Deterring Iran's Nuclear Program
By leveraging their own source of influence and rethinking their charter, Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) members must assert their regional influence to control the Iranian nuclear program. The leaders of the GCC must use their economic strengths and cultural knowledge to provide a solution that will enable peace and security in the region. Collective action co-operation bringing together the members of the GCC, Iran, and the US would provide the international resources necessary for the common interest in peace and economic investment. A co-operative nuclear power program formed around this collective action relationship would ensure that each member has a stake in ensuring the stability and growth of the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
An Assessment of the Chinese Air Threat to India in the Year 2000
China with her booming economy, wants to be recognized as a major player in shaping future world events. To achieve this she is diverting considerable attention to modernizing her armed forces. Her recent acquisitions of state of the art aircraft have important ramifications for India, particularly when there is an outstanding border dispute between the two nations that resulted in the Sino-Indian war of 1962. Though with an increasing level of bilateral dialogue, relations between the two Asian neighbors have improved, yet, one cannot discount the possibility of a settlement being deadlocked. In such a situation, the geo-political outlook and threat perceptions of both nations would dictate the outcome. Any future conflict between the two nations would see extensive use of air power over an area that imposes some unique limitations on air power. This paper analyses the geo-political environment and thereafter focuses on the employment of likely air strategies.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Intergovernmental Organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa is emerging as a region of strategic importance. Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) in Africa should be considered accelerators for implementing US policy objectives aimed at helping Africans solve African problems. This USAWC resident student paper examines the value of seeing IGOs as key organizations that provide structures, fluid channels of communication, and capabilities to facilitate capacity building and maintaining security in Sub-Saharan Africa and concludes that given the consonance of US and IGO objectives and complementary organization structures for implementing objectives-oriented activities, the US should engage in robust partnerships with the IGOs for effective implementation of activities.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Conventional Forces and Nuclear Deterrence
Congress and the Department of Defense (DOD) are engaged in an extended discourse over the future direction of U.S. defense strategy and military force structure. In the past, these discussions have focused almost exclusively on questions related to U.S. conventional military forces, with discussions about nuclear weapons held in separate fora. However, the 2005 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) examined both nuclear and conventional forces, a first in the QDR's history. This indicates that analysts both inside and outside government are beginning to review and assess the potential deterrent and operational relationship between conventional and nuclear weapons. It appears that considerable pressure is building on DOD leaders to make strategy and force structure decisions with cost-effectiveness in mind. A key question for contemporary defense planners is what proportion of U.S. military capabilities should be focused on traditional military challenges and what proportion should be focused on non-traditional challenges, such as "irregular, disruptive and catastrophic" threats?This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
U.S. Policy Toward Korean Unification
Cross-cultural awareness is especially important in a complex, globalized environment. Because each culture has different priorities in its basic values and beliefs, collisions can occur. This AY-09 USAWC Resident Student author identifies the cross-cultural awareness gaps between South Korea and the United States. Two feasible Korean unification policy options -'status quo' and 'collapse to be absorbed' - are used as a case study in U.S.-Korean cross-cultural awareness. The author then analyzes the perception of the Korean people of these two policies in order to minimize the cultural misperceptions between the United States and South Korea. The paper concludes with strategic recommendations for supporting Korean reunification.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Three Disputes and Three Objectives
The Naval War College Review was established in 1948 and is a forum for discussion of public policy matters of interest to the maritime services. The forthright and candid views of the authors are presented for the professional education of the readers. Articles published are related to the academic and professional activities of the Naval War College. They are drawn from a wide variety of sources in order to inform, stimulate, and challenge readers, and to serve as a catalyst for new ideas. Articles are selected primarily on the basis of their intellectual and literary merits, timeliness, and usefulness and interest to a wide readership. The thoughts and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily those of the U.S. Navy Department or the Naval War College.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Information Sharing Among Intelligence, Law Enforcement, and Other Federal, State, and Local Agencies
Without a doubt, the terrorist events of 9/11 have forever changed the security posture of the United States of America. In today's society, the need for improved information sharing of terrorist-related information across all levels of Federal, State, and local government is a critical challenge. Though the United States (U.S.) has made much progress in this area, there still remains a great deal of work to be performed in order to ensure the wide-spread and timely coordination and dissemination of terrorist-related information. On October 2007, the U.S. published the National Strategy for Information Sharing that emphasized the challenges in improving terrorist-related information sharing. As America grapples with the transformation and reshaping of its local law enforcement and military services to better deal with terrorist operations and threats being imposed on American civil liberties, so to most Americans adapt their way of thinking with regard to performing intelligence information sharing to avert terrorist-related threats directed at the U.S. homeland.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Can Water Extinguish the Flash Points of the Middle East?
This paper will examine some of the many factors which are currently influencing events in this area. Most of these factors have been relevant for a considerable period of modern as well as ancient history and portend to be factors well into the future. In an area that has been experiencing difficulties with water shortages for generations, we will review the explosive population growth that is expected over the next one to two decades. We will look at rivers which are the principal sources of water in this area which cut across numerous international borders. We will discuss major aquifers which are virtually ignored by any type of international guidelines. We will observe that the international organizations that one might expect to see set up to administer this critical natural resource or provide basic guidelines from international law are virtually non-existent.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Peacekeeping
For almost a decade, Congress has expressed reservations about many complex and intertwined peacekeeping issues. The Bush Administration's desire to reduce the commitment of U.S. troops to international peacekeeping parallels the major concerns of recent Congresses: that peacekeeping duties are detrimental to military ?]readiness, ?] i.e., the ability of U.S. troops to defend the nations. Critics, however, are concerned that withdrawals of U.S. troops from peacekeeping commitments will undermine U.S. leadership.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Geostrategic Situation of Chile in Continental Defense
Analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of Chile, based on geographical location and available resources.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Caribbean Basin
At first glance the Caribbean Basin seems to be a fairly peaceful, even benign, region when compared to regions in Africa, the Middle East or Europe. Closer analysis however, reveals a complex, and dynamic grouping of nationalities, cultures, and languages and a myriad of issues and challenges (economic, social and political) that can have an effect on the security landscape of the United States. Contrary to the characterization of benign unimportance, the Caribbean Basin has the distinction of being the region that has experienced the greatest number of U.S. military interventions: 37 since 1901. Much of U.S. foreign policy decisions relating to the Caribbean is crisis oriented. However, there are significant transnational threats that the U.S. must pay attention to, if it is to avoid another Haiti or Cuba. Chapter 1 is an introduction. Chapter 2 is a geopolitical overview and discussion of the region's value to the United States. Chapter 3 is a historical perspective on U.S. policy and interventions in the region since the Cold War. Chapter 4 discusses three of the challenges to U.S. security emanating from the region and postulates strategies for their resolution. Chapter 5 is a summary of findings and the conclusion. Sadly, my research results indicates that current administration policy, as other administration policies of the past, still lack the vision, strategic thinking and long range planning that will maximize the opportunities for true stability in the region or effectively resolve the challenges that may affect U.S.-Caribbean relations.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Prospects for Peace in the Horn of Africa
The Horn of Africa region is currently engaged in numerous conflicts. The crisis in Darfur and the ongoing conflict in Somalia usually garner the most headlines. The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, however, poses the greatest threat to continued regional instability. The Horn of Africa's strategic location along a primary commercial trading route and its proximity to radical Islamic elements in the Middle East make it a priority for the United States. U.S. policy in the region, however, needs to be broadened, as it is contributing to the current conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea and its spillover effects into Somalia. The U.S. and the international community have not done enough to help enforce and implement the Algiers Agreement, which officially ended the 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. This is unacceptable. Ethiopia has been allowed to blatantly disregard an internationally brokered and binding border ruling, while Eritrea has consistently encouraged, supported, and engaged in destabilizing behaviors in Ethiopia and Somalia. The U.S. has a principal role to play in helping to secure and stabilize the region. It should pressure Ethiopia to accept the border decision without stipulations, and engage Eritrea in positive diplomatic talks to discourage subversive behavior with its neighbors. Additionally, it should work with all the stakeholders to help facilitate a constructive, inclusive, and effective government in Somalia.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Promoting Japan and South Korea's Role in East Asian Security
The State Partnership Program, a National Guard supported initiative, is one of the many Theater Security Cooperation programs available that the six Geographic Combatant Commanders use to meet their objectives. This AY-10 USAWC Resident Student author presents the foundations of the State Partnership Program to include its history, goals and objectives, and benefits achieved by using the program.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Miscalculated Ambiguity
This study analyzes how the new nuclear declaratory policy, espoused in the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, balances the goals of deterrence and nonproliferation. The author concludes that increasing complexity in the nuclear arena makes reliance on the legacy policy of "calculated ambiguity" both increasingly hazardous for deterrence and decreasingly effective as a nonproliferation tool. These detrimental outcomes demand innovation in strategic thinking and revision of nuclear declaratory policy, specifically through adoption of a sole-purpose nuclear policy. Employed in the assessment of the new policy is a multiple methodological approach using historical, theoretical and practical frameworks. This study undertakes an appraisal of historic deterrence policies and nonproliferation initiatives exposing the essential elements of each. Building off these assessments, a comparative analysis of the new policy, dubbed "Lead-but-Hedge", and a sole-purpose policy illuminates the strengths and shortfalls of each. Finally, the author examines the strategic consequences of the new policy on the nuclear decision-making of allies (Japan), competitors (India), and rivals (Iran).This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Keeping the Peace
During the cold war, the United Nations (UN) developed the mission termedpeacekeeping to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions oflives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for thepolitical settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath ofthe cold war, the UN found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and thedemands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. Thisstudy examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. Itasks if the international community's singular focus on the UN as the vehicle forpeacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more tointernational security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contributesignificantly to international peace, then what role should the Department ofDefense (DOD) play in supporting these efforts? Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past withmixed results. This study examines the intervention by the Organization ofAmerican States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in theCentral American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by theEconomic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operationsillustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Forecasting Instability Indicators in the Horn of Africa Region
The forecasting of state failure and the associated indicators has been a topic of great interest to a number of different agencies. USAid, CENTCOM, the World Bank, the Center for Army Analyses, and others have all examined the subject based on their own specific objectives. Whether the goal is denying terrorists space in which to operate, deciding how to pre-position materials in anticipation of unrest, stabilizing foreign markets and trade, or preventing or mitigating humanitarian disasters, man made or otherwise, this topic has been of interest for over a decade. The Horn of Africa has been one of the least stable regions in the world over the past three decades, and a continual source of humanitarian crises as well as terrorist activity. Some of the initial modeling of instability was done in response to crises in the Horn of Africa, but research is ongoing. Current models forecasting instability suffer from lack of lead time, subjective predictions, and lack of specificity. The models demonstrated in this study provide 4 year forecasts of battle deaths per capita, refugees per capita, genocide, and undernourishment for Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. This thesis used principal component analysis, canonical correlation, ordinary least squares regression, logistic regression, and discriminant analysis to develop models of each instability indicator using 54 variables covering 32 years of observations. The key variables within each model are identified, and the accuracy of each model is compared with current models.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Discerning Iran's Nuclear Strategy
Unable to forge a world consensus against the potential dangers of a nuclear armed Iran, US policy makers must prepare for the inevitable. The development of successful US policy with regards to this issue demands an appreciation of Iran's potential nuclear strategy. Does Iran view nuclear weapons as tools of coercion, useful deterrents, or the ultimate survival guarantee for Shi'ism and Persian culture?Key to speculation about potential strategies is first discerning what motivates Iran's nuclear aspirations, the influences of what Colin Gray calls the "strategic culture," and speculation on the rationality of Iran's policy process.The evidence suggests Iran is perhaps more rational with regards to strategy development than generally believed if we view decisions in terms of the Iranian experience and key influences on decision makers. It seems likely Iran intends to use nuclear weapons as deterrents to further US and Israeli action in the region, while at the same time enhancing its prestige. US policy based on traditional deterrence theory may apply with respect to countering Iran's eventual nuclear capability.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Targeting National Security
Many theories have arisen to describe how best to use the military as a coercive tool. This thesis develops another of these coercive theories. This is a security-based model that ... describes the actual mechanism behind effective military coercion. This theory--Targeting National Security (TNS)--is based on the nation's need for security and how security erosion can begin a sequence of events that leads to coercion. To develop this theory, this thesis uses a case study approach involving Japan's surrender in W.W. II, the Rolling Thunder and Linebacker air campaigns in the Vietnam War, and Operation El Dorado Canyon, the 1986 US airstrike on Libya.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Information As Power
The U.S. Army War College is pleased to present this anthology of selected student work from Academic Year 2011 representing examples of well-written and in-depth analyses on the vital subject of Information as Power. This is the sixth volume of an effort that began in 2006. The anthology is an important component of an effort to coordinate and recommend the design, development and integration of content and courses related to the information element of power into a curriculum to prepare our students for senior leadership positions. Broken into sections emphasizing information effects in the cyberspace domain and the cognitive dimension as well as information sharing, the anthology provides a holistic overview of important national security issues in that regard. We hope that "Information as Power" will serve not only to showcase the efforts of the College but to inform the broader body of knowledge as the Nation considers how best to operate effectively and proactively within this environment while countering our adversaries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Globalized Security Reshaping America's Defense Trade Policy
Globalism is altering military, economic, and political forces, and their confluence has become out of balance with respect to defense trade policy. This paper asks the question, "Are U.S. defense trade policies achieving an effective balance between technology transfer, security, and economic growth?" A variety documents, articles, speeches, and books are reviewed to gain an appreciation of the arguments surrounding US defense trade policy. Interviews are also conducted with individuals from the US and United Kingdom governments, industry, and academic community. While the current policy protects critical technologies, it also guards technologies obtainable through other sources. Additionally, it also alienates the US military from its allies, prevents industry from developing markets, and stimulates unwanted arms production and proliferation abroad. US resistance to multinational cooperation is further undermining the development of a more effective policy of controlling armament exports. Three areas are recommended for improvement: 1. Reconstruct the export licensing process by overhauling the munitions list, increasing resources, reducing congressional review, and assessing enforcement effectiveness. 2. Stop sheltering industry with protectionist policies and practices, reevaluate international merger frameworks, and encourage a cooperative global industrial base. 3. Support international cooperation through the Defense Trade and Security Initiative, DoD liaisons in the European Union, joint ventures, and an effective conventional arms control regime.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Indirect Coercion
Despite the overwhelming edge the US possesses in raw military power over its rivals since the end of the Cold War, regional foes have consistently defied the ultimatums and coercive efforts of the US and its allies. While the US sometimes achieves its national security objectives, it usually does so only after an enormous expenditure of resources. The disconnect between the concepts of traditional coercive theory and reality prompts an obvious question: Is there a more effective way for the US to achieve its national security objectives than direct coercive attempts? To answer this question, this study investigates the concept of indirect coercion. The term refers to the ability to influence third parties such that the third party can modify the original target's behavior in a manner favorable to the United State's objectives. This study explores the mechanics of indirect coercion and provides a detailed classification of various types of third parties in an effort to discover conditions that are conducive to an indirect approach to modifying behavior in the international arena.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Keeping the Peace
During the Cold War, the United Nations developed the mission termed "peacekeeping" to help manage conflict. These peace operations helped save millions of lives, prevented conflicts from escalating, and provided an environment for the political settlement of disputes despite the superpower conflict. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the United Nations found itself freer to act than at any time in its history, and the demands placed on the organization quickly outstripped its ability to cope. This thesis examines the role of regional organizations in the conduct of peacekeeping. It asks if the international community's singular focus on the United Nations as the vehicle for peacekeeping prevented the regional organizations from contributing more to international security. Furthermore, if the regional organizations could contribute significantly to international peace, then what role should the Defense Department play in supporting these efforts?Regional organizations have conducted peacekeeping operations in the past with mixed results. This thesis examines the intervention by the Organization of American States (OAS) into the Dominican Republic in 1965, the OAS role in the Central American peace process in the late 1980s, and the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States into Liberia in 1990. These operations illustrate several salient features of regional organizations conducting peacekeeping.This study concludes that in order for peacekeepers to achieve their mandate, it is critical to possess strong political will and a minimum of operational support. Furthermore, regional organizations run the gamut in both political will and operational capability. Their performance indicates that when their national interests are at stake, the regionals demonstrate the required political will to persevere in a mission. Furthermore, they indicate an increasingly strong determination to participate in peacekeeping missions.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Wooing the Dark Continent
This monograph evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of Chinese foreign policy towards Africa, discusses the history of engagement of the People's Republic of China with the African continent, and examines the implications of this relationship in regards to the United States (U.S.). The monograph examines the opinions of Africans regarding the continent's status as a major resource provider for the 21st century and the associated interest from leading economic powers around the world. Finally with the emergence of Africa Command (AFRICOM), this paper lays out recommendations to ensure a more complete understanding of Chinese intentions in Africa and provides AFRICOM planners with methods and means to compete and compliment Chinese efforts across the continent. This paper takes into account both current arguments regarding China as both a partner and competitor and provides an unbiased framework for working with China and Africa that meets U.S. strategic interests and needs.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Public Diplomacy
This paper details the campaign that Saddam executed in 2000 and impresses upon the reader that various public diplomacy techniques such as "faces with a name" can sway public opinion. Using this campaign as background, and to illustrate the value of capturing the information terrain, the events of 9/11 presented an opportunity to review the United States Government and Department of Defense's public diplomacy strategy from its infancy as the military prepared for Operation Enduring Freedom. In examining the first hundred days of this operation, the initial criticism is harsh as the administration stumbled into a different type of war engaging a non-nation-state and with little or no preparation time. As the campaign continued, handling public diplomacy gradually became a priority. Along with convincing our coalition partners that this was not a war against Islam, staffs throughout the United States Government knew that continued public support for a protracted war against terrorism would be needed, especially as the military began to suffer casualties. Now, months into Operation Enduring Freedom, public support in the United States remains high as a result of a refined effort and better understanding of public diplomacy, and the United States Government can focus on maintaining the information superiority it won back from Usama Bin Laden and the Taliban.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Defense or Diplomacy? Geographic Combatant Commands
Concerns over issues such as the militarization of foreign policy and current fiscal realities in the United States could lead to decreased relevance, downsizing, and/or dissolution of the Geographic Combatant Command unless the commands are able to redefine their contribution to Phase Zero contributions. In a globalized, increasingly complex security environment, there will be a corresponding increase in diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. Currently, the Department of Defense shoulders the lion's share of the load for 'Phase Zero operations, ' those operations designed to assure or solidify relationships with US friends and allies. This mission clearly overlaps with the responsibilities of the Department of State. Recent congressionally mandated studies cite this imbalance and recommend changes that could affect the future of the Geographic Combatant Command.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Understanding and Assessing Risk of Intrastate Conflict
Understanding human development is perhaps more relevant today than at any other moment in history. Although the United States is very good at using destructive power against its adversaries, preventing conflict and reaching a desirable end state often eludes it. A better understanding of human behavior in general, and human development specifically, may help it do both. If capability and will together are given as the ultimate, necessary and sufficient cause of violent conflict, then understanding human motivation and behavior is essential. Human behavior is the outcome of individual motivation and interaction with other people, institutions, and the environment. The conditions that these elements constitute significantly affect the ability of individuals to live, grow, develop and live the life that the individual values. Human development is a sustainable increase in individual capability to meet one's needs when conditions do not permit this; individual frustration may lead to violent behavior. This paper explores the lack of human development as the cause of intrastate conflict. The research includes an analysis of human needs and the means to satisfy them at the individual and national levels.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Autocratization in Contemporary Uganda
Autocratization in Contemporary Uganda analyses two interrelated outcomes: autocratisation, manifest in the deepening of personalist rule or Musevenism, and the regime resilience that has made Museveni one of Africa's current-longest surviving rulers. How has this feat been possible, and what has been the trajectory of Museveni's increasingly autocratic rule? Surveying that trajectory since 1986, the book takes as its primary focus the years since 2005; bringing to the fore the 'autocratic turn', placing it within a broader comparative lens, and enriching it with comparative references to cases outside of Uganda. While positing the notion of 'autocratic adaptability' as a defining hallmark of Museveni's rule, the book examines the factors and forces that have made that adaptability possible, analysing the dynamics around three keys themes: institutions, resources, and coalitions. Through empirical research, each chapter seeks to demonstrate how either one or two of these three variables have functioned in propelling autocratization and assuring regime resilience - producing theoretical and and comparative implications that reach beyond Uganda.
Unraveling Emotions in Environmental Movements and Green Politics
This book offers an interesting synthesis of Social Movements Studies and International Relations (IR) focusing on emotions. The holistic scope and the different conceptualizations of emotions in environmental movements will bring a new perspective that expands the existing approaches of Social Movements Studies and IR. Although the existing literature on emotions in social movements offers rich insights, the detailed analytical framework of emotions in environmental movements is overlooked. In particular, the realm of emotions and their intricate interaction with environmental activism remains overlooked in the context of Green Politics. By building on significant studies in emotions in IR, this book aims to transcend the boundaries of state-centric discussions to create a platform for the manifestation of social movements.
Spoils of War in the Arab East
Post-conflict scenarios are often proposed for Arab countries that have witnessed significant changes and civil wars. Yet the plans for reconciliation, transitional justice, and the return of the displaced often overlook the real conditions that make these recommendations impossible. This book provides a critical analysis of current post-conflict frameworks for Syria and Iraq. Drawing on empirical research, the book shows that reconciliation and reconstruction scenarios need to be considered alongside the realities on the ground. It argues that Iraq and Syria exist in a condition of 'conflict transformation' rather than of 'conflict termination', because the extreme changes that accompanied these countries into war continue long after the conflicts end. Furthermore, the chapters highlight why experts should not seek solutions in culturalist terms and ancestral enmities, or rely on the wartime status quo. Rather, they should look to the specific military, political, economic and socio-cultural conditions that require different solutions. A critical analysis of existing post-conflict frameworks, their applicability and their potential outcomes in Iraq and Syria, the book is a vital contribution to post-conflict studies. It highlights the need for new approaches to reconstruction and peacebuilding in Arab countries and points to how they should be found.
The Horn Engaging the Gulf
This book discusses theoretical perspectives of analyzing the relations between the states and non-state actors in the Horn of Africa and their counterparts in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Crucially, these relations are examined primarily from the perspective of the diplomatic, economic, and strategic agency of the African states and societal actors. Here, domestic political dynamics and local power play a significant role. Aleksi Yl繹nen provides a historically informed investigation of recent relations that involve the Gulf States and T羹rkiye's resurgent interest in the Horn Africa. The analysis focuses on the post-Arab Spring period following the Iran nuclear deal and the war in Yemen. Featuring case studies from Ethiopia, Somalia, and Eritrea which highlight engagements of the Horn state and societal actors primarily with the Gulf States and T羹rkiye, the study provides an empirical analysis of the interactions and connections between the two regions.
Contemporary Islamic Political Thought in Egypt
This book takes a hermeneutic approach toward reading the writings of Jamal al-Banna and Tariq al-Bishri across several decades in order to explore contemporary Islamic political thought under authoritarianism. Ebtisam Aly Hussein uses the framework of 'meta-languages', in relation to the writings of these two particular Islamic intellectuals, to examine how authority over the public sphere is established, in both religious and political terms. Chapters outline the major themes of Islamic political thought in the writings of al-Banna and al-Bishri - mainly the state in Islam, Shari'a application, political violence as jihad, and identity politics - and how in their writings they have interacted with a variety of autocratic practices under Nasir, Sadat and Mubarak. The book puts forward a unique study of the role of politics and religion in establishing authority over the public sphere, and how this authority is manifested in the intellectual output of these two Islamic intellectuals.
Literature and Political Change
This is a print on demand publication. A study of the Nyugat movement in the late Austro-Hungarian Empire, one of the organizers of which was the father of author Mario D. Fenyo. The objective purpose of this study is twofold. First, it is an attempt to formulate a methodology, a theory of the political function of literature. Second, it is a case study. Contents: The Historical Context; The Literary Context; The Financial Context; The Political Attitudes of the Nyugat Writers; Numbers and Literature; The Nyugat and the Intellectuals; The Nyugat and the Working Class; The Nyugat versus the Establishment; and The Mirror or the Hammer. Illustrations.
Later Roman Colonate and Freedom
The aim of the research in this study is not to create a new theory of the origin of the colonate, but to show the circumstances surrounding it & to discover to what measure these contributed to reducing free tenants to a position where they did not dare to leave the land they tilled -- land which did not belong to them. What is at issue here, is the freedom of common people who worked another's land in order to survive. Contents: Tax & Freedom; Tax & Social Mobility; Debts & Freedom; Coloni Iuris Alieni: Indebted & Enslaved; Adscripticii: Capita without Iugera; Barbarians on Roman Territory; Inquilini: People without Domicile; Conclusion; Appendix; Select Bibliography; & indices.
Presidential Visions of Transitional Justice
Throughout its history, the growing influence and significance of the United States on the world stage coincided with its legacy of human rights violations. However, with each momentous societal shift America encountered- its independence from Great Britain, the Civil War, two World Wars, and the fall of the Soviet communist bloc- Presidents have taken the opportunity to address the atrocities of America's past. Presidential Visions of Transitional Justice: An American Legacy of Responsibility and Reconciliation provides a wide-ranging look at how American Presidents not only influence foreign policy but leverage their power and influence to to address the challenges of political violence and transition globally. Professor Ruti G. Teitel uses examples throughout American history to demonstrate how executives have acted as visionaries in their approach to transitional justice from George Washington to Barack Obama. In exploring how Presidents advanced peace-making efforts in the past, this book shows how executives of the future might do the same. Professor Teitel is a leading authority on transitional justice, establishing it as a scholarly field of inquiry. At a time when America's global leadership is subject to significant critical challenge, this latest volume illuminates the importance of transitional justice in foreign policy.
Sustainability
This extract, the second chapter of a CSL's recently published book Sustainability and National Security, examines the concept of sustainability and its value as an explanatory variable in national security issues. The authors argue that sustainability is a valuable 'lens' which can help.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Environmental Security
The objective of this paper is to determine how environmental degradation impacts U.S. National Security by researching the evolution of the concept of environmental security. Research was pursued via Internet and AU Library sources. Significant articles, papers, and books on population impacts, environmental degradation, violent conflict, and environmental security were reviewed and analyzed from 1960 till 1998. In the first chapter, I analyzed the research material investigating the causes and effects of environmental degradation in the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on the impact of population growth. This early material debated the potential, deadly environmental effects, swift decline in living conditions, and violent conflict for scarce renewable and nonrenewable resources that the impending "population bomb" would cause. Chapter Two looks at the growing debate during the 1970s and 1980s on the effects of environmental degradation on ecosystems, and the possible ramifications on international security. The first appearance of the concept of environmental security was seen during this phase. The third chapter deals with the connection between degradation of renewable resources, violent conflict, and environmental security. Finally, the last chapter introduces my conclusions, and gives suggestions for intervention by the U.S., our allies, and the United Nations into environmental security threats in the 21st century.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Ogaden Insurrection
Will Ethiopia become the next Somalia? The African continent consists of many fragile regions considered vulnerable to Islamist extremism due to an array of social, political, and economic factors combined with a substantial Muslim population. Somalia is a prime example of a failed state plagued by vulnerabilities that were successfully exploited by radical Islamist extremists. Somalia's fate contributed to growing concern that Ethiopia's current state of affairs, combined with an ongoing insurrection led by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), might provide an opening for Islamist extremism in that country. The application of analysis methodology from a recognized expert in counterinsurgency reveals that Ethiopia is not likely to suffer Somalia's fate. In David Galula's book, Counterinsurgency Warfare, he provides a framework consisting of four prerequisites for analyzing the likelihood of an insurgent victory: a cause, weakness of the counterinsurgent, geographic conditions, and outside support. According to Galula's methodology, the cause and the weakness of the counterinsurgent are absolute must haves, and these two prerequisites are substantially weak areas for the ONLF. Therefore, the strength of the Ethiopian regime, the weakness of the insurgency, and the incompatibility of Islamist extremism with Somali clan life in the Ogaden are among the strongest indicators that Islamist extremism is unlikely to gain significant influence in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Impacts of F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter Exports to the Middle East
In recent decades, stealth technology has provided the US with an unprecedented advantage in military conflict. F-117 stealth fielders, which proved practically invisible to Iraqi air defenses in Desert Storm, sparked a revolution in aircraft design. The US has committed billions of dollars toward this technology by demanding stealth to be a fundamental capability of current and future aircraft designs including the B-2 Stealth bomber, the F-22 Raptor and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF). The US will likely never again purchase a non-stealthy aircraft.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
INSS China Strategic Perspectives 5
The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University's (NDU's) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Chinese Ambition
The Concept of this paper is to identify, analyze, and evaluate China's strategic ambition and national interests, and to generally understand China's regional position in Asia with specific regard to South Asia. China's place in world affairs has been a hot topic of the world's political scientist, statesmen, politicians, and military leaders. China's future, its growth, and its position as a world power are of great interest to China's neighbor states, the developed world, and especially the United States. The birth of Chinese leadership and of Chinese nation building was begun during the Spring and Autumn period (770 BC) and has grown with patience and revolution into the Communist era of today. China's national strategy and use of their instruments of power (IOP) in the past and present can be used to determine how China will implement their IOP's in the future. China's national and International relations agenda, issues, and interest reflect an aggressive and forceful state policy of engagement with most of the world while containing perceived US hegemony. The Chinese have opposed hegemonic activity in Asia by opposing the influence of the Soviet Union in South and Southeast Asia, and as well opposed the growth in strength of a regional challenger in India. The Chinese have supported Pakistan for the past 30 years as a testimony to how determined and patience the Chinese are in attaining their national objectives. China has launched a campaign of modernization, peace and stability through sovereignty and security. China is in the process of rebuilding its armed forces and its economy through slow growth and transformation, and at the same time China has claimed territories lost during the Qing Dynasty as well as territories that encompass the East and South China Sea's. China, in its opposition to perceived US hegemonism, has begun an asymmetric assault on US interest around the world and in the US.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Eritrean and Ethiopian Conflict and the Impact on United States National Security Interests in the Horn of Africa
The Eritrean and Ethiopian Conflict and the Impact on United States National Security Interests in the Horn of Africa Have you ever wondered why the United States is so interested in resolving other countries' conflicts? Simply put, it affects our way of life. Conflict leads to chaos in the following ways: a democratic government is challenged to maintain its legitimacy, human rights are ignored leading to civil unrest to include refugees, and terrorists groups exploit conflict to recruit jihadists. This paper talks about this chaos and what impact it has on the region and to the United States. The Ethiopian and Eritrean conflict is already creating havoc in both countries and has spread to neighboring countries as well. This conflict can directly impact the United States' national security interests in the region. The United States is undoubtedly concerned with the democratic governance of all countries.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Functions and Structure of Nuclear Deterrence in the Post-Cold War World
The change reshaping the Soviet Union and other former members of the Communist bloc has also altered the strategic equation for the United States. Given that nuclear weapons and the intense superpower rivalry of 40 years of cold war have helped foster a certain air of predictability in international affairs, the present flux in the international system has created a number of possible security scenarios. The author explores these possibilities as they relate to the strategic future of the Soviet Union, the possible evolution of a new European system of collective security, and the challenges of regional conflict in a multipolar world. Of primary concern is the question of the continued validity of traditional concepts of deterrence in a system characterized by the profusion of advanced military capabilities, which no longer possesses many of the stabilizing strategic counterweights of the cold war.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Separating Belligerent Populations
Ethnic and sectarian conflict is a prevalent form of conflict today. Most of the conflicts on-going today and in occurring the past twenty years have been internal wars between rival groups with ethnic or sectarian identities. Though its causes vary, the brutal nature of its conduct and its far-reaching consequences make it a threat that the international community cannot ignore. As result, the international community has debated the extent to which it should intervene, if ever, in such conflicts. By its actions, the international community has demonstrated its willingness to intervene, often with military force, to mitigate ethnic conflicts. The past twenty years has seen a series of military interventions that have varied in purpose from humanitarian assistance to nation building. Although many of the military interventions have been only marginally effective at best, there is every reason to believe that the international community will continue to intervene to mitigate future conflicts. United States'; military doctrine and tactics, techniques and procedures (TTP) does not specifically address ethnic and sectarian conflict like it has recently done with insurgencies. Its peace operations and subordinate peace enforcement operations doctrine and TTP form the basis for thinking about how to approach military interventions amid ethnic and sectarian conflict. Two relevant peace enforcement operations to consider are separating belligerents and establishing protected areas. Those two peace enforcement tasks are based on an underlying assumption of separation of populations in ethnic conflict. Amid such conflict, the rival populations separate as people flee or are forcibly expelled from their homes. Intervention occurring in such conditions can apply variations of the two peace enforcement operations to maintain the separation of the rival populations and thereby lessen the conflict. The approach an intervention force pursues is largely dependent on the degree and gThis work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Elephant in the Room
This paper will assess key challenges associated with implementing the goals of President Obama's 2010 NSS with respect to America's relationship with India. It will argue that understanding and respecting the legacy of colonialism, and the Nehruvian fundamentals of India's foreign policy are paramount to the ultimate success of US and Indian bilateral and multilateral national security arrangements. Given its colonial history, and how that history is reflected in its approach to foreign policy, India will likely be resistant to entering alliances in which it perceives itself as an American satellite or as being subjugated to a great power. Moreover, the Nehruvian principle of non-aggression may make India a reluctant ally in US counter-terrorism operations and geopolitics. In order to build a successful cooperative relationship with India, the US will have to consider how to engage with India not only on the basis of what the US and India share in common, but also on the basis of how they differ. To that end, this paper examines three different issue areas through the lens of India's unique characteristics: India's major geopolitical relationships in the region, its perspective on counterterrorism, and its nuclear strategy.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
The Erosion of US Nuclear Deterrence Credibility in the 21st Century
The US maintains nuclear weapons to 'deter, dissuade, and defeat' a range of immediate and potential conventional, nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons threats. No other weapon matches its physical and psychological power. While their emphasis in the US national security strategy has diminished since the end of the Cold War, nuclear weapons continue to serve as the ultimate deterrent. Looking forward, shifts in the strategic landscape are calling into question the value of nuclear weapons. Technology continues to advance exponentially, multiplying the number of threats and creating new domains such as cyberspace. When combined with political and social changes driven by globalization, the international relations system has become more complex by shifting the power balance between states; empowering small groups and individuals; and giving rise to new conceptions of conflict such as hybrid warfare.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Respecting the Threat
This paper examines how Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez threatens U.S. interests in Venezuela and the Latin American region. It proposes the U.S. policy toward Venezuela must be changed in order to contain Chavez's current influence and power as well as deter Chavez's ability to threaten U.S. interests in three key areas: democracy, economics and regional security/stability. With regard to the threat to democracy, the paper addresses Chavez's efforts to dismantle checks and balances on the executive while strengthening executive power in the country. In looking at the economic threat, the paper examines Chavez's actions that could affect U.S. access to oil as well as his efforts to attack U.S. trade policies. In the final threat area, the paper examines how Chavez threatens regional stability/security due to his interventionist tactics, lackluster narcoterrorism efforts, military procurement and strategic alliances. The paper also addresses how other regional actors perceive the threat, how the balance of power and influence in the region drives the urgency of the threat and what are the most likely threat courses of action. Finally the paper proposes three policy recommendations for the U.S. to implement in order to more effectively address the Chavez threat. These include taking a pragmatic approach toward specific bilateral relations with Venezuela, working multilaterally with other regional actors and more effectively addressing social and economic inequalities in the region.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Theater Nuclear Forces and Extended Deterrence in a Multipolar World
The role played by nonstrategic nuclear forces in the cold war logic of extended deterrence is changing dramatically, as the US and Soviet Union retreat from the quasi-confrontational military postures of the past 40 years. What do present changes in the global security picture portend for this class of weapons? The author evaluates possibilities using a matrix of considerations: trends in the international system: strategic ways, means, and perceptions: intrinsic capabilities of new generations of nuclear weapons: and operative views of extended nuclear deterrence. One conclusion is that, owing to the desirability of having a graduated means of deterring conflict and controlling escalation, theater nuclear weapons may remain important elements of US military capability in the global environment of the future.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Theater Ballistic Missile Defense
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the ballistic missiles used to employ them pose the greatest security challenge to the U.S. and her allies. In the past, active defense measures taken to combat the ballistic missile threat were concentrated on launch platform destruction or use of ground-based ballistic missile defense assets. In an era of declining overseas bases, limited strategic lift capability, and the Army and Air Force operating in an expeditionary role, naval forces will usually be the first units to respond to a crisis. Therefore, sea-based ballistic missile defense is a necessity. This paper provides an overview of the Navy's theater ballistic missile defense program. Specifially, it addresses the relationship between ballistic missiles and developing nations. It provides some background on the Joint Ballistic Missile Defense framework and the active defense programs being developed to support that framework. Most of the paper discusses the advantages of sea-based ballistic missile defense along with the Navy's two solutions to the ballistic missile threat, Navy Area Defense and Navy Theater-Wide Defense.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
