Exploring Sectarian Opportunities in the Middle East
Since the death of the Prophet Mohammad sectarian violence has existed in the Middle East. This monograph details the history of the Sunni - Shia split and explains the origins of the violence still present today. This conflict presents opportunities to Western governments and militaries to explore in the operational and strategic realms. Two dissimilar case studies, Yemen and Syria, are used to recommend engagements to exploit these opportunities. Both of these countries have existing or potential sectarian violence and clear tensions between the Sunni - Shia sects. Yemen has a sectarian insurgency led primarily by members of the Zaydi Tribe who were the former ruling party. The Shia Zaydi feel marginalized and targeted by Sunni extremists and al-Qaeda elements with-in Yemen. Western militaries must use the advisors already engaged in Yemen to convince the GoY to initiate the amnesty, reconciliation, and reintegration process in Yemen. This will undermine al-Qaeda initiatives in Yemen and, hopefully, build a bond between Sunnis and Shias creating a stronger, more stable governance structure. Syria is governed by a Shia minority. Western governments' isolationist policies toward Syria have pushed the Syrian minority government to become overly reliant on Iran. With the introduction of a new American Ambassador to Syria operational opportunities are present that have not existed in many years. Military to military exchanges, foreign military sales, and theater security cooperation exercises are ways western militaries can begin to exert influence in a country with which the American government and military has had little or no interaction. Leveraging a Sunni majority could help the United States to apply its national power in a positive way to shape the Shia minority government and drive a wedge between Syria and Iran.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American Border Security and Its Challenge to American National Security
The attacks of September 11th, 2001 brought terrorism to the United States and the realization that America was vulnerable to attack on its homeland. America now finds itself engaged in a Global War on Terror against an enemy in Al Qaeda that is intent on attacking again. Osama Bin Laden and his Al Qaeda leadership have made it known that they intend on continuing their war of terror against the United States, its citizens, and its interests. Not only do they intend on continuing this war, but they are intent on executing another large scale attack on American soil equal to if not greater than the ones of September 11th, 2001.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Taming the Bear
European energy supplies are not secure. While individual nations have varying levels of energy security, too many European Union (EU) members, particularly those in Central and Eastern Europe, rely almost completely upon Russian state-owned monopolies for their energy supply. These monopolies act at the behest of the Kremlin and political motivations often outweigh financial incentives. The Putin administration has proved time and again in Ukraine, Czech Republic, Belarus, Poland, the Baltics, Georgia and others nations that it is willing and able to wield its energy dominance as a weapon of foreign policy. This paper's thesis is to determine how the United States and EU can limit this Russian influence over Europe. The paper begins with an analysis of the current key issues in the European-Russian energy relationship, including pipelines and infrastructure, Russian politics in the energy industry, and a history of past energy disputes while building an argument on why action is required. It then examines potential methods of countering Russian influence through increasing pipeline, supplier, and energy source diversity; enforcing current laws; and reforming the EU energy market. Critical analysis shows that gas market reform and diversifying suppliers are the best methods.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Examination of the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Role of NATO and the EU
Announced in 2003, the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) represents an effort by the U.S. to assemble a global response to the threat posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and related materials. This paper first describes the defining characteristics of the PSI, to include the international security context in which it was introduced. Next, the progress achieved by the initiative is examined, mainly the interdiction of a shipment of WMD-related parts to Libya, exercises to enhance the program's operational reach, and boarding agreements with important flag states. The interdiction of merchant vessel SO SAN, which pre-dated PSI, is included due its influence on the program and the insights it offers. Building upon those discussions, the paper highlights some of the challenges that must be addressed for the initiative to realize its full potential, namely the need for penetrating intelligence into proliferation activity and the legal considerations that can limit action in international waters. Recent and ongoing maritime operations conducted by NATO and the European Union (EU) are described thereafter due to their relevance to the PSI. The paper concludes with analysis of the ways in which NATO and the EU can contribute to the PSI if, as institutions, they make the political decision to do so.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Failed State
This monograph posits that the state must structure the delivery of public goods in a sequential and hierarchical basis with safety and security and rule of law providing a foundation upon which the state builds delivery of all other public goods prior to any discussion of higher level needs like participation and human rights. In support of this premise, this monograph defines a failed state as a state which cannot claim a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. This research explores various state ranking systems, which purport to measure state delivery of public goods. These measurements are aggregated and interpreted to assess state fragility. These ranking systems carry a bias toward higher end development, like the development of human rights, rather than focusing on foundational aspects of state development, like safety, security, and rule of law. Mexico illustrates this monograph's thesis by showing that performance in other categories of governance cannot offset a lack safety and security for the citizens of Mexico. The implication of this premature focus on participation and human rights is the creation of weak and illegitimate state institutions since safety and security did not form the foundation of the state's contract.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Rejectionists
After examining the Oslo Accord, this research paper defines and characterizes the rejectionist groups Gush Emunim, the Likud Party, and Hamas who represent the radical beliefs and tactics of many rejectionist Groups. Israeli and Palestinian rejectionists, with their beliefs and actions, welcomed the 2002 Bush Administration Roadmap to Peace plan as dead on arrival. Rejectionists pose a major obstacle for the success of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. To jump-start the Oslo Accord or promote any new agreements, leaders on both sides must first neutralize the rejectionist groups.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's New Relationships With Its Neighbors
The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) has figured in the strategic calculus of the United States since the defeat of the Nationalist forces in 1949. As the PRC struggles with internal change it is reaching out to the region, and its success bears directly on US policy, force structure, and influence in the Asia Pacific. This study examines the PRC's relationships focusing primarily on Northeast and Southeast Asia. The primary research method is an open source search covering the history of the PRC and its foreign policy tenets since Mao's death. Findings and Conclusion: In the last couple of years, China's economic capabilities have multiplied, expanding its international interactions. As theory predicts, China is converting a portion of its economic gain into military improvements, but the security gains are modest and specifically focused on hampering any US cross-straits response. The PRC's pragmatic decision to accommodate US military power while focusing on a daunting array of domestic priorities is likely to restrain PRC defense improvements for the foreseeable future. This study shows that China's economic influence has had limited effects on other realms of national power. The US has not lost influence as a result of Chinese actions; however, the prestige of the United States may have suffered as a result of its own doing. The US must tend to issues important to Asians or the region may just look for another option that China would be all too happy to accommodate.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
In Pursuit of Strategic Stability in NATO
Nation states develop and pursue foreign policy based upon their national goals and interests. In their attempts to realize these goals and because of different perceptions of reality, competition develops which may even lead to conflict. An increase in conflict between nation states can lead to war. In this age of nuclear weapons, it is in every nation's best interest to seek conflict resolution prior to the outbreak of hostilities. The advent of nuclear weapons with their massive lethality and destructive capability forced nations to rethink their attitudes toward war and the entire spectrum of conflict. The mere existence of these weapons threaten the nations that developed them as a means of protection. Nuclear weapons are a means which if used, they may very well lead to the destruction of the ends that are sought. Rationality suppresses actions which might lead to absolute war as defined by Clausewitz for fear of total annihilation of the nation. So with weapons of such devastation and such high risks of total destruction in the event of war, the wise and prudent action by a nation is to seek a condition of stable equilibrium in which neither side sees any possibility of gain in a direct military confrontation. In a global perspective, this condition of stable equilibrium evolves into strategic stability. The term strategic stability is surrounded by tremendous controversy. In the text of this monograph it is defined as a situation between adversaries in which they are deterred from war on a strategic level (involving attacks against industrial base, center of population, or strategic military forces). The purpose of this paper is to examine U.S. national military strategy and assess to what extent current military doctrine on the employment of conventional forces has kept pace with the realities of the nuclear age. I will examine the viability and role of conventional forces in NATO and give an assessment of their deterrence credibility and contribution to tThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Air Mobility-Pivotal Non-Lethal Capability
United Nations(UN)-sponsored peacekeeping is on the rise since the end of the Cold War. The character of peacekeeping has changed, expanding to include intruding into internal stateelections, policing, human rights review, and other traditionallysovereign institutions. Since the end of the Cold War, America is the sole remaining superpower, and the world looks to the US tocontinue its leadership role. Our new national strategy of engagement and enlargement recognizes the benefit of global stability and clearly identifies peacekeeping as not the centerpiece, but nonetheless, an important tool in implementing our national security strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Nonmilitary Peacekeeping Tasks in Africa's Security Environment
The end of the cold war revealed a Second Tier of countries whose internal wars are the source of nearly all the violence and instability in the new international system. The result is the deployment of multidimensional peace operations around the world on a scale unimaginable before 1990. The US National Security Strategy's approach calls for fostering regional efforts to promote peace, particularly in areas where US national interests are marginal and the causes of conflict are deep rooted and complex. Such is the case in Sub-Saharan Africa, marked by as many as 20 violent conflicts raging throughout this decade. According to the Institute for National Strategic Studies, it is to Africa that US forces are most often deployed operationally, albeit generally on a small scale. Consonant with the National Security Strategy's preference for regional efforts to promote peace in such environments, in September 1996 the Clinton administration proposed the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) to enhance indigenous African capacity to conduct peacekeeping and humanitarian operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Confronting Resurgent Russia
In the years following the collapse of the Soviet Union, all of the former republics have experienced upheaval and uncertainty. In the case of Russia, the largest and most powerful republic, organized crime and unorganized government led to many questions among Western leaders as to the political direction the former superpower would take. With the rise of Vladimir Putin and his consolidation of power first as president and now prime minister, those questions may have been answered. The present Russian leadership appears intent on reestablishing Russia's former sphere of influence with the ultimate goal of regaining their superpower status--at least in the immediate surrounding region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Will the Establishment of USAFRICOM Compliment or Compete With African Standby Force?
Since the announcement of USAFRICOM in 2007 and its eventual establishment in 2008, a lot has been said about its intentions and designs in Africa. However, the US government and African Command (AFRICOM) commander have repeatedly stated that AFRICOM's sole purpose is to capacitate African governments to respond to crises within the continent. Herein is the possibility of competition that AFRICOM poses to African Standby Force (ASF), because ASF was established for the same purpose. The view within Africa is that African problems should be solved by Africans, but African countries do not have the capacity to effectively deal with emerging security problems which have the potential to impact the global political economy. The establishment of USAFRICOM promises to bridge the capacity gap and provide African countries with some of the lacking capacity. However African leaders are resisting the establishment due to a myriad of reasons. This paper reviews this relationship and finds that cooperation is better than competition when it comes to issues of security in Africa.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
American Soft Power
Twenty-five years of United States' (U.S.) diplomatic isolation and unilateral economic sanctions have failed to alleviate the security threat posed by Iran, a state renowned for sponsoring terrorism, ignoring human rights, and seemingly bent on acquiring nuclear weapon technology. While Iran's government negotiates with the European Union over nuclear power safeguards, Iranian students and unemployed college graduates grow evermore resentful at their lack of social freedoms, economic opportunities, and democratic voice. This research paper explores the relatively new concept of soft power and its applicability in neutralizing Iran's security threat to the U.S. by facilitating social changes, economic investment, and democratic reforms within the strict Islamic state. It first examines how past hard-power strategies have failed to further U.S. interests in Iran. Next, it analyzes successful examples of positive relationships between the U.S. and Middle Eastern countries, where soft power has been employed effectively. Third, it exposes current opportunities for affecting the hearts and minds of Iranians through U. S. soft power. Finally, it concludes by offering a fresh strategy of how the U.S. should deal with Iran to effect the necessary social and governmental changes that will become the foundation for restoring strong diplomatic and economic ties between the two countries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Cooperative Threat Reduction
In response to the dangers presented by the possible diversion of WMD or the technology to rogue nations, the U.S. Congress initiated the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in 1991. This program is designed to provide Belarus, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Russia with assistance in the destruction, transportation, storage, and safeguarding of WMD. CTR is projected to be a multi-billion dollar effort. Critics have charged that the program has provided little results and that the money should be redirected. Is the proliferation threat real, can it be stopped and is CTR the appropriate method of reducing the threat? The threat of proliferation from the new republics is enormous when considering the sheer size of the former Soviet arsenal. Proliferation can occur from many different sources; smuggling, technology transfer, scientist hired by outside countries, theft of whole weapons, etc. CTR addresses a whole range of possibilities and assists in the destruction of active systems which are designed to destroy the U.S. CTR has been successful in helping reduce the nuclear weapons delivery systems, through providing destruction equipment and dismantlement help. Clearly, the program should be continued and possibly expanded.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Western Saharan Conflict
The last war of decolonization on the African continent, the conflict in the Western Sahara has and continues to reflect patterns in international diplomacy. The conflict, initiated when the Spanish withdrew from the territory, was perpetuated by the Cold War and now continues in the context of the Global War on Terrorism. Following the Spanish withdrawal, Algeria provided further aid to the insurgent group they supported during the Spanish decolonization and in doing so, they permitted the development of the insurgent group, the Polisario, to develop into the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic. Through the course of the Cold War, Algerian support for the Saharawi and US support for Morocco permitted the war to stalemate allowing time for the Saharawi to develop a relatively strong civil society. This paper will show that because of the intransigence that has developed between the two parties and the development of the Saharawi state, in the relative near-term, the conflict is likely to continue in its stalemated state and the Polisario will be unlikely to return to arms.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Venezuela and Chavez
The next 10 years will bring many challenges and opportunities for the United States and its involvement with the Ch獺vez government of Venezuela. The question on how should the United States prepare its interaction with an increasingly hostile Venezuelan government can be better answered through the use of scenario-planning methodology, a process of five phases: Orient, Explore, Synthesize, Act, and Monitor. With Ch獺vez and Venezuela, the scenario-based methodology process begins by identifying potential changes in events or forces between the US and Venezuela. These events or forces are combined in different ways to create a set of four stories about how the future could unfold. With the creation of these four stories, implications are derived, adding depth of each scenario. At the end, indicators are developed for monitoring events that could unfold, providing insight to potentially predicted outcomes. In order to ensure national and regional security policy success in the Western Hemisphere, the United States' government must always consider national security strategies for potential future interaction with the Ch獺vez government of Venezuela.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Ukrainian Missile Nonproliferation
The nonproliferation of Ukraine's advanced ballistic missile technologies is a key challenge for Ukraine and the United States. Ukraine was the developer of many types of advanced Soviet ballistic missiles and space systems, and its challenge is to find economically and commercially viable alternatives for its missile design and manufacturing expertise. This is particularly important because Ukraine's need for hard cash increases its temptation to sell missile technology to "rogue" natins. The challenge for the U.S. is to facilitate Ukraine's economic transformation toward a market economy while discouraging the profitable sale and proliferation of its sensitive technologies. To this end, the U.S. has allowed Ukraine to compete in the U.S. space launch market, has encouraged international joint space ventures, and has helped Ukraine develop an export control system. Ukraine officially supports missile nonproliferation and has agreed to abide by the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). Nevertheless, the U.S. has been concerned about the possibilities of missile technology leakage and the Ukrainian government's ability and willingness to control it. The U.S. must continue to offer incentives to help strenghtn Ukraine's commitment to missile nonproliferation, minimize technology leakage, and encourage it to give up its ballistic missile capabilities. But the U.S. must also be sensitive to and address the economic, military, and political disincentives for Ukraine to fully support U.S. nonproliferation interests.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Repaving the Silk Road
The vast territory between the Black Sea in the West and China in the East was once home to the major trade route connecting Europe to the Far East, known as the "Silk Road". Today, this area, referred to as the Trans-Caspian region, includes the nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan (Central Asia) along with Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan (the South Caucasus). The Trans-Caspian is an area rich in natural resources, and its vast oil and natural gas reserves may soon establish the region as a major energy supplier to global markets. Situated between China, Russia, and the Middle East, the nations of the region are also geopolitically significant to the world's major powers. However, despite their bountiful resources and a steadily increasing global interest, the nations of Central Asia and the South Caucasus are also among the world's poorest, socially repressed, and politically corrupt.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Genocide in Darfur Sudan
Despite the cry of "Never Again", the world community has been incapable of preventing genocide. Between 60 million and 150 million people perished in episodes of mass killing in the twentieth century alone.1 The first genocide of the twenty first century began in Darfur, Sudan and quickly highlighted the international community's inability to stop the killings. Extant data suggests that between 350,000 and 400,000 Darfurian's perished between February 2003 and July 2005, and a recent U.N. mortality assessment indicates more than 6,000 continue to die every month.2 Others report that between 218,000 and 306,000 died between April 2003 and February 2005.3 Regardless of whose numbers you follow, the misery in Darfur has been mind numbing. The African Union has taken the lead on stopping the genocide in Darfur by installing African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) forces in the region. However, these forces are not organized, trained or equipped to handle this type of mission, and have been ineffective in stopping the genocide. Absent action or intervention by a better-equipped force, the deeply inadequate African Union force will continue to fail at stopping the genocide.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Armed Diplomacy
In fiscal year 2008, United States Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) carried out 122 humanitarian projects in 26 countries. It conducted 65 Medical Readiness Training Exercises (MEDRETEs) in 17 countries, treating over 200,000 people and 46,000 animals. In addition, it provided coordinated response to disasters in Costa Rica, Panama, and Haiti. This paper will show that the use of military resources as soft power has many effects on American strategic posture in LATAM. The negative effects include militarizing US foreign policy, shifting funds away from civilian agencies, overestimating the strategic influence, delegitimizing regional actors, stressing US military forces, and degrading the local infrastructure. The positive effects of military use as soft power include providing a constant presence in area of operations, providing training to US military members, improving relations at the local/village level, and establishing contacts for future military operations. Finally, this paper proposes that the most appropriate soft power application of military assets in Latin America for the future is disaster relief. The January 2010 US response to the earthquake in Haiti was used as a case study. In conclusion, over-utilization of the military for purposes other than disaster relief as an instrument of soft power actually serves to weaken the overall strategic posture of the United States in Latin America.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is Membership of NATO the Best Alternative for Bulgaria's National Security?
After the collapse of Soviet Union and the disintegration of Warsaw Pact followed by basic political and social changes in Central and Eastern Europe, most of the former socialist states have remained vulnerable to aggression and coercion. Bulgaria is one of them. The Central and Eastern European region is continuing to accumulate tension and to produce threats based on ethnic and religious principles. It seems that NATO has remained the only power capable of guaranteeing peace and security in the region. It is simply impossible for Bulgaria to protect its national security and national sovereignty alone. The most reasonable solution to the problem is joining a powerful union such as NATO. But many Bulgarians still cannot look at NATO as a friend and a protector. They still suffer from the consequences of the former ideology. For writing my paper I used different periodicals published in Bulgaria such as "Bulgarian Military Review", published by the Bulgarian Ministry of Defense and "Security Policy"-Information Bulletin of the Bulgarian Ministry of Defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evaluation of the Intensity of Radical Islam in the Balkans and the Assessment of its Level of Threat for European Security
In the past two decades, Radical Islam rooted in Europe became an obvious security threat. This monograph argues that Western Europeans are partially responsible for permitting or not preventing the presence of radical Islamists in the Balkans and therefore in EU. While Islam came in Western Europe with the wave of immigration from African and Asian Muslim countries in the 1970s and 1980s, Islam in the Balkans existed for centuries. Radical Islam in Europe was initially imported from the mujahedeens that came to fight in the Balkan wars in the 1990s, and only later boosted by the events of the post 9/11 world. To define a valid problem statement, this monograph offers understanding of the cultural differences between the Western European Muslims and the Balkan Muslims. While the Balkan Muslims that lived on European soil for centuries are among the most secular in the world, Western European Muslims that are recent immigrants are showing high level of intolerance and radicalism, opposing the democratic values embedded in Western European culture. The Western European states failed to integrate Muslims into their societies and declared the idea of multiculturalism as a failed project, at the same time asking the Balkans governments to accommodate Muslims, indirectly facilitating the infiltration of radical Islam. The purpose of this monograph is to evaluate the intensity of radical Islam in the Balkans compared with the same problem that Western Europe has, by explaining the connections between Balkans Islam and Western European Islam. The patterns show that radical Islamists'; strategic objective is Western Europe, and not the Balkans itself. Balkan countries are merely a safe haven for radical Islam and base for further operations into Western Europe. The Muslim population in several Balkan states is vulnerable to the emergence of radical Islam that in the past two decades is targeting moderate Muslims using the social-economic instability in the Balkans and suppoThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Iranian Tentacles Into Iraq
Most of those who comment on Iran's attempt to influence Iraqi Shia, do so without considering the historical and cultural connection between these two peoples. The research presented directs its attention to the Iranian motives and capabilities and then to the first targets of Iranian influence efforts. Finally, the research considered the historical and cultural connections between Iraqi and Iranian Shia to identify the themes and methods that persuade Iraqi Shia to collaborate with Iran. Iran is presently conducting an aggressive strategic influence campaign into southern Iraq. The Iraqi Shia community is the primary target of Iranian efforts. Tehran's bases its motivations on national self-interest and religious-political ideals. The Iranian Regime advocates a religious-political activism to expand fundamental religious ideals. The Shia community in Iraq holds on to the practice of religious-political self-preservation and seeks to conform to the state in order to exist. Members of both Shia communities hold varied cultural values, based on their historical development. Tehran uses methods along the spectrum of psychological persuasion to influence and subvert the Iraqi Shia community. Specifically, they target individual communities. The Iranian regime attempts to gain authority in Iraq via the same government institutions designed to control over its own population. The formidable Iranian government apparatus allows the targeting of the Iraqi population through efforts designed to achieve compliance and conformity. The Iraqi Shia society is fragmented, but nationalism also provides a powerful influence for this group. The majority of the Iraqi Shia community identify themselves as Iraqi citizens despite a common historical narrative and ethnic ties with the Iranian Shia population. Independent national principles foster Iraqi and Iranian nationalist sentiments and the division between the two states are likely to grow with the Iraqi government becoming more cThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Military Modernization in the People's Republic of China
China is experiencing extremely rapid changes in every element of its national power--economic, political, and military. Its economy is booming, producing double-digit gains each year since the mid-1980's. This explosive growth raises the prospect of China emerging as a major global power. To help protect this potential new status, Beijing decided to modernize its military to "gain respect" in the world community and become militarily competitive with other global powers. This resulted in a nation possessing one of the fastest growing economies in the world combined with one of the largest military machines -- that is slowly gaining an offensive force-projection capability. These factors may upset the balance of power in the Asian region, in addition to posing a threat to U.S. interests. This paper examines the implications for U.S. and regional security posed by the economic reforms and the military modernization taking place in China, focusing on Chinese acquisition and indigenous production of high-technology weapons to produce an offensive force-projection capability. After surveying the lack of resources available to the Chinese defense industries, it analyzes China's military equipment modernization program and impediments to that program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Foie Gras With Ketchup
This study assesses the prospect of improving military cooperation with the French through an examination of why French cooperation is desirable, how the French view the United States and the historical basis on which those views are founded, and the manner in which four additional factors complicate the security relationship. The assessment of France in terms of military, economic, and political strength reveals a French capacity to disrupt American defense policy and, therefore, underscores the desirability of French military cooperation. The negative component of ambivalent French views of the United States appears to be based upon historical events in which American action abroad has impressed the French as inadequately deferent, obstructive of their aspirations to reclaim their prestige after World War II, and unilateral.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Faction Liaison Teams
The United Kingdom's Joint Warfare Publication on Peace Support Operations stresses the need for effective liaison in order to prevent misunderstanding, friction, opposition and escalation of the conflict. Beyond this doctrinal support, little has been written to define how this liaison should be conducted. The purpose of this monograph is to fill part of that void. The monograph firstly examines peacekeeping and the reasons why liaison is so important to it, before analyzing the British Liaison structures that were used in Bosnia between 1992 and 1996. The review identifies certain issues that were key in shaping this structure. These issues were team structure, interpreters, command and control, communications and force protection. Subsequent analysis of them provides insights which are then used to develop a conceptual model. This model could be used as a skeleton upon which future faction liaison organizations may be built. The model proposed by this monograph is of a small team with one liaison officer, equipped with both secure and nonsecure communication equipment. The use of local civilian interpreters is recommended, as is the basing of the team in the local community, preferably in civilian housing. The core principle of this model is based upon the team's primary purpose being that of a directed telescope for the commander, one that is permanently focused on the factions command structures.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impact of Alleged Russian Cyber Attacks
High profile cyber attacks against Estonia and Georgia have brought the subject of cyber security from the realm of internet magazines to main stream media outlets. The cyber attacks advanced the perceptions of animosity between the Russian Federation and former Soviet satellites. The cyber attacks that have occurred in the last few years have shown the vulnerabilities of using the internet and the weaknesses of cyber defenses. The international framework, either through regional organization such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU), or through international organizations such as the United Nations (UN), has been inadequate for preventing cyber attacks for political purposes or for bringing cyber criminals to justice. There is little concrete proof of involvement of the Russian Federation government in any cyber attacks. The circumstantial evidence does lead to the perception that the Russian government was behind or supported recent cyber attacks. When countries or organizations stand in opposition to Russia they are likely to receive a cyber attack in order to influence their position. The high likelihood of future cyber attacks, the ease of conducting cyber attacks, and the amount of networks to conduct the attacks make this monograph relevant for study. Government and organizational leaders need to ensure that their cyber defenses are ready to protect private information, internet services, and electrical grids that rely on internet technology to function. Former Soviet satellites, the United States, and international organizations need to strive to increase international co-operation in order to defeat cyber crime. Without a legal international framework cyber criminals will continue to operate in areas where there are no laws or agreements concerning cyber security. Nations can build their own defenses but co-operation and the sharing of technical data will enable a safer internet environment for everyone. The computerThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
HIV/AIDS
The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of the militaries of southern Africa given the nature of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the complexities through which African Command must navigate. This study will draw on the research of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and its effect on the effectiveness of the militaries of southern Africa, leaning heavily on the research of Stefan Elbe and a small cadre of associated scholars that focused their academic attention on this specific issue. Prior to the discussion of the effect the epidemic has on the militaries, this study discusses the military effectiveness, utilizing the model of effectiveness prescribed by Allan Millett, Williamson Murray, and Kenneth Watman in their article, "The Effectiveness of Military Organizations." The paper then analyzes the discussion of HIV/AIDS as a security issue, focusing on the scholarship of Stefan Elbe and Barry Buzan in this matter. The study then focuses on the regional implications of the epidemic and its effect on the militaries of southern Africa before moving on to the international ramifications of the epidemic. The last analysis this paper offers is a discussion of the U.S. national interests in southern Africa and the ramifications of the effects of HIV/AIDS on U.S. national security policies. The study shows that the current U.S. national security policies do not adequately address the security interests of the U.S. with regard to southern Africa. Specifically, the U.S. fails to adequately address the impacts of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on the effectiveness of the militaries of southern Africa and the epidemics ramifications on the national security interests of the U.S.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalization of the International Arms Industry
This paper explores the relationship between globalization of the arms industry and interoperability. Its premise is that while the arms industry has undertaken significant steps to globalize, NATO and ABCA military force interoperability levels remain woefully inadequate. Over sixty years ago NATO and the ABCA program sought to standardize the militaries of their member nations. Each member country agreed to take steps to ensure that interoperability among force elements was achieved. A truly globalized arms industry offers a platform to achieve greater standardization and interoperability amongst joint and combined forces. In fact, it is clear that a nexus should exist between a globalized arms development and truly interoperable forces. This study examines the relationship between a globalized arms industry and interoperable armed forces within the context of NATO and the ABCA program. The primary vehicle it uses to do this is a case study of the development and procurement of the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). The study concludes that four barriers bar the development of interoperable forces. First, defense spending has significantly reduced for all members of NATO and ABCA, with the exception of the United States. Second, democratically elected leaders are unable to justify increased defense spending in financially constrained times. The absence of an identifiable external threat to the sovereignty of nation states is paramount in politician's minds. Thirdly, the proliferation of defense technologies to third parties prevents the arms industry from achieving interoperability of systems. Finally, little emphasis is placed on the importance of non technical interoperability. The requirement of forces to train together and understand differing military cultures and doctrine is often overlooked. The absence of joint and combined training prior to conducting operations has limited the ability of international forces to operate together effectively. Critically, whereveThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Engagement and Implications for Future National Security Strategies
This monograph addresses the perplexing issue of ensuring US security strategy is coherently mated with emerging defense doctrines. America's current security strategy, "engagement," is inherently dynamic in nature. Consequently, it has surfaced four defense related issues: mission profiles beyond the design of US armed forces, debate over the role of US armed forces within an "engagement" construct, debate over the future nature of US Security Policy and doctrinal changes by the Armed forces to meet the demands generated by "engagement." This monograph investigates the challenges facing the US Armed Services to develop relevant doctrines adaptable to dynamic changes in national security strategies. To meet the challenges of "Engagement" the services have adopted new doctrines affecting they way they organize, train and equip: USAF, "Global Engagement;" USN, "Forward From the Sea;" and USA, "Army Vision 2010." Simultaneously, "engagement" itself has been debated with three schools of thought emerging: the "dynamic," "selective" and "disengagement" schools. Consequently, a programmatic dilemma is emerging; while the services are actively developing new doctrines to satisfy national security needs, the more cardinal issue of long-term national security policy is unsettled. The monograph assess the emerging service doctrines ability to meet the demands of possible future national security strategies by contrasting focus of each emerging service doctrine against the argument of each security strategy "school." It employs complexity theory, the historic dynamics of "great nation" foreign policy development, historic and contemporary views of US security policy and theories of international security to develop perspectives on the nature of security policy. It surveys components of US power and reviews the National Security Strategy (NSS) to evaluate the ability of the armed forces to support the NSS. Finally, it investigates the US security strategy debate and contrastsThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impediments to the Effectiveness of the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID)
Within the UN, the "Mogadishu Line" is a reference to the failed UN mission in Somalia in 1992-1993, intended to mark the limit of UN peacekeeping capabilities. The UN/African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has been so disastrous that more recently, the "Darfur Line" has gained currency as the new limit that the UN should not cross for future peacekeeping missions. Further investigation of UNAMID is relevant to any military force generation department that may contribute to a UN peacekeeping operation in the future. This paper takes into account the latest UN reports on UNAMID, Government of Sudan, and rebel actions that affected the mission's operations. Interviews with well-informed, anonymous UN officials reveal chronic problems with force generation, and ongoing issues associated with the Government of Sudan. Case studies on three different UN missions are introduced to permit comparative analysis and situate the UNAMID mission in a broader peacekeeping context. This research finds that UNAMID's force generation was problematic. Additionally, both the Government of Sudan and the rebels obstructed UNAMID operations in a deliberate and sustained manner. These factors retarded the growth in UNAMID's operational capability and hindered its ability to implement its mandate. However, the absence of a peace agreement has resulted in persistent military conflict and an unstable security environment. Improved force generation and the cooperation of the Darfur Peace Agreement signatories can only have a limited impact on UNAMID's ability to protect civilians as long as there is no peace to keep.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Engaging the Borderlands
The security of the U.S.-Mexican border is an issue of considerable interest for both countries. The North American Free Trade Agreement has created a web of symbiotic links between the two countries. Unfortunately, this has also presented opportunities for illegal transit. These opportunities are increasingly exploited by Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTO) whose actions are destabilizing Mexico and increasingly penetrating into the United States. Increasing levels of violence, intimidation, and influence have rapidly become intolerable, demanding a government response. While widespread use of the U.S. military remains an option, the costs both economic and operational, make the use an unviable one. Rather a mixed approach of U.S. and Mexican capacity building and economic assistance is a preferred alternative. The increased capacity of U.S. and Mexican security and law enforcement organizations will over time disrupt, then dismantle the Mexican DTOs. Simultaneously, economic assistance aimed at developing impoverished Mexican regions will both legitimize the Mexican government while marginalizing the influx of narco-dollars. This combined approach provides stability to the region, increases cooperation between neighboring governments, and fosters further legitimate economic growth in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Global War on Terrorism
This work asks two questions. Is the National Security Strategy (NSS) of 2002, The Global War on Terrorism, (GWOT) a policy of containment and why does it matter? This work identifies the NSS as a policy of containment by comparing the national strategies of Presidents Nixon, Clinton and Bush. This comparison shows that although the strategic environment has changed the policy of containing threats has remained. Establishing that the United States national strategy is still a policy of containment, this work points out that the military has an excellent strategy already in place. That strategy is the National Military Strategy of 1997. This work asserts that the strategy clearly identifies the current threat and if aggressively implemented it can meet the political objectives stated in the NSS 2002 .This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Hezbollah
The emergence of non-state actors and sub-national entities on the world stage has presented the established international system with challenges for which it is ill equipped to handle. The historical inclination to resort to military force when diplomacy fails is becoming a less viable model as new and powerful non-state actors establish themselves in the international order with implications for their host nations and the nations of the world. Hezbollah, or the Party of God, is an established Shi'ite jihad movement that has operated out of Lebanon since its founding by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard in 1985. Situated in a key strategic location in the Middle East and bordering the state of Israel, Hezbollah's status as one of the most well-organized and well-armed non-state actors in the world is cause for some concern to the United States and its allies. This concern was realized when Hezbollah initiated a 34-day war with Israel in 2006. In addition to being a well-armed jihad organization, Hezbollah also controls the largest voting bloc in the Lebanese parliament, giving it virtual veto power in the Lebanese government. For the aforementioned reasons, many national security professionals and academic researchers have spent years studying this shadowy group. Among the many opinions of Hezbollah, there is a growing body of literature and academic discourse that puts forth the theory that Hezbollah is going through a 'Lebanonization' process. This process of political integration, it is said, is causing Hezbollah to evolve from a violent Iranian-inspired jihadi group to a mainstream part of Lebanese society and politics, and that this process will ultimately result in its disarmament. The allure of this theory of moderation and reformation of Hezbollah is understandable. The potential for the moderation and ultimate disarmament of the best-equipped militant Islamist organization in the world holds much cause for hope. It is difficult, however, to ignore HezbollahThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Is it in U.S. National Interests to Maintain Forward Deployed Military Forces in Asia?
Before World War II, the U.S. had only negligible involvement in Asia. However, the defeat of the Japanese, the need to provide assistance to former European colonies and the perceived need to prevent the spread of Communism, left the U.S. as the major power in the region militarily, diplomatically and economically. As the fear of Communist expansion increased in the region, the U.S. extended its containment policy from Europe to Asia and signed a series of security alliances with Asian nations in the early 1950s to enhance regional security and prevent the rise of a unified, Communist Sino-Soviet monolith. This policy of containment with respect to China only began to change in 1969 as President Richard M. Nixon's Administration initiated a rapprochement. President James E. Carter's Administration completed the process in 1979 by recognizing Mainland China as the legal government of China to include Taiwan. Further requirements to contain the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991 with its internal collapse. With the end of the Soviet Union, the U.S. began reducing American forces in the region by roughly eleven percent from 1991 to 1995. The intent was to begin transferring security responsibilities to U.S. Allies in the region. Only President William J. Clinton's promise in 1995 to maintain 100,000 military personnel in Asia prevented a further reduction of forces. However, today the U.S. is again continuing to shift the responsibility for Asia's security to its regional Allies, an example being Australia. In July 2000, U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen called on Australia to take the lead in formulating policies regarding instability...in the region. This is a result of the changing strategic balance following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Asian economic crisis, and U.S. military constraints in manpower and budget. In light of a decade of change in Asia with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, military budget and manpower constraints, and the changing U.S.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Key to Stability on the Korean Peninsula
As another crisis looms on the horizon for the Korean Peninsula, the major powers in Northeast Asia are working to defuse the situation. Since 1950, the United States has been a key player in the defense of the Republic of Korea (ROK). This paper will explore the national security relationships between the United States, China and Japan and how they relate to both the Republic of Korea and the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK). The current security environment including the 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty between the Republic of Korea and the United States; the role of the current military structure, the ROK-US Combined Forces Command; and the threat that North Korea presents will be highlighted. Several regional powers also exert influence on the Korean Peninsula. A key ally for the United States is Japan. This security relationship is based on the Japan-US Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
European Security and Defense Policy After Ten Years
After ten years the ESDP has reached an important milestone in its development. It is one of the most dynamic policy areas in the framework of the European Union (EU) and is a substantial integration project. Behind this background the study analyzes the question, What has ESDP achieved in its main fields of action (capabilities, operations/missions and strategic partnership with NATO to include transatlantic relations) to meet the requirements of the European Security Strategy (ESS)? The ESS as the overarching strategic document for the ESDP claims an encompassing security approach and calls to be more capable, more active, more coherent and calls to intensify working with partners. Hence, the ESS together with its implementation report provides the criteria to measure the achievements of the ESDP. In regard to capability development in many respects progress has been made over the last ten years to be more capable. ESDP specifically has built up military and civilian rapid response capabilities (EU Battlegroups and Civilian Response Teams) and the EU has established a European Defense Agency (EDA). However, there is still a lack in military key capabilities and the military reform process in Europe remains slow. Further improvements are necessary focusing on spending money more efficiently and using the EDA to enhance pooling of assets. Operations and missions are the ESDP's figurehead to be more active and to meet the requirement of a global security actor. With twenty-two military operations and civilian missions since 2003 the footprint is considerable. ESDP engagements span almost the globe and cover a wide spectrum (stabilization, rule of law, anti-piracy). Nevertheless, they have been limited in scope and time and the ESDP is still untested in 'high end'; operations. A key question for the future is less the number of ESDP engagements but there size, mandate and political ambition. To avoid an overextension of the ESDP clear priorities and regional strategiThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Evolution of India's Nuclear Program
Since India began developing its nuclear program it has continually encountered issues with the United States and other nuclearized countries over whether India should be able to establish a nuclear program, and subsequently a nuclear weapons program. Over the past 60 years, the Indio-U.S. relationship has swung from supporting India's nuclear ambitions to employing sanctions over nuclear weapon testing. Since the attacks of September 11, the U.S. has paid closer attention to the South Asian region, balancing their policies between the needed Pakistani support for the Global War on Terror (GWOT) with the desire to maintain India as an economic partner and leverage against Chinese regional influence. This monograph examines the evolution of India's nuclear program as it developed from the 1940s through the 1990s and the current nuclear capabilities that they now possess. In addition, discussing the various U.S. reactions and policies during the time period as they relate to India is important to understand the relationship that currently exists between the two countries. As it approaches its seventh decade, the Indian nuclear program continues to develop improved weapons technologies with the potential to proliferate nuclear material to other countries, how should the U.S. address the various issues that have promulgated over the past 60 years as they relate to the future? In developing this strategy, the U.S. government should examine the past administrations policies towards India since 1947 in order to develop a comprehensive strategy that utilizes all the instruments of national power that will encourage India to become a responsible stakeholder among the nuclearized countries and demonstrate the responsibility that goes along with nuclear technology. In delving into these past policies, the government will be more able to develop an understanding of the Indian psyche as it relates to the way the U.S. has traditionally dealt with its country. As India continuesThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eurasian Axis
At a time when the tectonic plates of global geopolitics are shifting before our eyes, The Last Failure of the Empire offers a masterful and indispensable analysis of the forces shaping the new order of the 21st century. This ambitious work deciphers the end of Western hegemony through the prism of a central and often misunderstood player: Iran. Far from presenting it as a mere regional power, this book reveals it as a civilisational and strategic pivot at the heart of the emergence of a powerful Eurasian axis with Russia and China.Immerse yourself in a fascinating journey that spans from the Persian antiquity of Cyrus the Great to the Islamic Revolution of Khomeini and beyond. Explore the cultural resilience of a millennia-old civilisation, its art, poetry and complex identity that enable it to navigate the turbulent waters of modern politics. The author brilliantly guides you through the intricacies of Iranian diplomacy, its survival strategies in the face of economic sanctions, its role in Middle East conflicts and its internal social dynamics, where young people yearn for change.Beyond Iran, this book is an exploration of new power dynamics. It provides an in-depth analysis of the strategic alliance with Moscow and Beijing, not as a mere coalition of convenience, but as the foundation of a multipolar world order in the making. What are the energy, military and technological stakes of this axis? What scenarios of cooperation or confrontation are emerging on the horizon?A true tour de force, The Last Failure of the Empire is much more than a book about Iran. It is an essential guide for anyone who wants to understand the profound forces that are redefining our world, the decline of an empire and the uncertain dawn of a new era. A must-read for understanding the present and anticipating the future.
How Singapore Beat the Odds
This book tells the inside story of how Singapore defied considerable odds to develop a dynamic economy and cohesive society in the 60 years since the city-state's independence.Through in-depth interviews with some of the nation's most influential leaders - Abdullah Tarmugi, Chan Sek Keong, Cheong Koon Hean, Halimah Yacob, Peter Ho, Khaw Boon Wan, Lim Siong Guan, Ravi Menon, Seah Jiak Choo, Tan Yong Soon, Eddie Teo, Teo Ming Kian - How Singapore Beat the Odds explores various facets of public policy that shaped Singapore's remarkable transformation.Their first-hand accounts will inform, enlighten and inspire anyone seeking insights into successful public governance.
How Singapore Beat the Odds
This book tells the inside story of how Singapore defied considerable odds to develop a dynamic economy and cohesive society in the 60 years since the city-state's independence.Through in-depth interviews with some of the nation's most influential leaders - Abdullah Tarmugi, Chan Sek Keong, Cheong Koon Hean, Halimah Yacob, Peter Ho, Khaw Boon Wan, Lim Siong Guan, Ravi Menon, Seah Jiak Choo, Tan Yong Soon, Eddie Teo, Teo Ming Kian - How Singapore Beat the Odds explores various facets of public policy that shaped Singapore's remarkable transformation.Their first-hand accounts will inform, enlighten and inspire anyone seeking insights into successful public governance.
50 Years in Fair Trade
Martin Kunz has been active in Fair Trade for more than 45 years. From the time when he served with local Non Governmental Organizations in Kolkata in the mid 1970 until today, he was part of a group that founded one of the first World Shops in Germany, he was the first chairman of the board of directors of gepa, the world's largest Alternative Trade Organization, he was founding executive secretary of the global Fairtrade label association TransFair International (TFI) and also of its successor FairTrade Labelling Organization (FLO - nowadays Fairtrade international). In 1994 he wrote the first criteria for Fairtrade labelled tea (which included the introduction of the 'Joint Body' concept, which became blueprint for criteria involving hired labour) and for Fairly Traded soccerballs (1998).Most recently he expanded Fair Trade to cover natural rubber, and for nine years he was the director of the Fair Rubber Association. He is still active with his company Diversity Honeys Ltd., raising awareness for issues such as biodiversity (particularly pollinator diversity) by selling honey from Asian honey bees and plastic free gardening products. This book brings together some of his writing, including his PhD thesis on 'Third World Shops', which becomes electronically available for the first time.
Swap
From the Wall Street Journal's award-winning international investigations team comes a spellbinding account of a spy war between the U.S. and Russia that transformed into a ruthless game of hostage-taking, in which Putin held all the cards.Narrated with the propulsive drive of a spy thriller and packed with revelatory reporting, Swap takes you deep inside a shadow war that will upend how you think about global politics. It is the first full account of the Kremlin's game of human poker--and the extraordinary lengths the U.S. had to go to to retrieve its citizens, including Brittney Griner, Evan Gershkovich, Paul Whelan, Alsu Kurmasheva, and numerous others whose arrests were unseen collateral damage in a hidden conflict.Swap unspools the history behind the series of prisoner trades that returned Moscow and Washington to the crude transactional logic of the Cold War, culminating in the two rivals' largest and most complex swap ever. On August 1, 2024, twenty-four people jailed in seven nations were exchanged, including eight Russian spies, smugglers, hackers, and a professional hit man. But that headline moment was only the climax of a secret war two decades in the making.Investigative reporters Drew Hinshaw and Joe Parkinson were Pulitzer finalists for their work with Gershkovich to uncover the Russian officials responsible for resurrecting a brutal tactic once wielded by the KGB. Now they reveal the story of how the Russian government planted deep-cover agents in the West, how the CIA tracked them down, and how Russia responded by snatching American citizens--imprisoning them under false or jacked-up charges--forcing the U.S. government to play Putin's game.Swap takes you inside the Oval Office, the Kremlin, the headquarters of the CIA and MI6, and the living rooms of ordinary families forced to become activists in order to bring their loved ones home. You'll meet the Gulf royals, billionaire tech moguls, and unlikely Hollywood intermediaries navigating back channels to save lives. You'll visit remote Arctic prison camps and cordoned-off Middle Eastern airstrips. And you'll discover how the CIA and MI6 waged a quiet, high-stakes campaign against a Kremlin that was abducting Americans to build leverage.Tracking each move and countermove in a multilayered Rubik's Cube of negotiations, Swap unscrambles and decodes the spy craft really going on between the U.S. and Russia, offering a chilling diagnosis for how power works in the twenty-first century.
Applied Statistics for Court Management - The Ultimate Guide to Efficient Courts
Applied Statistics for Court Management - The Ultimate Guide to Efficient Courts is a comprehensive book on the application of scientific methods to appraise, monitor and evaluate court performance. In addition to proposing over 30 measures of court performance which can be applied in any jurisdiction, the book extensively interrogates one of the central pre-occupations of modern court systems - the causes and consequences of court delay and scientifically explores the factors which influences court productivity. Thus, the book embodies a wealth of insights on how to manage modern courts using data to improve judicial accountability and enhance the quality and timeliness of the delivery of justice to the society. It is well established in development literature that strong, efficient judiciaries are an important cornerstone in fostering economic growth and development in any nation. This book has a wide range of essential information and measurements to inform the creation of excellent courts, which is essential to economic advancement and poverty alleviation in the long run. Several scenarios are used in this book from the Jamaican jurisdiction, which continues to undergo rapid operational, structural and systemic transformations and currently provides viable case studies on how to engender the creation of efficient courts.
Silencing the Guns: Pathways to Sustainable Peace in Postcolonial Africa
This book interrogates the major challenges of postcolonial Africa that have hindered development, peace, and security. It advocates for different paths to secure peace and tranquillity, more specifically by employing indigenous knowledge systems, and examines the sources of African military coups d'矇tat in political and other contexts, and how to prevent their recurrence. The author conducts a multidisciplinary examination of postcolonial Africa's peace and security dynamics, providing readers with a nuanced understanding of the continent's challenges and opportunities in these critical areas. By synthesizing insights from political science, history, sociology, and international relations, they offer a holistic perspective that transcends conventional disciplinary boundaries. In the wake of decolonization, Africa emerged as a continent grappling with myriad challenges, particularly in the realms of peace and security. From colonial legacies to contemporary geopolitical dynamics, the journey towards stability has been fraught with complexities and contradictions. This book delves into these complexities, offering a comprehensive exploration of the factors shaping Africa's peace and security landscape.
Structural Shift of Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific
This book - the latest in our series East Asian Security - was inspired by the Japan-Taiwan Security Dialogue, held by the Taiwan Center for Security Studies, National Chengchi University, and Osaka-based Momoyama Gakuin University. For years, China's political-economic development continued on a trajectory that Western leaders hoped would mirror that of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, and so many others before them: political liberalization followed economic development. Alas, China chose a different path: one driven by a revanchist mindset and a desire to dismantle the current unipolar order, removing the US from the position of global hegemon - starting with the Indo-Pacific region.Now, as the world holds its breath while an assertive China policy under a new, second Trump administration takes shape, this slow structural shift of geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific region threatens to accelerate. The book examines this geopolitical shift from a variety of perspectives, bringing together research and analysis from a number of experts in the field from several different nations and disciplines. It is organized according to three broad themes: the increasing internationalization of Indo-Pacific security, the region's shifting alliance structures, and the growing competition over hegemony.
