely contemporary incarnation. Divided into two parts, this book develops a novel poststructural framework of analy-sis to articulate social, political, and affective conditions that enabled PMSCs to prevail despite controversy. It draws on and operationalizes the Essex School's logics-based approach, while developing it further with corpus linguistics, and ap-plies this framework to a large corpus of American mainstream media articles. The volume contributes to efforts aiming to overcome the alleged 'methodological deficit' of discourse analysis, while highlighting the importance of making uncon-sciously held truths visible.This book will be of interest to students of private security companies, military studies, critical security studies, and International Relations.
Politics and Bureaucracy in the European Community
Politics and Bureaucracy in the European Community (1970) examines the European project's key institution, the Commission, an assessment that also examines the basic principles on which the European Union is based. It reveals the Commission to be one of the most curious and interesting political institutions of our time - not only from the point of view of international organization, but also as a special kind of governmental institution: a 'responsible bureaucracy' or 'independent officialdom'.
Conflict and Conflict Resolution
The Army faces both significant external and some internal changes. These external changes in its operational environment, precipitated by the end of the Cold War, have created new threats and conflicts for the Army to contend with. This monograph proposes that the Army must reevaluate its understanding of the role of theory, the definition of conflict, and the practices of conflict resolution to effectively deal with these changes. The method of research used was comparing and contrasting the theories, definitions, and practices as found in the literature of the fields of Theory, Peace Studies, and Conflict Resolution with those found in Army publications. This comparison of literature developed a clear understanding of what a theory is, how it is developed, and its role in the development of a body of knowledge. The research applied this foundational understanding of theory to the body of knowledge concerning conflict and conflict resolution. This concept of what conflict is as defined by the fields of Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution was compared to what is found in Army publications. The same was done concerning the concept, theories, and practices of conflict resolution. The research concluded that the Army's concepts of theory, conflict, and conflict resolution are deficient, especially when compared to those found in the fields of Theory, Peace Studies, and Conflict Resolution. From this conclusion, three recommendations were made for the Army: (1) incorporate a fuller explanation of theory in Army capstone manuals and a greater use of current theorists throughout Army manuals, (2) expand the definition of conflict within Army manuals, (3) develop a separate Army manual for conflict resolution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
