Forecasting Instability Indicators in the Horn of Africa Region
The forecasting of state failure and the associated indicators has been a topic of great interest to a number of different agencies. USAid, CENTCOM, the World Bank, the Center for Army Analyses, and others have all examined the subject based on their own specific objectives. Whether the goal is denying terrorists space in which to operate, deciding how to pre-position materials in anticipation of unrest, stabilizing foreign markets and trade, or preventing or mitigating humanitarian disasters, man made or otherwise, this topic has been of interest for over a decade. The Horn of Africa has been one of the least stable regions in the world over the past three decades, and a continual source of humanitarian crises as well as terrorist activity. Some of the initial modeling of instability was done in response to crises in the Horn of Africa, but research is ongoing. Current models forecasting instability suffer from lack of lead time, subjective predictions, and lack of specificity. The models demonstrated in this study provide 4 year forecasts of battle deaths per capita, refugees per capita, genocide, and undernourishment for Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. This thesis used principal component analysis, canonical correlation, ordinary least squares regression, logistic regression, and discriminant analysis to develop models of each instability indicator using 54 variables covering 32 years of observations. The key variables within each model are identified, and the accuracy of each model is compared with current models.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Diplomacy
This paper details the campaign that Saddam executed in 2000 and impresses upon the reader that various public diplomacy techniques such as "faces with a name" can sway public opinion. Using this campaign as background, and to illustrate the value of capturing the information terrain, the events of 9/11 presented an opportunity to review the United States Government and Department of Defense's public diplomacy strategy from its infancy as the military prepared for Operation Enduring Freedom. In examining the first hundred days of this operation, the initial criticism is harsh as the administration stumbled into a different type of war engaging a non-nation-state and with little or no preparation time. As the campaign continued, handling public diplomacy gradually became a priority. Along with convincing our coalition partners that this was not a war against Islam, staffs throughout the United States Government knew that continued public support for a protracted war against terrorism would be needed, especially as the military began to suffer casualties. Now, months into Operation Enduring Freedom, public support in the United States remains high as a result of a refined effort and better understanding of public diplomacy, and the United States Government can focus on maintaining the information superiority it won back from Usama Bin Laden and the Taliban.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deciding to Intervene in Support of Peace Operations
Peace Operations are complex, highly subjective and difficult to "win" missions. The way that Peace Operations are addressed by nations or multinational bodies is paramount to their success, but oftenleads to a failure to achieve desired goals. Nations must clearly define their goals prior to intervention and not loose track of assigned objectives. What often sidetracks otherwise noble intervention is conflicting or ambiguous goals, leading to inept half measures. Critical analysis of a proposed Peace Operation is required prior to commitment. This paper attempts to provide some constructive critical analysis which would benefit organizations contemplating Peace Operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Keeping the Peace
During the Cold War, the United Nations developed the mission termed "peacekeeping" to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions of lives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for the political settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the United Nations found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and the demands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. This thesis examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. It asks if the international community's singular focus on the United Nations as the vehicle for peacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more to international security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contribute significantly to international peace, then what role should the Defense Department play in supporting these efforts?Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past with mixed results. This thesis examines the intervention by the Organization of American States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in the Central American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operations illustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping.This study concludes that in order for peacekeepers to achieve their mandate, it is critical to possess strong political will and a minimum of operational support. Furthermore, regional organizations run the gamut in both political will and operational capability. Their performance indicates that when their national interests are at stake, the regionals demonstrate the required political will to persevere in a mission. Furthermore, they indicate an increasingly strong determination to participate in peacekeeping missions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Military-To-Military Confidence Building Measures and Cooperation With the People's Republic of China
The United States and China are central players in international security for the 21st century. Unfortunately, their current security relationship is one of suspicion and mis-understanding. The Sino-American military-to-military relationship will either be a catalyst, or a stumbling block, for improving global security in the future. This paper focuses on military-to-military confidence building measures and cooperation initiatives to improve bilateral and ultimately international security. Without effective confidence building measures to improve communication, transparency, and verification, the U.S-China security relationship will remain volatile and unpredictable. A systematic military-to-military cooperative agreement comprised of exercises and contingency operations will also assist in dissipating current misperceptions. These actions will strengthen U.S.-China security relations, improve U.S. national security, and ultimately benefit the entire international security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Presidential Visions of Transitional Justice
Throughout its history, the growing influence and significance of the United States on the world stage coincided with its legacy of human rights violations. However, with each momentous societal shift America encountered- its independence from Great Britain, the Civil War, two World Wars, and the fall of the Soviet communist bloc- Presidents have taken the opportunity to address the atrocities of America's past. Presidential Visions of Transitional Justice: An American Legacy of Responsibility and Reconciliation provides a wide-ranging look at how American Presidents not only influence foreign policy but leverage their power and influence to to address the challenges of political violence and transition globally. Professor Ruti G. Teitel uses examples throughout American history to demonstrate how executives have acted as visionaries in their approach to transitional justice from George Washington to Barack Obama. In exploring how Presidents advanced peace-making efforts in the past, this book shows how executives of the future might do the same. Professor Teitel is a leading authority on transitional justice, establishing it as a scholarly field of inquiry. At a time when America's global leadership is subject to significant critical challenge, this latest volume illuminates the importance of transitional justice in foreign policy.
Forecasting Instability Indicators in the Horn of Africa Region
The forecasting of state failure and the associated indicators has been a topic of great interest to a number of different agencies. USAid, CENTCOM, the World Bank, the Center for Army Analyses, and others have all examined the subject based on their own specific objectives. Whether the goal is denying terrorists space in which to operate, deciding how to pre-position materials in anticipation of unrest, stabilizing foreign markets and trade, or preventing or mitigating humanitarian disasters, man made or otherwise, this topic has been of interest for over a decade. The Horn of Africa has been one of the least stable regions in the world over the past three decades, and a continual source of humanitarian crises as well as terrorist activity. Some of the initial modeling of instability was done in response to crises in the Horn of Africa, but research is ongoing. Current models forecasting instability suffer from lack of lead time, subjective predictions, and lack of specificity. The models demonstrated in this study provide 4 year forecasts of battle deaths per capita, refugees per capita, genocide, and undernourishment for Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. This thesis used principal component analysis, canonical correlation, ordinary least squares regression, logistic regression, and discriminant analysis to develop models of each instability indicator using 54 variables covering 32 years of observations. The key variables within each model are identified, and the accuracy of each model is compared with current models.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Information As Power
The U.S. Army War College is pleased to present this anthology of selected student work from Academic Year 2011 representing examples of well-written and in-depth analyses on the vital subject of Information as Power. This is the sixth volume of an effort that began in 2006. The anthology is an important component of an effort to coordinate and recommend the design, development and integration of content and courses related to the information element of power into a curriculum to prepare our students for senior leadership positions. Broken into sections emphasizing information effects in the cyberspace domain and the cognitive dimension as well as information sharing, the anthology provides a holistic overview of important national security issues in that regard. We hope that "Information as Power" will serve not only to showcase the efforts of the College but to inform the broader body of knowledge as the Nation considers how best to operate effectively and proactively within this environment while countering our adversaries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Later Roman Colonate and Freedom
The aim of the research in this study is not to create a new theory of the origin of the colonate, but to show the circumstances surrounding it & to discover to what measure these contributed to reducing free tenants to a position where they did not dare to leave the land they tilled -- land which did not belong to them. What is at issue here, is the freedom of common people who worked another's land in order to survive. Contents: Tax & Freedom; Tax & Social Mobility; Debts & Freedom; Coloni Iuris Alieni: Indebted & Enslaved; Adscripticii: Capita without Iugera; Barbarians on Roman Territory; Inquilini: People without Domicile; Conclusion; Appendix; Select Bibliography; & indices.
Miscalculated Ambiguity
This study analyzes how the new nuclear declaratory policy, espoused in the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, balances the goals of deterrence and nonproliferation. The author concludes that increasing complexity in the nuclear arena makes reliance on the legacy policy of "calculated ambiguity" both increasingly hazardous for deterrence and decreasingly effective as a nonproliferation tool. These detrimental outcomes demand innovation in strategic thinking and revision of nuclear declaratory policy, specifically through adoption of a sole-purpose nuclear policy. Employed in the assessment of the new policy is a multiple methodological approach using historical, theoretical and practical frameworks. This study undertakes an appraisal of historic deterrence policies and nonproliferation initiatives exposing the essential elements of each. Building off these assessments, a comparative analysis of the new policy, dubbed "Lead-but-Hedge", and a sole-purpose policy illuminates the strengths and shortfalls of each. Finally, the author examines the strategic consequences of the new policy on the nuclear decision-making of allies (Japan), competitors (India), and rivals (Iran).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Literature and Political Change
This is a print on demand publication. A study of the Nyugat movement in the late Austro-Hungarian Empire, one of the organizers of which was the father of author Mario D. Fenyo. The objective purpose of this study is twofold. First, it is an attempt to formulate a methodology, a theory of the political function of literature. Second, it is a case study. Contents: The Historical Context; The Literary Context; The Financial Context; The Political Attitudes of the Nyugat Writers; Numbers and Literature; The Nyugat and the Intellectuals; The Nyugat and the Working Class; The Nyugat versus the Establishment; and The Mirror or the Hammer. Illustrations.
Sustainability
This extract, the second chapter of a CSL's recently published book Sustainability and National Security, examines the concept of sustainability and its value as an explanatory variable in national security issues. The authors argue that sustainability is a valuable 'lens' which can help.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Horn Engaging the Gulf
This book discusses theoretical perspectives of analyzing the relations between the states and non-state actors in the Horn of Africa and their counterparts in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Crucially, these relations are examined primarily from the perspective of the diplomatic, economic, and strategic agency of the African states and societal actors. Here, domestic political dynamics and local power play a significant role. Aleksi Yl繹nen provides a historically informed investigation of recent relations that involve the Gulf States and T羹rkiye's resurgent interest in the Horn Africa. The analysis focuses on the post-Arab Spring period following the Iran nuclear deal and the war in Yemen. Featuring case studies from Ethiopia, Somalia, and Eritrea which highlight engagements of the Horn state and societal actors primarily with the Gulf States and T羹rkiye, the study provides an empirical analysis of the interactions and connections between the two regions.
Unraveling Emotions in Environmental Movements and Green Politics
This book offers an interesting synthesis of Social Movements Studies and International Relations (IR) focusing on emotions. The holistic scope and the different conceptualizations of emotions in environmental movements will bring a new perspective that expands the existing approaches of Social Movements Studies and IR. Although the existing literature on emotions in social movements offers rich insights, the detailed analytical framework of emotions in environmental movements is overlooked. In particular, the realm of emotions and their intricate interaction with environmental activism remains overlooked in the context of Green Politics. By building on significant studies in emotions in IR, this book aims to transcend the boundaries of state-centric discussions to create a platform for the manifestation of social movements.
Contemporary Islamic Political Thought in Egypt
This book takes a hermeneutic approach toward reading the writings of Jamal al-Banna and Tariq al-Bishri across several decades in order to explore contemporary Islamic political thought under authoritarianism. Ebtisam Aly Hussein uses the framework of 'meta-languages', in relation to the writings of these two particular Islamic intellectuals, to examine how authority over the public sphere is established, in both religious and political terms. Chapters outline the major themes of Islamic political thought in the writings of al-Banna and al-Bishri - mainly the state in Islam, Shari'a application, political violence as jihad, and identity politics - and how in their writings they have interacted with a variety of autocratic practices under Nasir, Sadat and Mubarak. The book puts forward a unique study of the role of politics and religion in establishing authority over the public sphere, and how this authority is manifested in the intellectual output of these two Islamic intellectuals.
Autocratization in Contemporary Uganda
Autocratization in Contemporary Uganda analyses two interrelated outcomes: autocratisation, manifest in the deepening of personalist rule or Musevenism, and the regime resilience that has made Museveni one of Africa's current-longest surviving rulers. How has this feat been possible, and what has been the trajectory of Museveni's increasingly autocratic rule? Surveying that trajectory since 1986, the book takes as its primary focus the years since 2005; bringing to the fore the 'autocratic turn', placing it within a broader comparative lens, and enriching it with comparative references to cases outside of Uganda. While positing the notion of 'autocratic adaptability' as a defining hallmark of Museveni's rule, the book examines the factors and forces that have made that adaptability possible, analysing the dynamics around three keys themes: institutions, resources, and coalitions. Through empirical research, each chapter seeks to demonstrate how either one or two of these three variables have functioned in propelling autocratization and assuring regime resilience - producing theoretical and and comparative implications that reach beyond Uganda.
Spoils of War in the Arab East
Post-conflict scenarios are often proposed for Arab countries that have witnessed significant changes and civil wars. Yet the plans for reconciliation, transitional justice, and the return of the displaced often overlook the real conditions that make these recommendations impossible. This book provides a critical analysis of current post-conflict frameworks for Syria and Iraq. Drawing on empirical research, the book shows that reconciliation and reconstruction scenarios need to be considered alongside the realities on the ground. It argues that Iraq and Syria exist in a condition of 'conflict transformation' rather than of 'conflict termination', because the extreme changes that accompanied these countries into war continue long after the conflicts end. Furthermore, the chapters highlight why experts should not seek solutions in culturalist terms and ancestral enmities, or rely on the wartime status quo. Rather, they should look to the specific military, political, economic and socio-cultural conditions that require different solutions. A critical analysis of existing post-conflict frameworks, their applicability and their potential outcomes in Iraq and Syria, the book is a vital contribution to post-conflict studies. It highlights the need for new approaches to reconstruction and peacebuilding in Arab countries and points to how they should be found.
War Without Bullets
In a world where information warfare is reshaping global power without a single shot fired, this book reveals the hidden battles happening inside your mind. From viral memes that shift elections to invisible bots that manipulate public opinion, this is a startling expos矇 of how digital propaganda, meme warfare, and cyber psychological operations are quietly infiltrating our thoughts, emotions, and choices.You'll discover how seemingly innocent content becomes a weapon, how attention is hijacked in the attention economy, and why truth itself is becoming a casualty of the algorithm. This book is not just about tech-it's about you: your beliefs, your behaviour, and your ability to discern reality in a landscape riddled with disinformation campaigns.Whether you're a student of politics, psychology, media, or simply someone who wants to protect your mind from manipulation, this is essential reading. It breaks down the mechanics of cognitive warfare, exposes the tactics behind narrative hacking, and shows how social media manipulation is shaping everything from personal identity to geopolitical conflict.Perfect for readers concerned about freedom, democracy, and the future of truth, this book arms you with the insight to resist the pull of online radicalisation and reclaim control over your mental terrain. This is not just a book-it's a survival guide for the age of invisible influence.
Ghana Under Military Rule
Originally published in 1972, this book examines the way in which the military/police regime in Ghana, which overthrew President Nkrumah in February 1966, performed two overlapping tasks - those of establishing itself as a recognised government, and of pursuing its chosen objective of eventually restoring democratic civilian rule. The author, who conducted interviews with people at many levels in Ghanaian politics, including the majority of members of General Ankrah's Cabinet, traces the progress of the military regime, showing that it was successful in building up public support and opening up new political avenues, but that it was unable to make any fundamental economic changes. He argues that to understand the operation of the military government, it is necessary to look at its relationship with most influential sections of the civilian population, and clearly demonstrates that without the co-operation of such civilians, the new regime could never have achieved as much as it did.
Military Regimes in Africa
Originally published in 1975, this book examines the achievements of, and problems encountered by, African military regimes in office. It begins with 2 chapters discussing trends in the formation and organization of African armies and the influence on these armies of the colonial legacy. The author then studies 6 case histories in detail. His findings show that, though there are certain typical commonalities, each regime has its own particular characteristics. This will be of interest to students of African, military and colonial studies.
Decolonising International Relations
This volume critically analyses the theories and concepts of international relations (IR), which will be instrumental in understanding IR from a non-western perspective. Owing to its emphasis on the need to decolonise the discipline of IR, alternate perspectives from the global South have been explored and discussed in detail.The book provides new insights to make the discipline more inclusive, universal and contributory to world peace and security. It lucidly enumerates on the concepts of state, sovereignty, power, conflict, security, diplomacy, human rights, development, market, inequalities, and migration from a non-Eurocentric lens, bringing distinct perspectives and experiences to the fore. Expanding on the Indian foreign policy of Vasudev Kutumbakam, it highlights India's policy of multi-alliances and multilateralism and, also refers to India's contributions during the COVID-19 pandemic and its drive to champion the cause of marginalised nations by reforming international institutions and pressing for development with sustainability. It is testament to India's commitment to global security through cooperation and collective action.This book will be useful to the Departments of Political Science, Global Studies, International Studies, and South Asian studies. It will be an indispensable resource for researchers, social scientists and general readers interested to understand the theories and key concepts of IR, especially from an Indian perspective.
Kingdoms of the Yoruba
Originally published in 1969 and as a second edition in 1976, this book gives a general account of the major Yoruba kingdoms and provides a synthesis of Yoruba and Igbomina history, culture and archaeology. The reasons for, and the chronology of the decline and fall of Old Oyo are also discussed. Much of the history reconstructed in this book was done so almost wholly from oral histories, with all evidence being subjected to rigorous examination.
War Without Bullets
In a world where information warfare is reshaping global power without a single shot fired, this book reveals the hidden battles happening inside your mind. From viral memes that shift elections to invisible bots that manipulate public opinion, this is a startling expos矇 of how digital propaganda, meme warfare, and cyber psychological operations are quietly infiltrating our thoughts, emotions, and choices.You'll discover how seemingly innocent content becomes a weapon, how attention is hijacked in the attention economy, and why truth itself is becoming a casualty of the algorithm. This book is not just about tech-it's about you: your beliefs, your behaviour, and your ability to discern reality in a landscape riddled with disinformation campaigns.Whether you're a student of politics, psychology, media, or simply someone who wants to protect your mind from manipulation, this is essential reading. It breaks down the mechanics of cognitive warfare, exposes the tactics behind narrative hacking, and shows how social media manipulation is shaping everything from personal identity to geopolitical conflict.Perfect for readers concerned about freedom, democracy, and the future of truth, this book arms you with the insight to resist the pull of online radicalisation and reclaim control over your mental terrain. This is not just a book-it's a survival guide for the age of invisible influence.
The Blackmail Doctrine
This book examines Donald Trump's controversial approach to Arab leaders, employing a coercive strategy that combined intimidation and financial blackmail to secure political compliance. Trump's tactics included stark warnings that Saudi Arabia "would not last a few days" without U.S. protection, whilst pressuring Gulf leaders to provide billions in tribute payments to maintain American favour. This calculated arm-twisting left Arab rulers both fearful and submissive, advancing Trump's Middle Eastern agenda whilst consolidating his power and financial gains.Trump exploited Arab vulnerabilities, particularly their dependence on U.S. military support, using financial coercion to compel compliance on issues conflicting with traditional Arab positions. The most striking example was his recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital and the subsequent embassy relocation-moves that betrayed decades of Arab support for Palestinian claims. Despite these provocative actions, Arab leaders' responses remained notably muted, demonstrating Trump's chilling control through fear and leverage.The book also explores Trump's campaign for Arab-Israeli normalisation, pursued even as Israeli aggression toward Gaza escalated. This normalisation coincided with Netanyahu's continued settlement expansion and brutal Gaza bombardments, met with deafening silence from Arab leaders whose positions Trump had bullied into alignment. His policies advanced a troubling Palestinian vision where displacement and dispossession were tacitly endorsed.Through critical analysis, the book reveals how Trump's intimidation tactics achieved widespread Arab acquiescence by weaponising financial dependence and fears of regime instability. This resulted in significant political milestones for Trump's alliances whilst leaving the Arab world more divided, its credibility eroded, and the Palestinian cause increasingly abandoned.The book concludes by exploring three future scenarios: renewed normalisation efforts coupled with entrenched authoritarianism; accelerated Palestinian displacement creating regional instability; and potential geopolitical realignment as disillusioned Arab leaders pivot toward China or Russia for alternative protection. This analytical exploration examines Trump's lasting impact on the Arab world and the shifting political dynamics in a region still recovering from his tenure.
The Nigerian Army
Originally published in 1971, this book is an account of the development of the Nigerian Army in the critical ten years spanning independence. It describes the transformation of a despised colonial defence force into a Nigerian army with a popularly recognized reputation. On the eve of the first military coup, the Army stood at the pinnacle of popular esteem. It had been modernized and expanded, had served with distinction in the Congo and elsewhere, and all its officers were Nigerian. The first half of the book traces the stages of this transformation and reveals the difficulties which had to be overcome. The second part examines the increasing tension and political manoeuvring which exploded into the military coups of 1966.
Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial West Africa
Originally published in 1976, this book combines detailed technical studies of the diplomacy of the land and waterborne warfare of pre-colonial West Africa. It draws attention to the connexion between these topics as dual aspects of international relations and refers to those parts of West African indigenous diplomacy, showing how these resembled and diverged from practice elsewhere. The causes and consequences of West African wars are analysed and the wide range of weaponry, armour and transport used by armies is also discussed. Strategy and tactics of the wars in relation to defensive operations are also examined. Throughout the book a considerable body of evidence from many sources is deployed to justify both the factual content and the conclusions which are drawn.
Shaping China's Security Environment
This volume addresses the role of the Chinese military in shaping its country's security environment. The PLA itself is shaped and molded by both domestic and foreign influences. In the first decade of the 21st century, the PLA is not a central actor in China's foreign policy the way it was just a few decades ago. Nevertheless, the significance of the PLA should not be discounted. The military remains a player that seeks to play a role and influence China's policy towards the such countries and regions as United States, Japan, the Koreas, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and Taiwan. It is important not to overlook that, in times of crisis or conflict, the role and influence of the PLA rise significantly.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
South Asia in 2020
This volume consists of revised versions of papers presented at conference sponsored by the Asia/Pacific Research Center and the Center for International Security and Cooperation of Stanford University, and the U.S. Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute on January 4-5, 2002. While there are numerous ways to approach the question of "whither South Asia?" the conference organizers decided to focus on the future of strategic balances and alliances in the region, with 2020 as the target date. This choice of topic allowed the conference participants to talk not only about the patterns of amity and enmity within the region, but also about the role of extraregional powers and issues such as social and economic trends, domestic political conditions, strategic culture, and the role of nuclear weapons. These factors can affect the relative power of countries as well as their relations of friendship and hostility.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preserving United States Dominance
From a political and military standpoint, the United States is heavily reliant on space capabilities and holds a tremendous asymmetric advantage over its adversaries with the dominance of its space forces. However, its advantage is unprotected and potential adversaries pose a menacing threat to the national security of the United States. This threat manifests itself in a variety of ways, including the potential for a deliberate attack on its space systems with anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, Global Positioning System (GPS) jammers, directed energy threats, parasitic satellite technologies, and numerous other means. Most recently, China demonstrated the ability to destroy a low Earth orbit satellite with a direct ascent medium-range ballistic missile.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
North Korea's Military Threat
North Korea's conventional capabilities have eroded but remain significant, including its sizeable contingent of special operations forces. Meanwhile, Pyongyang continues the vigorous development of its nuclear and missile programs, and has ongoing chemical and biological weapons programs. Perhaps the biggest unanswered questions concern North Korea's military intentions. Does the Korean People's Army have an offensive or defensive doctrine? Does Pyongyang intend to use its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles to replace the threat posed by its eroding conventional forces? Or is its intention to use conventional and unconventional forces in what it might view as a winning combination? In theory, U.S. forces could carry out preemptive precision attacks to destroy known North Korean nuclear facilities and missile emplacements, but such attacks might provoke North Korean retaliation and trigger a general conflict. Washington and Seoul cannot overthrow the North Korean regime by force or destroy its strategic military assets without risking devastating losses in the process. Meanwhile, North Korea cannot invade the South without inviting a fatal counterattack from the United States and South Korea. Thus, the balance of forces that emerged from the Korean War, and which helped maintain the armistice for more than 50 years, remains in place.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pure National Security Strategy
This study comprises a theoretical framework that is conducive to development and application of successful national security strategy. A national security strategy is the instrument which enables societies to partly influence and shape the conditions of the future in which they and their children will live. The national security strategy encompasses definitional underpinnings, characterization of strategy across levels of analysis, incorporating global trends, and understanding the basic goals of the state (security, prosperity and way of life) as all these factors span time from past, present, to future. Overall, the thesis reaches four major conclusions that have implications for national security strategy. First, national security strategy has no end but attempts to attain a continuing advantage across history. Second, strategy manages current and future change, which requires anticipation. Global trends fill this function. Third, national core values have great impact on national security strategy, both as boundaries for applied strategy and as historical enablers. Four, the strategy framework empowers national security with proactive potentials to reinforce opportunities and oppose and change threats before they come to full fruition.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Policy Evaluation
Municipalized public administration has been incorporated into the assumptions of modern democracy, which in the case of Brazil, is characterized by the Democratic Rule of Law, whose guarantees to the demands of public-administrative policies are guided by aspects of governance, governability and compliance. At the other extreme is the citizen, who despite having social control through voting in formal democracy, is limited to evaluation in the public policy process. It also introduces Denhardt's concept of the "New Public Service", which aims to make administrators accountable to citizens. In this sense, the question is raised about the possibilities of participation in the process of evaluating municipal public policies, with the specific objectives of diagnosing management practices aimed at public policies and analyzing Public Administration as a consolidator of social re-democratization. It was found that management practices are sometimes more effective in evaluating governance, whether through access to information or government transparency, than they are in evaluating public policies.
Tactical Nuclear Weapons and NATO
NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself-that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists-is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eastern Dimension of America's New European Allies
Without a realistic prospect for NATO and EU accession, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, and Georgia will become sources of domestic and regional instability and objects of Russia's neo-imperialist ambitions that will undermine American and European strategic interests. The new members of NATO and the EU have sought to develop credible policies for consolidating democratic reforms among their eastern neighbors, enhancing their prospects for inclusion in NATO and the EU, and containing a resurgent and assertive Russia. The new European democracies have also endeavored to more closely involve Washington in the process of Euro-Atlantic enlargement as a more effective Eastern Dimension jointly pursued by the U.S., NATO, and the EU would significantly consolidate trans-Atlantic security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Vetting the Forces We Train
The trainers and advisors of foreign forces routinely face the infiltration of insurgents and terrorists into security forces and must assist in removing those that are already operating from within these organizations. Using techniques employed by the British military and by civilian companies coupled with emerging techniques in biometrics and micro-expressions, military trainers in Iraq can adapt simple methods that will reduce the number of insurgents and terrorists operating in the Iraqi Security Forces and similar forces trained by the U.S. in the future. The method used to conduct this research included case studies of the Malayan Emergency, the civilian hiring and firing process, and the domestic police force use of micro expressions. The British experience during the Malaya Emergency demonstrated the use of wholesale firings of large numbers of security forces, transition programs, ethnic group incorporation, and high pay and benefits. The civilian sector also fires criminal employees. To do this, they normally conduct a detailed internal investigation. Civilian companies maintain good performance by providing feedback on the effects of the employee's performance, by retraining on little used tasks, and by changing the outcome for an employee if he or she attains the employers outcome. Biometrics provide a technological edge for improving vetting, but caution should be used to prevent future technologically empowered sectarian violence. Finally, micro expressions, the study of tiny facial movements, empower civilian police agencies and the FBI during interrogations by providing clues to potential lies and the emotions of suspects.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Ogaden Insurrection
Will Ethiopia become the next Somalia? The African continent consists of many fragile regions considered vulnerable to Islamist extremism due to an array of social, political, and economic factors combined with a substantial Muslim population. Somalia is a prime example of a failed state plagued by vulnerabilities that were successfully exploited by radical Islamist extremists. Somalia's fate contributed to growing concern that Ethiopia's current state of affairs, combined with an ongoing insurrection led by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), might provide an opening for Islamist extremism in that country. The application of analysis methodology from a recognized expert in counterinsurgency reveals that Ethiopia is not likely to suffer Somalia's fate. In David Galula's book, Counterinsurgency Warfare, he provides a framework consisting of four prerequisites for analyzing the likelihood of an insurgent victory: a cause, weakness of the counterinsurgent, geographic conditions, and outside support. According to Galula's methodology, the cause and the weakness of the counterinsurgent are absolute must haves, and these two prerequisites are substantially weak areas for the ONLF. Therefore, the strength of the Ethiopian regime, the weakness of the insurgency, and the incompatibility of Islamist extremism with Somali clan life in the Ogaden are among the strongest indicators that Islamist extremism is unlikely to gain significant influence in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Alliances and American National Security
One of the greatest challenges facing the United States today is the translation of its overwhelming might into effective influence. Traditionally, the United States has leveraged its power through bilateral and multilateral alliances. However, the end of the Cold War and the events of September 11, 2001, have led some policymakers and analysts to question the value of alliances in American foreign and defense policy. This monograph advocates that allies are more important than ever to the achievement of U.S. national security goals.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Holy Jerusalem
This paper explores the Middle East Peace Process in terms of the historical and cultural attachment the three monolithic religions have toward the city of Jerusalem. Although conventional wisdom ascribes to four majors issues preventing a comprehensive settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians: namely borders, security, right of return and Jerusalem, it is actually only Jerusalem that is of ultimate concern. If the issue of Jerusalem's sovereignty can be solved a compromise solution for the other three will be found.Unfortunately, the common ground required for a negotiated settlement in regards to Jerusalem will never be found. Its religious value to Muslims, Jews and Christians alike have contributed to three millennia of monumental abuse, depravity and sacrifice, which acts as a limitless reservoir of cultural 'sunk costs' no contemporary government can or will ignore. Therefore, the only way a lasting solution to peace in the Middle East can be found is by a forced settlement that Israelis and Palestinians will find palatable. If all parties perceive that there is no real winner then they are more likely to accept a mandate that is less than desired.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Conflict Termination and Regime Change
Many US military operations since the end of the Cold War have ended improperly; the failure has not been due to a flaw in doctrine. Instead, senior civilian and military leaders have chosen to ignore or have neglected the complexities of termination. The US seemingly began Operating Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom with no apparent exit strategy. Senior US civilian and military leaders in the Bush Administration erroneously presumed that some other entity would assume responsibility for termination. Their decision was in direct conflict with doctrine, which clearly outlined the responsibility to plan for termination. Consequently, the United States was forced to assume responsibility for nation building. The research sought to explain why senior military or civilian leaders have neglected the specification of termination criteria. To provide the answer, it was necessary to explore four possible explanations. The first possible explanation is simply that military doctrine never addressed termination or that military theory neglected war termination. A second possible explanation was that both civilian and military leaders did not see termination as a responsibility of the US military. The next possibility was that the US did not intend to create a long-term commitment to the stability of a particular government. Lastly, the failure to define termination may have been simply a consequence of unforeseen unique circumstances. The research assessed US doctrine and operations in the pre-September 11, 2001 environment with post September 11, 2001 operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. The object of the study was to review the lessons learned from earlier operations and determine if they were applied to planning for Operation Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Uphold Democracy in 1994 were chosen because both operations focused on regime change. Termination for operations in Panama, although executed poorly, ended successfully. TThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkmenistan and Central Asia After Niyazov
President Sapirmurat Niyazov, the all-powerful leader of Turkmenistan, suddenly died on December 21, 2006. Because Central Asia is a cockpit of great power rivalry and a potential theater in the Global War on Terrorism, no sooner had Niyazov died than the great powers were all in Turkmenistan seeking to influence its future policies away from the neutrality that had been Niyazov's policy. Turkmenistan's importance lies almost exclusively in its large natural gas holdings and proximity to the Caspian Sea and Iran. Because energy is regarded as a strategic asset as much if not more than as a mere lubricant or commodity, Russia, Iran, China, and the United States have all been visibly engaged in competition for influence there. The outcome of this competition and of the domestic struggle for power will have repercussions throughout Central Asia, if not beyond. The author shows the linkage between energy and security policies in Central Asia and in the policies of the major powers towards Central Asia. Beyond this analysis, he provides recommendations for U.S. policymakers as to how they should conduct themselves in this complex situation.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Humanitarian Intervention in Kosovo
During 1999, NATO instituted a bombing campaign and other military operations against the former Yugoslavia (Kosovo) in order to restore peace and prevent their humanitarian crisis from causing further conflicts within the Balkans. The justification for these operations was to secure international peace and security in the region and to ensure the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia complied with peace demands made by the Security Council. The debate in the international community arose whether the bombing was justified in order to quell the humanitarian crisis. As a humanitarian intervention, it entails complicated legal and moral issues that support this justification. Understanding the legal and moral issues in conflict is important and should be considered by military planners and policy makers. The Kosovo conflict, as a "humanitarian intervention" provides a case study for such an analysis. The legal issues in this monograph are focused on the International Court of Justice case of May 1999, Yugoslavia vs. the United States. The court case brought out that the law is unclear whether humanitarian purposes override use of force under Articles 2(4), 51, and 53. There are also some provisions under customary and traditional law that leave this question open to future interpretation depending on the prevailing political situation. A review of the literature shows that moral arguments for the intervention had and can have a large effect on support or lack thereof, in the US and in the international community. This can contribute to the swift initiation or the termination of a humanitarian intervention. These considerations are applicable to 2007 and beyond, when military planners and policy makers will need to apply a legal and moral lens to viewing and understanding conflict.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foreign Policy and a State's Hierarchy of Needs
The last 60 years saw a great change in United States involvement in the world. From an isolationist position before World War II, the United States moved to world leadership as underwriter of European security and balancer of Soviet expansionism. The reason this country bore the brunt of that huge undertaking was clear. It was in our "Vital National Interests." First, fascist aggression sought world domination, and war resulted. Then, the security of the United States was clearly tied to blocking the spread of communism through a national policy of containment. In November 1989, the Berlin Wall came tumbling down and with it Churchill's famous Iron Curtain. Just two years later, in December of 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics died. The rapid fall of the Soviet Communist regime did two drastic things to international politics. First, it ended the communist threat to the US and free world. Second, the fall ended the Cold War and with it, bipolarity. Now turbulence worldwide generates as ethnic and nationalistic sentiments surface and cause civil and regional conflicts. Previously, these sentiments were buried under the mantel of communism. These conflicts present new challenges for the world and those concerned with maintenance of its order. The United States has not determined how to define these problems and the interests of this country, nor what the proper response to these events should be. The old bipolar paradigm is inadequate and a new one must be developed. This paper proposes a new model for United States involvement around the world.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Armed With Information
In light of the pervasive nature of real-time global news, the perceptions as delivered via the media and other emerging communication mediums are increasingly influencing foreign and domestic public opinion and the policymaking process.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Energy Security
In the late 1970s, a group of reform minded Chinese, led by Deng Xiaoping, enacted a series of economic reforms that catapulted China into the global spotlight. The key to sustaining the dynamic growth is access to petroleum resources. The central question of this monograph is whether China's strategy is liberal-institutionalist or realist-mercantilist. Using a qualitative case study methodology that explores the dependent variable, energy security, using three independent variables, cost, reliability, and security, China's grand strategy is shown to be a hedging approach. The analysis consists of three case studies. The first case study shows that as the Chinese National Oil Companies grow in scale and experience, they are increasingly at odds with the central government's strategy. This conflict works at cross-purposes to the overall state-directed strategy. The second case study shows that in countries like Sudan, where China has extensive unilateral agreements, the strategy is clearly realist-mercantilist. The final case study shows that in areas like the maritime transit corridors, where China is reliant on outside actors for security, the strategy is liberal-institutionalism or free riding. Taken as a whole, the Chinese strategy for energy security is a combination of liberal-institutionalism, realist-mercantilism, and "free riding" tailored to fit the situation and to maximize opportunities that present themselves.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Misunderstood Dragon or Underestimated Panda
This study uses the theory of strategic culture to analyze how China reacts to an external national security crisis. Following an overview of the theory, the author introduces a strategic culture framework. Three cases studies (Korean War, Vietnam War, and 1995 Taiwan crisis) serve as qualitative evidence for the framework. This study concludes that strategic culture is useful as a supplementary lens in understanding Chinese responses to a security crisis. The framework also provides a rough translation of Chinese strategic concepts into familiar US concepts. The framework can aid a US strategist by helping anticipate how Chinese strategic culture will lead Beijing to react during a security crisis. A sample application of the framework in a real-world scenario is included as an appendix.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Buildling Maritime Security in Southeast Asia
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Japan's New National Defense Program Guideline
This paper analyzes Japan's National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), which was approved by the Security Council and Cabinet on 10 December 2004. This paper will look at what led to the updated NDPG. It will also analyze the three-pronged approach of the new NDPG: building up of Japan's own defenses, continuing the strong alliance with the United States and more cooperation with the international community. In the new NDPG, while continuing to emphasize the importance of the US-Japan security alliance, Japan seems to be taking steps to forge its own role in security policy, not only in Asia, but throughout the world. This paper examines the role Japan hopes to take in the future. It also looks at ramifications of the new NDPG. Research was taken from current press accounts of the impact of the new NDPG in addition to publications from the government of Japan and other sources who have an interest in Northeast Asian security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
A More Active Neutrality
The United States has multiple discernable, but often times conflicting, interests in Asia. Focusing on the South China Sea territorial disputes, these conflicting interests become very clear and the importance of a coherent, long-term policy even clearer. First, the U.S. needs to promote peace in the region, ensuring access to commercial shipping upon which its allies in Northeast Asia depend, and affording passage for U.S. military deployments to the region and beyond. Next, the U.S. has strong interests in bolstering the security of its treaty partners in the region, such as the Republic of the Philippines. Finally, the U.S. needs to continue to engage China, to build a positive and productive relationship, and to do what it can to ensure China acts responsibly where its interests overlap those of the U.S.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
