Avoiding the Rush
This paper proposes that NATO expansion into East Central Europe is ill advised at this pivotal period in Russian history and should be delayed until two events occur. First, the issue should be debated in the American public arena. Second, the Russian democratic government must stabilize. Recognizing the centrality of the international nuclear threshold and associated arms control agreements, this paper argues the West should present no impediments of any sort to struggling Russian democrats and their fledgling pro- western reforms. As relevant background, it first provides a cursory review of NATO history and an analysis of the chain of events leading to today's expansion issue. It also reviews pertinent portions of the 1997 National Security Strategy and highlights three domestic and international concerns, outside of Russia's interests, that likewise argue for delaying NATO expansion. This paper offers the European Union as a more appropriate vehicle for long term political and economic stability in East Central Europe. It concludes that admitting Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to NATO is likely to foster mutual insecurity while feeding defensive nationalism and opposition to arms control exactly the opposite of the enhanced European security framework that both NATO and Russia seek. Should NATO expansion hasten Russia's estrangement and a commensurate redivision of Europe, five decades of incredible geopolitical success would be crowned with abject failure. NATO would deserve a better eulogy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Caribbean Basin
At first glance the Caribbean Basin seems to be a fairly peaceful, even benign, region when compared to regions in Africa, the Middle East or Europe. Closer analysis however, reveals a complex, and dynamic grouping of nationalities, cultures, and languages and a myriad of issues and challenges (economic, social and political) that can have an effect on the security landscape of the United States. Contrary to the characterization of benign unimportance, the Caribbean Basin has the distinction of being the region that has experienced the greatest number of U.S. military interventions: 37 since 1901. Much of U.S. foreign policy decisions relating to the Caribbean is crisis oriented. However, there are significant transnational threats that the U.S. must pay attention to, if it is to avoid another Haiti or Cuba. Chapter 1 is an introduction. Chapter 2 is a geopolitical overview and discussion of the region's value to the United States. Chapter 3 is a historical perspective on U.S. policy and interventions in the region since the Cold War. Chapter 4 discusses three of the challenges to U.S. security emanating from the region and postulates strategies for their resolution. Chapter 5 is a summary of findings and the conclusion. Sadly, my research results indicates that current administration policy, as other administration policies of the past, still lack the vision, strategic thinking and long range planning that will maximize the opportunities for true stability in the region or effectively resolve the challenges that may affect U.S.-Caribbean relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
China's Grand Strategy From Confucius to Contemporary
Analysts and policy makers articulate growing concerns on whether China's rapid rise will remain peaceful or become confrontational. To understand Chinese grand strategy, this USAWC International Officer author draws on its long history and classical thinkers to offer four main arguments. First, China is highly sensitive to its periphery (that is expanding), where it demands preeminence. Second, the measure of internal stability within China has major bearing on its strategic conduct. Third, traditional Chinese caution for strategic overreach is changing, as it projects interests in distant continents, albeit, with greater emphasis on diplomacy and trade. Fourth, reclaiming the status of a great power by rectifying the failings of initial encounters with the West is a dominant motive, in China's changing strategic calculus from national interest to international influence.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Emerging China and the Japan U.S. Alliance
Emerging China is undoubtedly one of the biggest future security concerns for both Japan and the United States. The friction between China and Japan has recently grown, especially over territorial issues such as Senkaku Island. The United States also has disagreement with China over several issues such as human rights, Taiwan, Tibet, North Korea, and economic matters including currency and trade. The bilateral relationship between Japan and the United States will be instrumental for both countries to cope with China in the future. However, there is also friction within the Japan-U.S. alliance, and there are concerns within both countries. U.S. military bases in Okinawa have become a highly controversial issue in Japan, and Japanese criticism of the alliance has grown in recent years. In the United States, some opine that the United States should strengthen its bilateral economic relationship with China, signifying a diminution of the Japan-U.S. alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Quest for Peace
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was formed sixty years ago as a defensive alliance, in response to the threat the Soviet Union and, eventually, the Warsaw Pact in general posed to Western Europe. Today, neither of those entities exists, yet NATO stands supreme as the institution most able to guarantee the security of its members, and the stability of the greater Euro-Atlantic area as a whole. With looming demographic challenges in Europe and a resurgent Russia asserting itself once more, many European nations are seeking NATO membership as a means of enhancing their security. For the United States (US), these developments present two primary policy options: disengage from the alliance and allow European institutions to cope with European issues; or maintain active US involvement and enlarge the alliance.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deciding to Intervene in Support of Peace Operations
Peace Operations are complex, highly subjective and difficult to "win" missions. The way that Peace Operations are addressed by nations or multinational bodies is paramount to their success, but oftenleads to a failure to achieve desired goals. Nations must clearly define their goals prior to intervention and not loose track of assigned objectives. What often sidetracks otherwise noble intervention is conflicting or ambiguous goals, leading to inept half measures. Critical analysis of a proposed Peace Operation is required prior to commitment. This paper attempts to provide some constructive critical analysis which would benefit organizations contemplating Peace Operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Policy Toward Korean Unification
Cross-cultural awareness is especially important in a complex, globalized environment. Because each culture has different priorities in its basic values and beliefs, collisions can occur. This AY-09 USAWC Resident Student author identifies the cross-cultural awareness gaps between South Korea and the United States. Two feasible Korean unification policy options -'status quo' and 'collapse to be absorbed' - are used as a case study in U.S.-Korean cross-cultural awareness. The author then analyzes the perception of the Korean people of these two policies in order to minimize the cultural misperceptions between the United States and South Korea. The paper concludes with strategic recommendations for supporting Korean reunification.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africom
On 1 October, 2008, United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) is set to become the next fully operational geographic, unified command to promote, and if necessary enforce, U.S. government policy. Despite the necessity to increase international focus on developing the security and stability of the African region, the U.S. has witnessed a global backlash by showcasing the nation's propensity to militarize its presence in the world community. This paper presents a detailed case study of a broad spectrum of open-source documents to ascertain the general suspicious response to the United States' political and strategic move regarding Africa. It should be applauded that the U.S. has finally recognized the importance of this oft neglected continent, but the wrong message is getting out. Rather than focusing on the humanitarian and reconstruction efforts that the command is advertising, the global community cannot overcome the militaristic face the organization wears in light of pursuing strategic economic interests and countering an ever-present China.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Forecasting Instability Indicators in the Horn of Africa Region
The forecasting of state failure and the associated indicators has been a topic of great interest to a number of different agencies. USAid, CENTCOM, the World Bank, the Center for Army Analyses, and others have all examined the subject based on their own specific objectives. Whether the goal is denying terrorists space in which to operate, deciding how to pre-position materials in anticipation of unrest, stabilizing foreign markets and trade, or preventing or mitigating humanitarian disasters, man made or otherwise, this topic has been of interest for over a decade. The Horn of Africa has been one of the least stable regions in the world over the past three decades, and a continual source of humanitarian crises as well as terrorist activity. Some of the initial modeling of instability was done in response to crises in the Horn of Africa, but research is ongoing. Current models forecasting instability suffer from lack of lead time, subjective predictions, and lack of specificity. The models demonstrated in this study provide 4 year forecasts of battle deaths per capita, refugees per capita, genocide, and undernourishment for Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. This thesis used principal component analysis, canonical correlation, ordinary least squares regression, logistic regression, and discriminant analysis to develop models of each instability indicator using 54 variables covering 32 years of observations. The key variables within each model are identified, and the accuracy of each model is compared with current models.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prospects for Peace in the Horn of Africa
The Horn of Africa region is currently engaged in numerous conflicts. The crisis in Darfur and the ongoing conflict in Somalia usually garner the most headlines. The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, however, poses the greatest threat to continued regional instability. The Horn of Africa's strategic location along a primary commercial trading route and its proximity to radical Islamic elements in the Middle East make it a priority for the United States. U.S. policy in the region, however, needs to be broadened, as it is contributing to the current conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea and its spillover effects into Somalia. The U.S. and the international community have not done enough to help enforce and implement the Algiers Agreement, which officially ended the 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. This is unacceptable. Ethiopia has been allowed to blatantly disregard an internationally brokered and binding border ruling, while Eritrea has consistently encouraged, supported, and engaged in destabilizing behaviors in Ethiopia and Somalia. The U.S. has a principal role to play in helping to secure and stabilize the region. It should pressure Ethiopia to accept the border decision without stipulations, and engage Eritrea in positive diplomatic talks to discourage subversive behavior with its neighbors. Additionally, it should work with all the stakeholders to help facilitate a constructive, inclusive, and effective government in Somalia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Africa Command
On February 6, 2007, the Bush Administration announced its intention to create a new unified combatant command, U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, to promote U.S. national security objectives in Africa and its surrounding waters. U.S. military involvement on the continent has been divided among three commands: U.S. European Command (EUCOM), U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), and U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). The new command's area of responsibility (AOR) will include all African countries except Egypt. AFRICOM was officially launched as a sub-unified command under EUCOM on October 1, 2007, and is expected to become a stand-alone command by September 30, 2008.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pakistan's Tribal Lands
Al Qaeda's safe haven in Pakistan is critical to its enduring ability to conduct global operations against the United States, its allies, and its interests. Reducing or eliminating that safe haven will have a significant impact on the organization's operational capacity. The United States must partner with the Pakistani government to further disrupt al Qaeda's safe haven in the near-term while simultaneously conducting counterinsurgency (COIN) operations to roll back the spread of the Taliban in the long-term. Eliminating al Qaeda's sanctuary in Pakistan's tribal areas will not defeat the global Islamist insurgency, nor resolve the myriad issues in Pakistan, nor win the war in Afghanistan, but it is a prerequisite for all three.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Can Water Extinguish the Flash Points of the Middle East?
This paper will examine some of the many factors which are currently influencing events in this area. Most of these factors have been relevant for a considerable period of modern as well as ancient history and portend to be factors well into the future. In an area that has been experiencing difficulties with water shortages for generations, we will review the explosive population growth that is expected over the next one to two decades. We will look at rivers which are the principal sources of water in this area which cut across numerous international borders. We will discuss major aquifers which are virtually ignored by any type of international guidelines. We will observe that the international organizations that one might expect to see set up to administer this critical natural resource or provide basic guidelines from international law are virtually non-existent.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Assessment of the Chinese Air Threat to India in the Year 2000
China with her booming economy, wants to be recognized as a major player in shaping future world events. To achieve this she is diverting considerable attention to modernizing her armed forces. Her recent acquisitions of state of the art aircraft have important ramifications for India, particularly when there is an outstanding border dispute between the two nations that resulted in the Sino-Indian war of 1962. Though with an increasing level of bilateral dialogue, relations between the two Asian neighbors have improved, yet, one cannot discount the possibility of a settlement being deadlocked. In such a situation, the geo-political outlook and threat perceptions of both nations would dictate the outcome. Any future conflict between the two nations would see extensive use of air power over an area that imposes some unique limitations on air power. This paper analyses the geo-political environment and thereafter focuses on the employment of likely air strategies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Engaging African Sub-Regional Organizations to Improve Continental Stability and Security
Abstract The United States has been engaged on the African continent for one reason or another for many decades and despite the recent change in presidential administrations, it is likely that Africa will remain in the national security consciousness for the foreseeable future. Africa is a socially complex area of the world, with a diverse demographic, expanding population, and vast, untapped resources. The continent is important to U.S. national security objectives not only because of the threat of terrorism, but for economic and humanitarian reasons, as well. While there are several programs and initiatives to further the interests of both Africans and the United States, perhaps one of the best ways in which to engage Africa is through sub-regional organizations like ECOWAS. While engagement is important, the type of engagement and how the U.S. presents itself are equally important. Thus, an effective way to capitalize on sub-regional engagement and obtain the most benefit is to emulate the NATO Strategic Airlift Capability program. This program is a visible, viable means in which to improve ECOWAS's ability to support itself and its member states' stability and interests in the long term.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Conventional Forces and Nuclear Deterrence
Congress and the Department of Defense (DOD) are engaged in an extended discourse over the future direction of U.S. defense strategy and military force structure. In the past, these discussions have focused almost exclusively on questions related to U.S. conventional military forces, with discussions about nuclear weapons held in separate fora. However, the 2005 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) examined both nuclear and conventional forces, a first in the QDR's history. This indicates that analysts both inside and outside government are beginning to review and assess the potential deterrent and operational relationship between conventional and nuclear weapons. It appears that considerable pressure is building on DOD leaders to make strategy and force structure decisions with cost-effectiveness in mind. A key question for contemporary defense planners is what proportion of U.S. military capabilities should be focused on traditional military challenges and what proportion should be focused on non-traditional challenges, such as "irregular, disruptive and catastrophic" threats?This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Implications of U.S. Military Action in Libya
On 19 March 2011 President Barack Obama ordered the U.S. military to reinforce the Libyan opposition in the civil war against the 42 year old regime of Muammar al Qadhafi. Seven months later, the Qadhafi regime was a thing of the past. The President launched a successful unconventional war with NATO allies and Arab partners in support of an insurgency in an Arab country without the loss of a single U.S. life. It was a vindication of Obama#65533;s approach to the application of military power and a nice gain in political capital on the eve of election season. However, this war produced consequences that do not work in favor of U.S. interests. This paper analyzes the positive and negative implications of U.S. participation in the war in Libya, and measures them against the four pillars of the 2010 National Security Strategy. The author concludes that the long term negative aspects outweigh the short term positive results. In the end, the war in Libya brought greater harm than good to U.S. national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Military-To-Military Confidence Building Measures and Cooperation With the People's Republic of China
The United States and China are central players in international security for the 21st century. Unfortunately, their current security relationship is one of suspicion and mis-understanding. The Sino-American military-to-military relationship will either be a catalyst, or a stumbling block, for improving global security in the future. This paper focuses on military-to-military confidence building measures and cooperation initiatives to improve bilateral and ultimately international security. Without effective confidence building measures to improve communication, transparency, and verification, the U.S-China security relationship will remain volatile and unpredictable. A systematic military-to-military cooperative agreement comprised of exercises and contingency operations will also assist in dissipating current misperceptions. These actions will strengthen U.S.-China security relations, improve U.S. national security, and ultimately benefit the entire international security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Coercing Iran
Iran's nuclear ambitions, rhetoric against Israel, and terrorism links make it a prime target of multiple US administrations. Marked as member of the Axis of Evil, Iran holds much political and religious influence in the Middle East. With its interest in becoming a regional power, Iran has assumed a strong defensive posture and is working to protect itself and its interests from US interference and hegemony in the region. Western powers appear to know very little about Iran culture and history and understand even less about the decision-making processes of an Islamic government.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Peacekeeping
For almost a decade, Congress has expressed reservations about many complex and intertwined peacekeeping issues. The Bush Administration's desire to reduce the commitment of U.S. troops to international peacekeeping parallels the major concerns of recent Congresses: that peacekeeping duties are detrimental to military ?]readiness, ?] i.e., the ability of U.S. troops to defend the nations. Critics, however, are concerned that withdrawals of U.S. troops from peacekeeping commitments will undermine U.S. leadership.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Geostrategic Situation of Chile in Continental Defense
Analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of Chile, based on geographical location and available resources.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Caribbean Basin
At first glance the Caribbean Basin seems to be a fairly peaceful, even benign, region when compared to regions in Africa, the Middle East or Europe. Closer analysis however, reveals a complex, and dynamic grouping of nationalities, cultures, and languages and a myriad of issues and challenges (economic, social and political) that can have an effect on the security landscape of the United States. Contrary to the characterization of benign unimportance, the Caribbean Basin has the distinction of being the region that has experienced the greatest number of U.S. military interventions: 37 since 1901. Much of U.S. foreign policy decisions relating to the Caribbean is crisis oriented. However, there are significant transnational threats that the U.S. must pay attention to, if it is to avoid another Haiti or Cuba. Chapter 1 is an introduction. Chapter 2 is a geopolitical overview and discussion of the region's value to the United States. Chapter 3 is a historical perspective on U.S. policy and interventions in the region since the Cold War. Chapter 4 discusses three of the challenges to U.S. security emanating from the region and postulates strategies for their resolution. Chapter 5 is a summary of findings and the conclusion. Sadly, my research results indicates that current administration policy, as other administration policies of the past, still lack the vision, strategic thinking and long range planning that will maximize the opportunities for true stability in the region or effectively resolve the challenges that may affect U.S.-Caribbean relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Winning the Firefight is not Enough
This monograph establishes a theoretical foundation for stability operations doctrine. It defines a tactical approach to 璽€~limited warfare', applicable across a wide range of stability scenarios, with the hope that the reader will gain a higher level of understanding of these complex types of missions. Planning and executing stability operations is somewhat problematic, given the US Army's almost exclusive doctrinal focus on conventional operations since the introduction of Active Defense in 1976. Efforts are being made to correct this. Recent drafts of FM 100-5 Operations, FM 100-22 Stability Operations and FM 100-40 Offensive and Defensive Tactics, address the Army's role in stability operations, and elevate the importance of these operations in relation to offensive and defensive combat missions. This monograph attempts to contribute to the current discussion concerning stability operations doctrine. The monograph uses documentary evidence to present a general theory of limited war, putting into context the various types of military interventions that are classified as stability operations. It uses contemporary ideas of 璽€~chaos' and 璽€~complexity' to define the environment into which stability forces deploy. In order to overcome the complexities inherent in modern social conflict, the monograph suggests adherence to three general principles. These are derived from a synthesis of Clausewitzian concepts, counter-revolutionary theories and general systems theory. The first principle is that the people remain the most important element in a conflict, the operational center of gravity for all sides. The second principle holds that Intelligence is critical to seizing and maintaining the initiative. The third principle is that there must be a low-level integration of military combat and non-combat, and civilian and information operations under one common operational concept. Primary and secondary source evidence of the US Army's pacification of the Philippines 1898-1902 isThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Turkey and Iran
Appraises the factors affecting the power potential of Turkey and Iran in international affairs, with particular reference to the United States.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States Military Intelligence Support to Homeland Security
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 identified a need for a better domestic intelligence capability. In order to prevent another attack on the homeland, one must first identify any failures in the current doctrine, theory, and practice regarding intelligence support to homeland security. This involves not only military intelligence, but also the various domestic and international intelligence organizations that maintain some degree of jurisdiction over intelligence collection, analysis, and dissemination. This monograph outlines how the new operational environment, current laws, regulations, and policies effecting domestic intelligence collection, and advocates establishing state level intelligence centers that rely heavily on the Reserve Component and which would enable better intelligence sharing between the law enforcement and intelligence communities at the local level.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
United States
India is grappling with its current and future geostrategic role, which ranges from acting as a regional security provider in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), to assuming the role of a world economic and military power. What role India pursues will affect the balance of power in the IOR and the greater Pacific theater, as the United States refocuses towards the Pacific and the Chinese navy deploys with regularity into the IOR to secure access to raw materials. By examining the significant national security events in India's history, from 1947 to the present, and looking at how these events have affected India's perception of itself and the creation of Indian national security strategy, the United States can better understand Indian intentions. The paper discusses some of the challenges inherent with this new strategic relationship between the United States and India and provides recommendations for enhancing the relationship.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Preserving United States Dominance
From a political and military standpoint, the United States is heavily reliant on space capabilities and holds a tremendous asymmetric advantage over its adversaries with the dominance of its space forces. However, its advantage is unprotected and potential adversaries pose a menacing threat to the national security of the United States. This threat manifests itself in a variety of ways, including the potential for a deliberate attack on its space systems with anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, Global Positioning System (GPS) jammers, directed energy threats, parasitic satellite technologies, and numerous other means. Most recently, China demonstrated the ability to destroy a low Earth orbit satellite with a direct ascent medium-range ballistic missile.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Wings of the Dragon
This analysis assesses the state of capability within the PLA Air Force, both at present and also based on a projection for 2020, in order to determine the range of options for China's leadership to rapidly project conventional force in terms of coercive, assertive or constructive actions. It is clear from the analysis that the PLAAF retains only a limited capability at present, and somewhat predictably, will possess a better capability in 2020. However, neither case presents a challenge for US and allied supremacy in the air. As far as conventional force projection capabilities in terms of airpower are concerned, any "near-peer" threat which China might represent lies well into the future, after a certain set of decisions which would need to be made by Chinese leaders with respect to developing additional capabilities beyond those currently planned. In response, the United States should focus less on countering and more on engaging China to support its growth into a responsible regional military power--while carefully watching for any sign that China is pursuing conventional airpower capabilities to act with force beyond China's near periphery.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prospects for Peace in the Horn of Africa
The Horn of Africa region is currently engaged in numerous conflicts. The crisis in Darfur and the ongoing conflict in Somalia usually garner the most headlines. The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, however, poses the greatest threat to continued regional instability. The Horn of Africa's strategic location along a primary commercial trading route and its proximity to radical Islamic elements in the Middle East make it a priority for the United States. U.S. policy in the region, however, needs to be broadened, as it is contributing to the current conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea and its spillover effects into Somalia. The U.S. and the international community have not done enough to help enforce and implement the Algiers Agreement, which officially ended the 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. This is unacceptable. Ethiopia has been allowed to blatantly disregard an internationally brokered and binding border ruling, while Eritrea has consistently encouraged, supported, and engaged in destabilizing behaviors in Ethiopia and Somalia. The U.S. has a principal role to play in helping to secure and stabilize the region. It should pressure Ethiopia to accept the border decision without stipulations, and engage Eritrea in positive diplomatic talks to discourage subversive behavior with its neighbors. Additionally, it should work with all the stakeholders to help facilitate a constructive, inclusive, and effective government in Somalia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
To Whom Much is Given
"To Whom Much Is Given" by Lucia True Ames Mead is a compelling exploration of social responsibility and civic duty, written at the close of the 19th century. Mead eloquently argues that those who possess greater advantages and opportunities bear a heightened responsibility to contribute to the betterment of society. She advocates for active engagement in social reform, emphasizing the importance of peace, justice, and the common good. This thought-provoking work examines the interconnectedness of individual actions and collective progress, urging readers to recognize their potential to effect positive change. Mead's insightful observations on the obligations of privilege make this book a relevant and enduring commentary on social ethics and the pursuit of a more equitable world. It offers valuable perspectives on the role of individuals in shaping a just and peaceful society, encouraging readers to consider their own contributions to the greater good.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding and Assessing Risk of Intrastate Conflict
Understanding human development is perhaps more relevant today than at any other moment in history. Although the United States is very good at using destructive power against its adversaries, preventing conflict and reaching a desirable end state often eludes it. A better understanding of human behavior in general, and human development specifically, may help it do both. If capability and will together are given as the ultimate, necessary and sufficient cause of violent conflict, then understanding human motivation and behavior is essential. Human behavior is the outcome of individual motivation and interaction with other people, institutions, and the environment. The conditions that these elements constitute significantly affect the ability of individuals to live, grow, develop and live the life that the individual values. Human development is a sustainable increase in individual capability to meet one's needs when conditions do not permit this; individual frustration may lead to violent behavior. This paper explores the lack of human development as the cause of intrastate conflict. The research includes an analysis of human needs and the means to satisfy them at the individual and national levels.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Promoting Japan and South Korea's Role in East Asian Security
The State Partnership Program, a National Guard supported initiative, is one of the many Theater Security Cooperation programs available that the six Geographic Combatant Commanders use to meet their objectives. This AY-10 USAWC Resident Student author presents the foundations of the State Partnership Program to include its history, goals and objectives, and benefits achieved by using the program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Circling the Drain
The MAGA onslaught is ravaging America: dismantling democracy, assaulting due process of law, weaponizing government agencies, purging inspectors general, unleashing a national police state - while riding roughshod over the Constitution. With surgical precision, Circling the Drain: Trump's Assault on America dissects the words and actions of the president and his MAGA cohorts. Author William Boardman lays bare Trump's deluge of lies, criminality, cruelty, and his ultimate aim: to replace America's 250-year-old democracy with autocratic rule. As Boardman points out, our constitutional crisis began on Day One - January 20, 2025 - when Trump claimed the authority to rewrite the Constitution by executive order. The crisis has deepened ever since, with all three branches of government controlled by radicals bent on imposing a totalitarian America. Circling the Drain is Boardman's urgent contribution to the struggle for democratic resistance - a call to action that arms readers with the most potent weapon against tyranny: the truth.
Deciding to Intervene in Support of Peace Operations
Peace Operations are complex, highly subjective and difficult to "win" missions. The way that Peace Operations are addressed by nations or multinational bodies is paramount to their success, but oftenleads to a failure to achieve desired goals. Nations must clearly define their goals prior to intervention and not loose track of assigned objectives. What often sidetracks otherwise noble intervention is conflicting or ambiguous goals, leading to inept half measures. Critical analysis of a proposed Peace Operation is required prior to commitment. This paper attempts to provide some constructive critical analysis which would benefit organizations contemplating Peace Operations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Intergovernmental Organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa is emerging as a region of strategic importance. Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) in Africa should be considered accelerators for implementing US policy objectives aimed at helping Africans solve African problems. This USAWC resident student paper examines the value of seeing IGOs as key organizations that provide structures, fluid channels of communication, and capabilities to facilitate capacity building and maintaining security in Sub-Saharan Africa and concludes that given the consonance of US and IGO objectives and complementary organization structures for implementing objectives-oriented activities, the US should engage in robust partnerships with the IGOs for effective implementation of activities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Impact of the Increasing Pace of Technological Developments, Particularly in the Information Sector, on the Transatlantic Alliance
Within a complex security environment, NATO now faces an information technology revolution affecting all dimensions of society and transatlantic relations. This paper argues that a revolution in military affairs, spun from the information revolution, will dramatically improve all aspects of preventing conflict or conducting operations. Key for the alliance is the technological impacts on capability to gain maximum efficiency, effectiveness, and flexibility. Yet there is a widening technology and interoperability gap between the United States and other allies in NATO. While the financial costs of dissipating the gap seem large, the costs of not closing the gap are immense-ranging from comparatively benign inefficient forces to marginalizing or even dissolution of the alliance. There are a variety of elements in the possible solution set that are acceptable to both sides of the transatlantic alliance and that also can be realistically accomplished, but the time for action is now.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Information Sharing Among Intelligence, Law Enforcement, and Other Federal, State, and Local Agencies
Without a doubt, the terrorist events of 9/11 have forever changed the security posture of the United States of America. In today's society, the need for improved information sharing of terrorist-related information across all levels of Federal, State, and local government is a critical challenge. Though the United States (U.S.) has made much progress in this area, there still remains a great deal of work to be performed in order to ensure the wide-spread and timely coordination and dissemination of terrorist-related information. On October 2007, the U.S. published the National Strategy for Information Sharing that emphasized the challenges in improving terrorist-related information sharing. As America grapples with the transformation and reshaping of its local law enforcement and military services to better deal with terrorist operations and threats being imposed on American civil liberties, so to most Americans adapt their way of thinking with regard to performing intelligence information sharing to avert terrorist-related threats directed at the U.S. homeland.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Can Water Extinguish the Flash Points of the Middle East?
This paper will examine some of the many factors which are currently influencing events in this area. Most of these factors have been relevant for a considerable period of modern as well as ancient history and portend to be factors well into the future. In an area that has been experiencing difficulties with water shortages for generations, we will review the explosive population growth that is expected over the next one to two decades. We will look at rivers which are the principal sources of water in this area which cut across numerous international borders. We will discuss major aquifers which are virtually ignored by any type of international guidelines. We will observe that the international organizations that one might expect to see set up to administer this critical natural resource or provide basic guidelines from international law are virtually non-existent.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Surrogate Warfare for the 21st Century
This monograph seeks to determine the adequacy of national security strategies, policies, and doctrine for the use of surrogate forces in pursuit of U.S. strategic objectives. The insufficiency in the current guidance for waging warfare by, with, and through surrogate forces requires development of an updated approach to maximize the strategic options available to the United States. The methodology of this paper is to review the role of strategy, policy, and doctrine in light of the existing definitions relevant to the use of foreign forces in U.S. operations. This leads to a more detailed review of foreign internal defense (FID) and unconventional warfare (UW) doctrine. This doctrinal guidance is compared to the contemporary operations involving surrogate forces. A comprehensive concept for surrogate warfare is proposed as a more effective way to conduct operations with foreign partners of all types. The current tendency to categorize warfare as regular versus irregular, or conventional versus unconventional is of little value in developing guidance for U.S. military operations involving surrogate forces. Surrogate warfare provides a framework that encompasses all U.S. operations that involve non-U.S. forces. This framework also provides an analysis of the surrogate warfare environment to determine the appropriate role of both conventional and special operations forces in conducting surrogate warfare operations. The 21st Century operating environment will present diverse threats and increasingly complex strategic situations. A more effective use of surrogate forces greatly enhances both the capability and the capacity of the United States to protect its interests in this demanding environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Assessing the Capabilities and Limitations of Counter-Proliferation Operations Utilizing Remote Radiation Detection Devices
A subject of national importance that poses a major security challenge for the United States and its allies is the detection, tracking, and interception of illicitly obtained radioactive material across international borders. Illicit radioactive material can include both special nuclear material (SNM) and radioactive isotopes utilized for industrial, medical, and academic purposes. This paper will analyze the United State's capability to execute counter-proliferation operations in a spectrum from friendly to hostile environments wherein both overt and clandestine activity is essential. The paper is written for planners and decision makers at all levels of the United States government, military and civilian; to better prepare these individuals for the operational considerations of a counter-proliferation mission. The focus of the paper will be linking operational planning to both the strategic and tactical capabilities of the United States concerning counter-proliferation operations in a non-permissive or semi-permissive environment.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Indirect Coercion
Despite the overwhelming edge the US possesses in raw military power over its rivals since the end of the Cold War, regional foes have consistently defied the ultimatums and coercive efforts of the US and its allies. While the US sometimes achieves its national security objectives, it usually does so only after an enormous expenditure of resources. The disconnect between the concepts of traditional coercive theory and reality prompts an obvious question: Is there a more effective way for the US to achieve its national security objectives than direct coercive attempts? To answer this question, this study investigates the concept of indirect coercion. The term refers to the ability to influence third parties such that the third party can modify the original target's behavior in a manner favorable to the United State's objectives. This study explores the mechanics of indirect coercion and provides a detailed classification of various types of third parties in an effort to discover conditions that are conducive to an indirect approach to modifying behavior in the international arena.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Pakistan's Tribal Lands
Al Qaeda's safe haven in Pakistan is critical to its enduring ability to conduct global operations against the United States, its allies, and its interests. Reducing or eliminating that safe haven will have a significant impact on the organization's operational capacity. The United States must partner with the Pakistani government to further disrupt al Qaeda's safe haven in the near-term while simultaneously conducting counterinsurgency (COIN) operations to roll back the spread of the Taliban in the long-term. Eliminating al Qaeda's sanctuary in Pakistan's tribal areas will not defeat the global Islamist insurgency, nor resolve the myriad issues in Pakistan, nor win the war in Afghanistan, but it is a prerequisite for all three.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Interpreting Chinese Cyber Attacks of 2007
Cyberspace is rapidly gaining acceptance in the US defense community as a warfighting domain on par with air, land, and sea. However, the Chinese recognized this over ten years ago and have been steadily developing doctrine, building military forces, and conducting training in order to utilize the cyber domain to its best advantage. In 2007, Chinese cyber espionage activities caused a large media buzz both based on their sophistication and volume. The attacks led to several questions, specifically: Who caused these attacks? What were their purposes? What do they tell us about future Chinese cyber operations? After analyzing the targets of the these attacks and the methods used, it is apparent that the People's Liberation Army of China is actively conducting a cyber campaign targeting the diplomatic, military, informational, and economic capabilities of western nations (to include Taiwan and Japan). China has multiple cyber resources, from the military to university scholars to information technology corporations. Chinese military officers emphasize the importance of cyber warfare in China's national and military strategy; they view it as on par with a combat system. In assessing China's capabilities, intent, and previous actions, I assert that China is conducting a systematic, long-range cyber campaign designed to achieve regional hegemony, continued economic advancement, and global superpower status.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Does the NATO Decision Process Support the Rapid Response Capabilities of the NATO Response Force?
The end of the Cold War ushered in a new security environment, one that was more diverse, and more dynamic than the previous 50 years. In the years since the end of the Cold War, NATO has worked to transform its missions, streamline its military command and upgrade its capabilities. However, the political decision making process within NATO has stayed static, despite the changes and evolution in the security environment since the founding of the Alliance.The current decision-making process works well in clear-cut, controversy-free issues such as humanitarian efforts. While, NATO successfully activated the NATO Response Force (NRF) for the first time in response to the earthquake in Pakistan, it isn't clear that the decision process will work that well in a controversial crisis. While several proposals exist to transform the decision process, each has its weaknesses and there does not seem to be the political will to implement them. Additionally none of the proposals examined appear to decreases the process timeline.The speed with which NATO could respond to a crisis will remain dependent on political factors.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Strategic Implications of U.S. Military Action in Libya
On 19 March 2011 President Barack Obama ordered the U.S. military to reinforce the Libyan opposition in the civil war against the 42 year old regime of Muammar al Qadhafi. Seven months later, the Qadhafi regime was a thing of the past. The President launched a successful unconventional war with NATO allies and Arab partners in support of an insurgency in an Arab country without the loss of a single U.S. life. It was a vindication of Obama#65533;s approach to the application of military power and a nice gain in political capital on the eve of election season. However, this war produced consequences that do not work in favor of U.S. interests. This paper analyzes the positive and negative implications of U.S. participation in the war in Libya, and measures them against the four pillars of the 2010 National Security Strategy. The author concludes that the long term negative aspects outweigh the short term positive results. In the end, the war in Libya brought greater harm than good to U.S. national security.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Keeping the Peace
During the cold war, the United Nations (UN) developed the mission termedpeacekeeping to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions oflives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for thepolitical settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath ofthe cold war, the UN found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and thedemands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. Thisstudy examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. Itasks if the international community's singular focus on the UN as the vehicle forpeacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more tointernational security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contributesignificantly to international peace, then what role should the Department ofDefense (DOD) play in supporting these efforts? Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past withmixed results. This study examines the intervention by the Organization ofAmerican States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in theCentral American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by theEconomic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operationsillustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Deterring Iran's Nuclear Program
By leveraging their own source of influence and rethinking their charter, Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) members must assert their regional influence to control the Iranian nuclear program. The leaders of the GCC must use their economic strengths and cultural knowledge to provide a solution that will enable peace and security in the region. Collective action co-operation bringing together the members of the GCC, Iran, and the US would provide the international resources necessary for the common interest in peace and economic investment. A co-operative nuclear power program formed around this collective action relationship would ensure that each member has a stake in ensuring the stability and growth of the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Fallacy of the Shiite Crescent and Arab Unity
Ever since King Abdullah II of Jordan quipped that the Middle East may soon see a Shiite Crescent stretching from Iran to Lebanon the United States and the Arab nations of the Middle East have been obsessed with Iran's increased influence in the region. Some believe that Iran will merge the Shiite populations of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon into a sort of Shiite super state. In contrast, a second school of thought believes that a Shiite Crescent will not emerge due to Arab unity in the face of Persian expansion. Both of these theories are flawed and subscribing to them can significantly decrease the efficacy of any U.S. initiatives in the region. Without a doubt Iran has increased its influence. The removal of Iran's chief antagonists Saddam Hussein and the Taliban, paved the way for increased Iranian engagement throughout the Persian Gulf, the Caucasus and the Middle East. Furthermore, Hezbollah's 2006 strategic victory over Israel, the seeming international paralysis at dealing with Iran's nuclear transgressions and the United States' focus in Iraq and Afghanistan have emboldened Iran.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
